Gregory Meeks

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Gottheimer), my friend and the sponsor of this important resolution.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I don't know about the gentleman, but I encourage him to read the resolution again because the words ``imminent threat'' to the United States of America are not in there. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Massachusetts (Ms. Clark), who is also the Democratic whip.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 75. I thank Mr. Gottheimer for this resolution. We are here for a third time--a third time--because congressional inaction has cost Americans paying a lot and suffering a lot. Most Americans oppose this war. Now, this is not my opinion. It is a fact. It is not unpatriotic to say so. It is honest, which is what Americans want and what Americans deserve from their government. The opposition to this war has just continued to grow. As we stand here today, CBS News found 60 percent of Americans oppose the war. RMG Research, a Republican-leaning firm, has the most recent survey on RealClear Politics. It finds the war is opposed by 59 percent of Americans with only roughly one-third in support. A recent PBS News poll shows that 81 percent of Americans are feeling the strain of increased gas prices on their families. My colleagues across the aisle are defending a war that their own voters really oppose. They can and will, I am sure, deflect, but you cannot escape the facts. The American people are tired of costly misadventures in the Middle East, and they are right to be tired. They are tired of wars. They thought this President said he would not get them into a war, but, as he wanted to change the Defense Department, he basically said he was going to get into wars because they want to call it the Department of War. Let's look at the full cost of this war, not cherry-picked facts that some prefer. The Israelis did strike and kill Supreme Leader Khamenei. We still have a Supreme Leader Khamenei. This new Supreme Leader is 30 years younger and widely considered more extreme, less practical, and more hostile to the United States than his father. We removed a devil we knew and replaced him with one that we don't. It is a fact that U.S. strikes against Iran have depleted Iran's stock of missiles and drones. The New York Times reported just yesterday that Iran has regained access to most of its missile sites, and there is evidence Iran has restored operational access to 30 of the 33 missile sites it maintains along the Strait of Hormuz. Iran still has a significant drone capacity. Shahed drone manufacturing is low cost, quick to produce, and easier to conceal than missile production. Here is what my colleagues do not want to talk about. Per public reporting--this is in the public sphere--we have used 20 percent of our long-range joint air-to-surface missiles and 30 percent of our Tomahawks. We have expended 45 percent of our Precision Strike Missiles, half of our THAAD interceptors, and 50 percent of our Patriot missile interceptors. These are incredible military capabilities. We are burning through them at an unsustainable rate in a theater that is not our most urgent strategic priority. Our allies are seeing yearslong delays on the purchases of U.S. arms into the 2030s, undermining their own strategic posture. My colleagues on the other side who profess to be China hawks should be sounding the alarm right now about the impacts of this war on our Indo-Pacific readiness. Before the first strike, there was no serious diplomatic off-ramp used. This was and this is a war of choice. It was from the start, and it is now. The American people are paying the price. This war has also demonstrated to Iran the effectiveness of weaponizing the Strait of Hormuz. Oil prices have skyrocketed. Americans are paying more to take their kids to school and to drive to work. It seems as though, unless you are Secretary Duffy, family vacations are out of reach because of skyrocketing fuel prices. Rising fertilizer and gasoline costs are making it more difficult to put food on the table. Just recently, President Trump, when asked by a reporter--I believe it was yesterday--if he is considering America's financial situation when it comes to making a deal to end his war of choice, what was his response? Was he considerate? What did he say? ``Not even a little bit.'' He went on to say: ``I don't think about Americans' financial situation.'' Maybe he is telling the truth, I guess, but the American people need to know that he doesn't think about it. He says: ``I don't think about anybody.'' I think that sentiment couldn't be clearer. We still don't have the exact figures on the cost of this war. The Trump administration's latest estimate is $29 billion, which is an enormous figure for an unnecessary and failing war and is far below other reasonable estimates, which suggest the war costs more than a billion dollars a day. Of course, the highest costs to our country have been to the more than 400 soldiers who have been wounded in the conflict and the 14 who have made the ultimate sacrifice. We honor them. The best way to honor them is to end a war that was never in America's national interests. The record speaks for itself. Most Americans--yes, most Americans, and that is Democrats, Republicans, liberals, conservatives, and Independents--oppose this war. Iranian leadership remains a deadly and motivated enemy. They have weaponized the Strait of Hormuz against the world. Our stock of crucial weapon systems has been depleted to shocking levels. This war is reaching right into the wallets of hardworking Americans every single day, every single hour, and every single minute that it continues. This debate, for me, isn't about politics. This debate isn't about theatrics. This debate is about reality. The reality is that this war of choice was never in America's national interests. To my colleagues who believe the administration's claims that Iran posed an imminent threat, a claim that, actually, they have never been able to support with any evidence, the War Powers Act is clear. We are well past 60 days now into this war. Without congressional approval and without an Authorization for Use of Military Force, the administration must begin to draw down forces to end hostilities. That is not something that I am saying; that is what the law says. Nothing in the statute says anything about a cease-fire, which is what they are trying to come up with. Even if we were in one, U.S. strikes on Iranian targets continue, as does the U.S. blockade itself, an act of war. Let's not pretend that renaming the operation weeks later makes this a new conflict. The American people are smarter than that. They can see through that. It is clear that the administration is concerned about the legality of this war, and it should be. This is a war of choice. Congress must make clear to the Trump administration that it cannot continue, not without an AUMF passed by this Congress. We are representatives of the people. We have a responsibility, and the President has a responsibility, and at this moment his responsibility is to come back to Congress, not SCOTUS, not to make up some reason not to come to get an AUMF or this War Powers Act. I am going to urge the Republican majority not to join Democrats to support the Gottheimer resolution--and I know that is what it is--but really to join the American people. Join the American people. I gave you the numbers. Join them to send a message that this time of which we are in is the time to end the war and for us to return to a more sane and sustainable path. Join the American people to secure our interests in the Middle East, yes, and to ensure Americans are safe and prosperous in the process. Join the American people. They want the executive branch to come to the people. It is clear this is the time. This is the third time that we have been here. We may have to come back, I know, again and again, and there have been all kinds of things to prevent folks from having the vote, but join the American people. It is time. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Representative Gillen's bill to extend temporary protective status for Haitians until 2029. In fact, to me, it is outrageous that it actually took Representative Pressley's bipartisan discharge petition to force this consequential vote. It seems to me that the administration and the Speaker should have acted, but they failed to. Today, we have a chance to make this right. I thank my Republican colleagues who signed the motion to discharge and worked in a bipartisan way to make this happen because the American people recognize that our Haitian neighbors, whether they are from Miami, whether they are from Boston, whether they are in Westchester, New York, or whether they are in Queens, New York, are not strangers, but they are integral parts of our communities, our churches, and our families. The American people recognize that the conditions in Haiti don't just meet, but they surpass the threshold for TPS. We are talking about one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world, where armed gangs control 90 percent of the capital, a public health system that is nearing collapse, a justice system which is almost nonexistent, and 1.4 million people who are internally displaced by fleeing from violence and hunger. You don't have to take my word for it. Look at the United States Department of State's own travel advisory issued under this administration. It says plainly to not travel to Haiti due to kidnapping, crime, terrorist activity, civil unrest, and limited healthcare. We must do everything in our power to prevent further harm during this humanitarian crisis, and we can start today. We can start by passing this bill. When I think about this country being established, it was people from other parts of the world--in the beginning, especially from Europe--who were trying to find a place to come to in order to get away from dangerous conditions. That is the reason that the words at the base of the Statue of Liberty read: ``Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free.'' It is because America is the strongest when we stand for humanity here at home.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. A quote from Abraham Lincoln: ``Kings had always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally, if not always, that the good of the people was the object.'' Donald Trump thinks he is a king. As I said, I support the troops, but I don't trust the President of the United States just by his saying that he knows what he is doing. Let's see what he has actually done. March 3, Trump says the Navy will escort tankers, no matter what, and guarantee the free flow of energy to the world. March 9, he says he is thinking about taking over the Strait of Hormuz. March 15, he says it is someone else's problem, questions whether the U.S. should even be there, and notes we have a lot of oil, seemingly not understanding that the price of oil is based on global prices. March 21, he threatens to bomb Iran's power plants within 48 hours if they don't open the strait. March 26, he announces a cease-fire and says Iran has agreed to open the strait. That same week, CENTCOM announces it is sending ships to clear mines from the strait that Iran supposedly agreed to open. This past Sunday, April 12, he says the Navy is going to blockade the blockade and interdict ships in the strait. The man says something one day and then something else. We had some signs up earlier of what this man has said. We had young people in here, and some of the words he used on Easter Sunday. He is supposed to be the leader of the free world, and then he puts out a picture of himself and tells you who he thinks he is. He thinks he is Jesus. He thinks he can do whatever he wants to do because he is Donald Trump. He thinks that his word is what governs. This is a constitutional democracy, and people died to create this Congress, to make sure that this Congress is a separate but equal branch of government, and that this Congress, if you are a patriot, would stand up in oversight of a President. Yes, that is what the people of the United States will do, and the people of the United States do not want to continue this war with this individual who says he is a king.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from California.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, let me just say, I support 100 percent our troops, but I strongly disagree with anyone who would say to trust, just simply trust, the President of the United States. That is not patriotism. That is not why we are here. That is why we have separate but equal branches of government. Otherwise, it is just: Trust the king. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the Speaker emerita.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries), the minority leader and the next Speaker of the House of Representatives.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Beyer).

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Magaziner).

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of my War Powers Resolution, and I do so today because the Constitution of the United States actually demands it, and so does the conscience of the House of Representatives. In my view, Donald Trump--and I think that in most of the world's view--has dragged the American people into a war of choice--fact-- launched without congressional authorization. The President did not discuss or work with any of our allies. There was no coherent strategy. This was an open-ended and undefined military engagement, and that is exactly what the War Powers Resolution was designed to restrain. However, we are here today to talk about the authority of Congress, whether you agree with the war or not. It is the authority that lies within Congress. On February 28, the President launched an attack while negotiations between Iran and the United States were actively going on. Diplomacy was going on. Iran's foreign minister had stated just days before that a historic agreement was within reach. There was a path forward that did not require a single American servicemember to be put in harm's way. Instead of pursuing diplomacy, the President started this war, costing the American people billions of dollars, losing 13 American lives, and so many other men, women, and children who were not a party and who were civilians. The President abandoned the diplomatic path, not because diplomacy failed, but because it was never truly given a chance. As a result of the administration's decisions, the new Iranian regime is more hard- line. The Strait of Hormuz, which was previously open, is now closed. The cost of gas for the American people has skyrocketed, and this fragile cease-fire is one threatening civilization tweet away from failing. What has this war accomplished? The administration and Donald Trump himself may be declaring victory, but let's look at the contradictory objectives of this administration which were used to justify the war. First, it was that Iran posed an imminent threat, but no imminent threat was ever demonstrated. Then it was about nuclear weapons, but the administration itself had declared the nuclear program obliterated. Then it was about ballistic missiles. So you see, Mr. Speaker, the goalposts keep moving because there was never a clear objective in the beginning. Meanwhile, as I have stated, the costs keep going up. American servicemembers have been killed, and thousands of civilians, including hundreds of children, have been killed since the beginning of this war. These are not just statistics. These are human beings, and we have a moral duty to acknowledge that reality. Then there is the impact on gas pumps and grocery stores. This war has disrupted global travel and trade, halted flights in and out of the Middle East, and led to major shipping reroutes. Leading energy analysts warn it could be a long time before prices go down even after the war ends and that we are looking at elevated energy costs well into the end of 2026. The 2-week cease-fire is set to expire on April 22, and thus far, neither side has indicated what comes next beyond continued blockage of the Strait of Hormuz. We are standing at the edge of a cliff, and Congress must act before the President pushes us off. Every day we delay, we inch closer to a conflict with no exit ramp. This resolution does not leave America defenseless. It preserves the President's authority to defend the United States and our allies from imminent attack. Actually, it says, plainly and constitutionally, that one person does not have the power to take this Nation to war alone. Just yesterday, we heard more American troops were being sent to the Middle East. The Constitution ultimately, again, no matter whether you agree with the war or do not agree with the war, Mr. Speaker, the Constitution grants the Congress, not the President, the power to declare war. Don't take my word for it, Mr. Speaker. Even Donald Trump acknowledged this saying: As a war, you are supposed to get approval from Congress. This is not a skirmish. This is not a military operation. This is a war. Now, we are not the Iranian Parliament, and we should not be rubberstamps. We are the Article I branch of government, and we serve as a check and balance on Presidential overreach. This duty is not optional. Today, this body has a choice. We can assert our constitutional authority and demand a return to the only path that leads to lasting security, diplomacy, negotiation, verification, and deterrence. Or we can surrender that authority and let this war grind on without accountability, without strategy, and without an end in sight. It is oversight, especially on this committee. We should be having witnesses before us so that we can understand and talk and move and ultimately have a vote on this floor to determine whether or not we are going to authorize a war. I, for example, believe in diplomacy. I also believe in the Constitution, and I choose to defend the principle that war is a last resort and not a first option. Others may disagree with me, but we should still have a vote here on the House floor. The American people are watching. The camera of history is recording. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, whether or not they agree with the war or not, let's do our duty and our responsibility. If they want to vote to declare a war, then vote that way. If they believe, as I do, we should have diplomacy and we should not be at war now, then vote that way. We are all Members of the House of Representatives. Let's protect this institution. Let's vote ``yes'' on this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, you know, the gentleman is from Florida, so he knows oranges. I am from New York, the Big Apple. I know apples. The gentleman's argument, clearly, he doesn't know apples from oranges. Let me just say this: I never challenged the gentleman's patriotism to this country. He better never challenge my patriotism to this country. To think that he has a privilege to do that? No. There is no one that has more patriotism. I have family members who lost their lives for this country. I am here because of my patriotism to this country. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Massachusetts (Ms. Clark), the esteemed Democratic whip.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, it is our job to determine when our troops should go, and that is what this is about. We all support our troops, but it is our determination in Congress when we should send them, not a king. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Castro), the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs' Western Hemisphere Subcommittee.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Himes), the ranking member of the Intelligence Committee.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Jacobs), the ranking member of the House Foreign Affairs Africa Subcommittee.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal), an esteemed member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Ocasio-Cortez).

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Omar).

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New Mexico (Ms. Stansbury).

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Clyburn and Brother Fields for the opportunity, and I thank the young man here who has Jesse Jackson's DNA in him, the Honorable Jonathan Jackson. Mr. Speaker, I stand here today as a Member of the United States House of Representatives. I am only here because of a man by the name of Jesse Jackson, Jr., who in 1984 was running for President. I had recently gotten out of law school, and I had not really been involved in a whole lot of politics at that time. However, there was a campaign. He came into New York, and he met with a group of people there. I happened to be there. He wanted young people involved in his campaign, and I was given the opportunity to get involved in his campaign and bring him to a little place in New York called Far Rockaway, New York, where people who had never voted before came out to see him. Particularly young people were inspired and were getting informed on the communities in which they lived to make a difference and making themselves feel proud. I will never forget at that rally there were a lot of young people. He used his ``I am somebody, you are somebody.'' He said: You are somebody. He was talking to some young folks, and he said: ``Up with hope, down with dope,'' because you are somebody. He then talked about unity. He said: Black, Brown, Red, Yellow, or White, we are all precious in God's sight. If your mind can conceive it, you can achieve it. I looked at the young people who were in that audience, and he had them all standing up. Some of them in Far Rockaway had never been to Manhattan in New York, just some 12 miles away, you could see the New York skyline. He inspired these young people, and for days thereafter, they were telling everybody: ``I am somebody.'' This is a man that knew how to bring out the best in everyone and bring us all together, teaching us how to make this land a better place, making the sacrifices to make America America. Jesse Louis Jackson was a man that when we look at American history, what the cameras of history have recorded, and how so many people then turned out in the city of New York, for example, because David Norman Dinkins would have never been the mayor, the first Black mayor in the city of New York if it wasn't for 1984 and 1988 and the spirit of Jesse Jackson. I close by just saying this: I thank God for the opportunity to have lived in the life and times and have Jesse Jackson then come and endorse my first candidacy for the United States House of Representatives. He was one of the very first when there was no one else because he never forgot me working with him in 1984. I thank the Lord for this opportunity to speak and give tribute to one of the greatest men that this planet has ever seen.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, today, and every day since his passing, we mourn the loss of a true public servant, an NYPD officer, a major in the United States Army National Guard, Sorffly Davius, an American hero who dedicated his life to serving people at home and abroad. Before moving to Rockland, he was a Queens native, served New York City with honor as a member of the NYPD while also answering the call to serve our Nation overseas with the Army National Guard. He was a devoted husband, a father, a man whose life reflected extraordinary commitment to his family and his country. His sacrifice reminds us of the quiet strength of those who serve not for themselves but out of duty and love for the American people. As we grieve his profound loss, we stand with his family, his fellow servicemembers in uniform, and all those who were touched by his life. May we take this moment of silence not only to honor his legacy but to dedicate ourselves to the values he lived by: service, integrity, and unwavering commitment to the United States of America. May God bless his soul.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, let me begin by saying something that should not be controversial at all in this House. In fact, it has been the position of this House throughout. The Iranian regime is a malign, nefarious, and deadly actor. It has appointed terrorist groups on militias across the Middle East, slaughtered its own people, quashed dissent, and threatened Americans and our interests for decades. Members of both sides of the aisle know this. Congress has said it many times before. In fact, during my years in Congress, this body has passed dozens of resolutions and laws recognizing Iran as the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism. There is no dispute there. This is not a dispute. Let us be honest about what this resolution is. It is not new policy. It is not new information. It does nothing to protect a single American, servicemember, or ally. I think it is about politics. Maybe it is a stunt because of what Members are going to debate right after this. I don't think this accomplishes what Chairman Mast or the Republicans think it does, because in no way does this have any effect on the War Powers Resolution debate later today. People can agree--and we all do--and we all know that Iran is bad. People also should agree that the President should come to Congress if he wants to make the case for war. These two truths are not incompatible. For decades, Republicans and Democrats have worked together to counter Iran's dangerous behavior. Congress has imposed layer after layer of sanctions, disrupted terrorist financing networks, strengthened regional partnerships, and worked with our allies to constrain Iran's nuclear program. Unfortunately, President Donald Trump has often upended or ignored bipartisan work: for example, when he pardoned the founder of Binance, an enabler of the Iran regime that allowed his company to be used to fund Iran's terror proxies. Past efforts were designed to contain and deter Iran's threats while protecting Americans' interests in avoiding a broader regional war. Today, Americans find ourselves in a very different situation. At President Trump's own behest, the United States is now engaged in direct military conflict with Iran, a conflict that was initiated without congressional authorization and without a clear explanation to the American people for what the endgame is. To be clear: No one in this Chamber doubts the danger posed by the Iranian regime. Recognizing that threat does not mean abandoning our Constitution. It does not mean Congress should surrender its responsibility to debate and authorize war. It certainly does not mean we should walk blindly into a conflict with a deadly serious adversary without our own serious or clear strategy for what comes next. The stakes here are not symbolic. They aren't talking points. American servicemembers are in harm's way. The Middle East is on the brink of a wider conflict. The consequences of a war with Iran could shape the region--and American security--for decades. Instead of debating yet another resolution stating something that we all already know, this body should be asking some real questions: What are the objectives of this war? What is the strategy for preventing regional escalation? What is the plan for the day after? What will this cost the American people? The American people deserve those answers, and Congress deserves a vote. Our constituents are waiting to hear. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.