Gregory Meeks

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Let me say this: The United States has values. What is taking place and what took place in Israel and is taking place in Gaza right now is why we are fighting so hard to make sure that we have a supplemental that includes humanitarian aid. We know that there are people in Gaza, Palestinians, who are not part of Hamas. Everyone wants to make sure, as we are doing in this pause, that humanitarian aid is getting to them. It shows the best of who we are as Americans. It is also so in Iran. Every Iranian is not part of the regime. In fact, the regime is cruel and does not provide humanitarian aid to many of its citizens. We don't want to be like the regime. We want to show our humanity. Yes, when human beings are suffering, we want to make sure that we get in humanitarian aid so that we can take care of them. That is what is happening right now. That is why we are having the pause in the Middle East, in Gaza. Doing the hostage exchange, bringing people home, is what we should be doing. What we are also doing is bringing in humanitarian aid to those individuals who Hamas would never aid. So people around the world will respect and know who we are, we should never give up on our values. The money that we are talking about is not going to be used or getting into the hands of the Iranian regime. We are talking about trying to show that we have care and humanity for those who are the victims of the regime. Humanitarian aid. That is who we should be. We should be proud of the fact that we want to try to take care of those who are a part, unfortunately, of dictators and authoritarian regimes who will not take care of their people. That is not who we are. If, in the future, through the constraints that we have and the approval that needs to take place we can help somebody that has been victimized, I think that is the right thing to do. To say that we don't care is the wrong thing to do. I just wonder if we would invite those five families of those who have now returned home, what would we say to them? We wish your folks would have stayed in the prison because the President should not have made this deal because of humanitarian aid? What would we say to them? What can we say to them now? They are listening to us. We should renege on the deal and let their loved ones stay in prison? Thank God President Biden understands being a humanitarian, bringing our folks home, and at the same time having a hard line against Iran and Hamas and its affiliates. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chair, one question that I think remains unanswered to my colleagues on the other side: Are you willing to go and tell the family members of those five hostages that are now home that they should still be in that prison? Are you willing to tell them that we should not have worked out a deal with the $6 billion frozen for humanitarian concern and that we should renege on the deal and they should go back to prison? The one thing that is missing is that we got these hostages home, and that can't be held over our heads by Iran anymore. I don't hear an answer to that. What do you say to those families? We have talked to families who have loved ones that are hostages. What do you say to them? You should still be there? We should not have made the deal? Is that what you are saying? I think that what I am hearing is that this deal should not have been made and those American hostages should still be sitting in that Iranian prison? I ask my colleagues on the other side: What do you say to those five families? Do we renege on the deal? Do you tell them they should not be home, so we should not have made the deal? We have hostages before us all the time. What do you say to them? I know what I am going to say to them. I am glad their family members are home and I am glad Joe Biden made the deal to get them home. He is not threatening and not using any U.S. dollars. There is no threat from Iran in regard to that $6 billion to be utilized for any aggression on their part. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, let me just say this. First, the debate on the House floor today is a rare moment where the House Foreign Affairs Committee is debating legislation under a rule, rather than under suspension. For those who don't know what that means, it signifies that this bill is not bipartisan. That is in contrast to the great majority of legislation that comes out of the Foreign Affairs Committee. This is the first primary Foreign Affairs bill this year that we are debating under a rule this Congress. In the previous two Congresses, under the Democratic leadership, we debated a total of one bill under a rule. One thing I will say, as I have talked throughout this debate, one thing that is a fact is that Mr. McCaul is my friend. We always try to reach an agreement on all bills. There is no question about that. I am not questioning that at all. We are frequently, as we did yesterday, very successful. We had a completely bipartisan markup, including on a potentially game-changing bill that would codify an outbound investment regime to protect our economy and our national security. I would say that that is the way I do believe this committee is ran, and we work very closely together. On this bill is one of those times where I do fundamentally disagree with the arguments put forward by the majority. I submitted an amendment that would have added a national security waiver to the legislation. Such a waiver is a very restrictive standard. The President can only waive the sanctions if it was vital to the national security of the United States. He could not waive the sanctions for trivial reasons, nor even for an important economic reason. He could only waive the sanctions to protect our national security. Of course, that amendment was not made in order. Every major sanctions bill over the last 20 years has had basic exemptions and waivers, like the amendment I offered to this bill. This history includes numerous Republican sanctions, bills targeting Iran. By moving a bill today without those very basic guardrails, we are undermining bipartisan practices that have been held for decades. We are also forfeiting leverage to promote American interests and undercutting our credibility around the world. As such, I oppose this legislation. It is the wrong time for this legislation. It is improper. It will hurt down the road. We need to look and have a vision for down the road because, for me, what we do is not just about today. It is about--I have three granddaughters, and I say this everywhere--it is about 5, 2, and 6 months, so it is about what takes place and what opportunities might be available 60 years from now. As we look back at prior history, things that were done by prior Congresses had an effect 50 and 60 years later. People that are our allies now, 60 years ago were our enemy. Time changes things. People who were our enemies 60 years ago are now our allies. Let's think forward. Let's vote this bill down--at least we should have the waivers in there. I must oppose this legislation, and I encourage all of my colleagues to do the same. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I strongly support this amendment. The United States must stand for humanitarian aid and must stand for helping the people of Iran, even while we condemn the Iranian governing regime. The regime's medieval views on women's rights and religious freedom and their depraved agenda of financing terrorists around the region are separate from the people of Iran. This amendment simply separates the government from the people, and I encourage all of my colleagues to vote for this very good and humanitarian amendment.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to this amendment.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, this amendment is counterproductive. The House has voted in a bipartisan manner to support general licenses to Iran to allow open internet access to the protesters against the regime of Iran. That could violate this vaguely drafted amendment. In the recent past, the United States has spent very small sums of money to promote civil society and democratic ideals in Iran, and that could violate this amendment. This amendment, I believe, with all due respect, is carelessly drafted and unvetted. Therefore, I must oppose it. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to this amendment.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, this amendment targets Qatar, the most important partner of the United States in freeing Americans and Israelis held hostage by Hamas. Passage of this amendment and, in my opinion, this overall bill would jeopardize sensitive, ongoing diplomacy related to the hostage crisis in Gaza and further endanger Americans and Israelis in harm's way. Israel's National Security Adviser publicly praised Qatar's role as crucial to ongoing efforts to facilitate humanitarian solutions. Furthermore, it was reported in late October that Qatar's Emir told Secretary of State Blinken that his government was open to reconsidering the presence of Hamas in Qatar once the hostage crisis is resolved. I agree that Hamas' continued presence in Qatar and Turkiye is problematic. These terrorist leaders are living a life of luxury while their people suffer in Gaza. They should be held accountable, but this is not the way to go about it. Let's free our hostages. Then, we can talk and work with Qatar to hold Hamas' leadership in Doha accountable. This amendment is simply grandstanding and not the best way to deal with this issue, and certainly, it is being offered at the worst possible time. Diplomacy is very important. If we challenge or damage these diplomatic channels, it further endangers Americans. We can't pass this legislation. We should not pass this legislation. I ask my colleagues to please join me in voting ``no'' on this amendment. We shouldn't even need the bill. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gooden).

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I am prepared to close, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I will just simply say, very briefly, when you hear from Israel, its leaders, Israel's national security advisor publicly praising Qatar's role as crucial, and when I visited Israel and talked to the head of their defense, talked to Prime Minister Netanyahu, all said that Qatar was crucial to this negotiation. Let's not do this. It is the wrong time. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I rise to claim the time in opposition.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, this amendment is needless and simply not rooted in fact. The sponsor bases his claims for this amendment on the assertion that the administration has not condemned Houthi militants for their violent actions and continued destabilizing behavior. This simply is not accurate. The Biden administration has repeatedly called out the violence of Houthi militants that they have perpetuated against civilians, including recent missile launches toward Israel, as well as our Gulf partners. In fact, as recently as this past Tuesday, November 28, the State Department called out the violence of Iranian proxies across the region as well, and especially called on the Houthis to immediately cease attacks. The United States led other G-7 nations in this public effort, which follows other similar statements. These statements include the State Department's condemnation of Houthi militants seizing the cargo ship Galaxy Leader on November 20. Spokesperson Matt Miller called such actions flagrant violations of international law and demanded the immediate release of the ship and its crew. The administration made similar statements earlier this year and last, calling out Houthi abuses against Yemeni civilians, missile launches against Gulf partners, and more. I, along with many of my colleagues, have and will continue to call out abuses, escalatory actions, and violence throughout the region, just as the administration has. This amendment is an unnecessary and ill-conceived attempt to misrepresent the facts, so I must oppose it, and I encourage all of my colleagues to do so as well. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, let me just say this. Joe Biden has been one of the staunchest Israel supporters of any President of the United States. You are going to take the word of the Ayatollah over the word of the President of the United States? The President of the United States has said not a penny will get to the Ayatollah, but yet you want to take the side or believe in that brutal authoritarian dictator. I think that the American people know better than that. I think that the American people understand better than that. I think that the American people can look at the facts and see what side Joe Biden is on, as he talks on a regular basis with the leadership of Israel, almost every day since October 7. I wouldn't trust or believe anything that the Ayatollah says, but I do believe in Joe Biden. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition to this amendment.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, this amendment would be counterproductive to America's interest. No President, whether he be Democratic or Republican, has used this waiver for anything but the most pressing reasons. Rescinding this waiver would likely prevent the administration from waiving sanctions that allow Iraq to pay for electricity imports from Iran. Without this waiver, Iraq likely will be unable to import electricity from Iran, leading to electricity outages and instability across Iraq. We have seen what instability in Iraq looks like over the past decade: the decay of central governance, the rise of ISIS, and a growing terrorist ideology that struck America and Europe in numerous deadly attacks. America has many interests in the Middle East, and this waiver is important for ensuring that this administration or any future administration has the flexibility it needs to promote American interests. It is important for the Presidents, this one and those in the future, to have that flexibility. Thereby, I oppose my good friend from Texas' amendment. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I rise in strong support of the Jackson amendment. The world in 2023 does not look like the world in 2018. Russia has invaded Ukraine. Hamas has attacked Israel. The Burmese partial democracy has collapsed in a coup. On the positive side of the ledger, NATO is more united than divided. The AUKUS pact has fortified our relationship with our closest allies. Japan and Korea are cooperating with each other like never before. In 2018, most of us were unfamiliar with the term ``coronavirus.'' In 2023, many of us are trying to forget it. The point here is that the world can change dramatically in just 5 years. Congress does itself a disservice when we lock into policies without oversight or a chance to reconsider. Mr. Jackson's amendment would fix that flaw in the bill, and I strongly support his amendment.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to say to my Republican colleagues: Stop the xenophobic rhetoric about asylum seekers and draft some meaningful policy that addresses the migrant crisis in New York and across this country. Deception and extremism are what my colleagues across the aisle are spewing. In this so-called piece of legislation, they claim that Federal land will be hurt. The Floyd Bennett Field lease does not put any of our public lands in harm's way. In fact, this same field was used 11 years ago during Superstorm Sandy as a disaster relief center for New Yorkers displaced by the hurricane. Republicans had zero opposition to that. Those who are voicing their feigned concern for our public lands are the same people who have repeatedly pushed policies to defund and degrade our public lands. In this Congress alone, Republicans are trying to slash the National Park Service's budget by nearly half a billion dollars. These are not ideas of a party that has actual concerns about our public lands and parks. Instead, this is an example of extremists trying to push policies that vilify migrants rather than provide sensible solutions to a real crisis. Democrats, on the other hand, are working every day to put people over politics. The Biden administration, for example, granted temporary protected status to one-half million Venezuelans so they can financially support their families and join the American workforce as they await their asylum court dates. Now those are real results in putting people over politics. Democrats are ready to work on legislation that addresses the migrant crisis in a humanitarian manner, but we need Republicans to stop wasting time with their terrible and extreme bills and join us in getting back to work.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to oppose this measure. First, let the record be clear: There is no question that we all support Israel. The fact of the matter is, Chairman McCaul and I worked very hard together to make sure that there was one voice on the very first vote once the Speaker was selected to say that we all support Israel, bringing us together. There are some decisive votes that we take as Members of Congress that will stick with us, and one of those votes is this one, H.R. 6126. Congress has a proud bipartisan tradition of acting rapidly to pass emergency funding for critical national security needs. This legislation breaks that long and important tradition. Once we set the precedent of conditioning assistance to partners and allies in essential fights with poison pills, it is hard to go back. We can't unring that bell. We have stood in a bipartisan way to prevent conditioning aid to Israel. Yet, here we are, considering a bill today that does exactly that. Disappointingly, this bill doesn't include the $9.15 billion the administration had requested to address global humanitarian needs, including Gaza, undermining our values and the Biden administration's careful diplomacy and bipartisan support for Israel. We are a nation that aims to use its powerful good in this world. That has been our guiding principle drawn from the lessons learned when we look away. Mr. Speaker, we cannot afford to look the other way as Ukraine faces a vital moment and critical munitions shortfalls. We can't afford to look the other way as countries in the Indo-Pacific are looking to the United States for leadership as we engage in strategic competition with China. Are we prepared to signal to the world that we are looking away? Mr. Speaker, let's reject this bill, which trades our long-term national security for a fleeting political advantage. Let's get back to work.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this extraordinarily important resolution written with my friend and colleague, Chairman McCaul. Mr. Speaker, 18 days ago, the State of Israel suffered the greatest mass murder perpetrated against the Jewish people since the Holocaust, when Hamas terrorists invaded Israel by land, sea, and air. Behaving just like ISIS, Hamas terrorists murdered and beheaded soldiers and civilians alike. Babies were shot and burned in their cribs and reduced to smoldering piles of ash--babies. Children were murdered. Teenagers were murdered. Men and women were murdered. Elderly people, including Holocaust survivors, were murdered. Hamas has also taken 200 of those who survived into Gaza as hostages, including unaccompanied children, Holocaust survivors, and many American citizens. Mr. Speaker, Hamas' attack was truly unprecedented. When you consider the size of Israel's population, proportionately it would be like 30,000 people dying in New York on 9/11. Just let that sink in a little. We must all acknowledge that Hamas is a cutthroat terrorist organization that exists solely to destroy Israel. Hamas' terrorism does not help the Palestinians. In this moment, it is critical for Israel to know that the United States of America stands firmly by its side in this battle against Hamas. Mr. Speaker, what I am about to say next is also very important. There are innocent Palestinians in both Gaza and the West Bank who seek normal and free lives and want nothing to do with Hamas or other terrorist organizations. We cannot lose sight of this. We must keep them--many of whom are also children--and their safety and well-being in mind. In the immediate term, we must find a way to ensure the safety of those innocents who are in Gaza's war zone, and I support the Biden administration's efforts toward that goal. The United Nations estimates that thousands of Palestinians have been killed since the terrorist attacks on October 7. We don't know for certain how many of those killed were civilians, but here is what we do know: We know that Hamas terrorists used Palestinians as human shields. We know that every single one of them would be alive today if Hamas had not launched its terrorist attack. We must be aware and do all that we can to stop this war from expanding beyond its current scope. The administration and our allies are working around the clock to send messages and warnings to Iran and Hezbollah to stay out. President Biden underscored this message during his recent travel to Israel. Do not test America's will. This Congress will have Israel's back as it degrades and eliminates Hamas' terrorist infrastructure. We know that it won't take a day. It will be difficult. For too long, too many have been willing to contribute to the delegitimization of the State of Israel. It is deeply concerning that even global leaders are already whitewashing one of the worst terrorist attacks in history while Hamas and its allies blanket cyberspace with misinformation about this war. Just yesterday, Turkish President Erdogan said: ``Hamas is not a terrorist organization, it is a group of mujahideen defending their lands.'' This from the mouth of a NATO ally who has his own concerns about terrorists as an existential threat to his country. President Erdogan's rhetoric is dead wrong. It is rank with hypocrisy, and its timing is extraordinarily dangerous. The resolution before us is a bright spot of bipartisanship today during a very difficult time in American politics. Mr. Speaker, 425 Members of this House of Representatives have cosponsored this resolution. There is no question in my mind that it will pass overwhelmingly, Democrats and Republicans alike. Most importantly, the American people believe in the Jewish state and believe in its survival. In the days, weeks, and months ahead, I know the United States will continue to stand steadfastly with Israel to assure its defense and its long-term security. We will also, as President Biden has outlined, remain committed to ensuring that civilians in Gaza have access to safe areas and continue to have access to food, water, medical care, and other assistance without diversions by Hamas. We must also stay keenly focused on working to get United States citizens and their immediate family members to exit Gaza safely. I conclude, Mr. Speaker, by raising an issue that the United States and Israel must address: What does a successful ground operation in Gaza look like, and how do we achieve the goal of leaving Gaza to a responsible Palestinian Government if Israel's effort to remove Hamas is successful? One thing is for certain--the path to peace will require more Arab States to recognize that Israel has the right to exist and that we hold firm and will make sure that we could thereby have a two-State solution. If you say Israel does not have the right to exist, you are saying that you do not want peace. I urge our Arab friends to join the Abraham Accords and acknowledge Israel's right to exist because that is the pathway to peace in the Middle East. To the people of Israel, I hope you learn of the passage of this resolution today and know that the United States Congress and the American people have your back. We mourn beside you and are working to provide the resources your government needs to defend you. We have deployed powerful military resources to the region to demonstrate just that support. We are working all of our diplomatic channels to assure your success, and we are in this together. We will not waver. We will not quit. We will stand with our ally Israel. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.