Gregory Meeks

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 256. Let me start off by thanking my very good friend and partner, Barbara Lee, the author of this bill. I am proud to stand with her in her unyielding quest to repeal the 2002 AUMF, and I congratulate her early on for working so hard for over 20 years to get this done. Nineteen years ago, as a junior Member of Congress, I faced one of the most consequential decisions of my career as an elected official with the United States Congress. The drumbeats of war were reverberating throughout Capitol Hill as the Bush administration prepared to invade Iraq. After carefully considering all the evidence before us, including unanswered questions about post-Saddam Iraq, I cast my vote against authorizing military force against the Hussein regime. But our vote this morning to repeal the 2002 AUMF is not about relitigating our past. Rather, repealing this outdated authorization is about planning strategically for our future. It is about Congress reclaiming its constitutional obligation to weigh in on matters of war and peace. On substance, the case for repealing the 2002 AUMF is unassailable. The 2002 AUMF would have no effect on any ongoing military operations in Iraq. The United States is not relying on the 2002 AUMF as the sole authority for any military operations. It has been used as an additional legal justification for strikes by Presidents from both parties but not as the sole authority for any strikes over the last decade. The Biden administration, in an unprecedented move, has announced support for the legislation we are moving today. Repeal is crucial because the executive branch has a history of stretching the 2002 AUMF's legal authority. It has already been used as justification for military actions against entities that had nothing to do with Saddam Hussein's Ba'athist dictatorship, simply because such entities were operating in Iraq. Given all of the countries active near Iraq today, including Turkey and Russia, the 2002 AUMF is vulnerable to being abused. I have heard from my friend, the ranking member, Mr. McCaul, as well as other Members opposed to this legislation who expressed two concerns: one on the process, about the need for further briefings and conversations, and another on substance, about Iran-backed groups in Iraq. On procedure, we should dispel ourselves of the fiction that this is a new issue. Congress has been debating what to do in a post-Saddam Iraq for 18 years, and our status of forces agreement expired in 2011. This has been a frontline issue for nearly two decades, and the House Foreign Affairs Committee moved this bill through regular order. Regarding the concern about Iran-backed groups, let me once again reiterate that the 2002 AUMF was about removing the Hussein regime in Iraq. It had absolutely nothing to do with Iran. A decade and a half before the 2002 AUMF was passed, Iran and Iraq were fighting each other in a vicious war that lasted almost a decade. If the President needs to strike these groups to defend our Nation, our diplomatic personnel, or our Armed Forces, he can do so under Article II of the Constitution. If any Armed Forces personnel on the ground need to defend themselves, they have the inherent right under unit self-defense principles. Today, Congress has a historic opportunity to repeal this outdated authorization and reassert its proper authority over the solemn matters of war and peace. I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), the chairwoman of the Committee on Financial Services.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I will just say really quickly: Before Soleimani, we had passed a bill on the AUMF in 2019, so it wasn't in response to President Trump. So this was attempted even before that. I now yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly), head of the United States delegation to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and a member of our Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), the sponsor of this bill.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 473, I call up the bill (H.R. 256) to repeal the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 256.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman an additional 10 seconds.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I now yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger), a member of our HFAC committee with strong foreign affairs credentials.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam speaker, I now yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Jacobs), the vice chair of the subcommittee on International Development, International Organizations, and Global Corporate Social Impact.

Mr. MEEKS. I want to remind the gentleman that the 2014 strike against ISIS, the primary AUMF, where it was utilized in the 2001 AUMF, continues and still is in existence. Also, when you talk about Soleimani, the primary utilization, still-President Trump talked about Article II. So those still are in existence to protect the American people and at the President's options. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Massachusetts (Ms. Clark), the assistant Speaker.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I just want to remind my friend that this 2002 AUMF has not been utilized as the sole reason or the sole authority in over 10 years. The 2001 AUMF is still in effect. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Brown), who is a colonel, retired, and we thank him for his service in our military.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairwoman Waters for her leadership on the Financial Services Committee. Today, I urge bipartisan support for H.R. 1187, including the passage of my amendment, the Improving Corporate Governance Through Diversity Act. As we continue these conversations about equity and closing the racial wealth gap, this amendment is a key component because it will empower investors with better data to drive diversity efforts in corporate America. This is precisely because investors recognize that profit, performance, and inclusive governance are logically intertwined. That is why my amendment, which I want to thank Representative Maloney and Representative Torres for working with me on, seeks to enhance the SEC's current diversity disclosure regime by requiring public companies to disclose race, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, and veteran status on the boards and in the C-suites.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, the American economy cannot reach its full potential without fully redressing persistent barriers that have kept whole communities from being able to build wealth and share in opportunities of prosperity.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1157) to provide for certain authorities of the Department of State, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 1157, as amended.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for closing purposes. Let me thank Ranking Member McCaul for his partnership in bringing this bipartisan bill to the floor. I join him in also recognizing former chair Eliot Engel and what they attempted to do in the previous Congress to make this happen. It would not have happened had we not had the work and the continuous cooperation of both of our staffs in putting this bill together, so I am thankful to them. When we talk about H.R. 1157, the Department of State Authorization Act of 2021, it is going to make the State Department better prepared to conduct diplomacy and meet the challenges that we have of the 21st century. Congress must make authorizing the Department of State a regular part of its legislative efforts. As the ranking member said, just as much as we pass bills for defense and NDAA, we must be sure that we are passing the State authorization bill. What happens and will happen by passing this bill, we can ensure that State has the tools that it needs so that it can be more effective, more resilient, and more reflective of the America it represents abroad. This should be, and I hope all of my colleagues join me and Ranking Member McCaul in supporting this bill in a unanimous way. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 1157, the Department of State Authorization Act of 2021, which I have introduced alongside my good friend and partner, the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mike McCaul. H.R. 1157 is a comprehensive, bipartisan measure that builds on the work of several prior Congresses to broadly authorize the management and operation of the Department of State. This sort of bill should be a regular part of our work. However, it has been nearly two decades since the State Department authorization bill was enacted into law. With every passing year, this represents another missed opportunity to ensure the Department of State and our Nation's diplomats have the comprehensive support they need to advance America's interests around the world. While we have made progress over the last couple of years, including in 2019, when the House passed an earlier version of this bill, we must finally seize the historic opportunity to do what we have failed to do in the past 10 Congresses. Diplomacy and development are critical tools for advancing the United States' foreign policy and national security objectives, for protecting human rights and the rule of law around the world, for deepening relationships with America's longstanding partners and allies, and for forging new relationships around the world. As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to threaten the globe, it has reminded us once again that diplomacy and development are central to solving global conflicts and emergencies, keeping us safe and healthy, and enabling our countries and our communities to thrive. But at the State Department, there are also several vexing management challenges that have gone unaddressed for too long, and the politicization, neglect, and slashing of resources we saw during the previous administration made it harder for our diplomats to do their jobs. We must not only build the State Department back, as President Biden says, we must build it back better. To be clear, diplomacy and development are not just about policy, but about the brave and dedicated public servants who work tirelessly to keep our country safe. Yet, while the Department of State represents the interests of the American people abroad, it has not looked like the America it serves. So, among the many important management-related provisions in H.R. 1157, I am particularly proud of those aimed at ensuring a more diverse, equitable, and inclusive workforce. This bill mandates disaggregated and transparent data collection and provides for vital tools to improve the ability of the State Department to recruit, promote, and retain personnel. It pushes for greater transparency and inclusivity in filling senior leadership roles and seeks to address the black box of assignment restrictions accompanying some State Department employees' security clearances that have negatively impacted Asian Americans and other people of color. It also ensures that the Department can pay its interns, exposing many more young Americans from across our great country to the important work that the Department does around the world and ensuring a strong and diverse pipeline of talent over the long term. By shoring up other institutional accountability and management safeguards, including to ensure cooperation with the inspector general's investigations, the bill will also help to prevent the politicized targeting and impunity that has caused so much harm to the members of the workforce and their morale. We can, and we must, move this bipartisan legislation forward and get Congress back on track to doing right by our great diplomats, our development professionals, and the American people we all serve. I urge my colleagues to support this measure so that we can move it one step closer to the President's desk. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 1392, as amended.

Mr. MEEKS. I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 1392, the Protection of Saudi Dissidents Act of 2021, an important bill introduced by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly). Though Saudi Arabia has taken steps to reform, its progress has been marred by the Saudi Government's brutality against dissidents and most notably the detention and abuse of numerous peaceful protesters and the brutal killing of Washington Post journalist and U.S. resident, Jamal Khashoggi. The Biden administration's release of the DNI report was a good step toward accountability for the killing of Jamal Khashoggi, but further steps need to be taken. This bill imposes reasonable limits on U.S. weapons transfers to Saudi intelligence agencies shown to be involved in the killing of Jamal Khashoggi and political repression until such repression and abuse of dissidents comes to an end. In conclusion, let me be clear, nothing in this legislation would deny the Saudi Government the ability to defend its territory against attacks from external threats or inhibit its ability to defend the United States military, diplomatic personnel, or facilities in the kingdom. It is important that the United States stands clear on these matters, speaking loudly in defense of human rights and taking action when they are grossly violated. I ask the support of all my colleagues to vote for this bill. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. House of Representatives, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC, April 16, 2021. Hon. Adam B. Schiff, House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, House of Representatives, Washington, DC. Dear Chairman Schiff: I am writing to you concerning H.R. 1392, Protection of Saudi Dissidents Act of 2021. I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this legislation. I acknowledge that provisions of the bill fall within the jurisdiction of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence under House Rule X, and that your Committee will forgo action on H.R. 1392 to expedite floor consideration. I further acknowledge that the inaction of your Committee with respect to the bill does not waive any future jurisdictional claim over the matters contained in the bill that fall within your jurisdiction. I will also support the appointment of House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence conferees during any House-Senate conference convened on this legislation. Lastly, I will ensure that our exchange of letters is included in the Congressional Record during floor consideration of the bill. Thank you again for your cooperation regarding the legislation. I look forward to continuing to work with you as the measure moves through the legislative process. Sincerely, Gregory W. Meeks, Chair.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res. 124. This resolution, introduced by the chair of the Subcommittee on Europe, Energy, the Environment and Cyber, Mr. Keating, my good friend, is an excellent measure that solidifies this body's already strong bipartisan support for the people of Belarus. I also thank the ranking member for his work. After Alyaksandr Lukashenka stole the August 9, 2020, elections, the Belarusian people, led by thousands of women dressed in white and fearless opposition leaders, including Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, peacefully took to the streets in historic numbers to demand the right to chart their own democratic future, a future free of Lukashenka's dictatorial grip. Tragically, but unsurprisingly, these peaceful protestors were met with the same brutal, violent tactics that have defined Lukashenka's nearly three-decades-long rule. In his desperate attempt to cling to power, thousands were beaten, injured, and illegally detained without due process by security forces. Meanwhile, critical access to the internet, international broadcasting, and other forms of communication and expression were cut off to suppress the dissent, control the flow of information, and prevent the opposition from organizing any further. But the resolve of the Belarusian people, the brave, peaceful protestors, the opposition in exile, and the vibrant Belarusian diaspora has not wavered. The resolve of the United States, our allies, and this body must not waver either. With the passing of this resolution, the House shines a spotlight on the illegitimacy of the Lukashenka regime and his abhorrent human rights violations. We must continue to build on the work of the Belarus Democracy, Human Rights, and Sovereignty Act of 2020, an effort led by another distinguished member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and, as indicated by Ranking Member McCaul, a longtime champion for human rights in Belarus, Mr. Smith of New Jersey. We thank him for his work. By passing this good, bipartisan resolution, the House will strengthen its longstanding commitment and record on democracy and human rights. We will continue to demonstrate that we stand in solidarity with the freedom-loving Belarusians, who continue to struggle for their fundamental democratic and human rights every day. We do this hand in hand with our allies and partners across the Atlantic. Madam Speaker, I stand today not only to support this measure, but in support of democracy and the sanctity of the democratic process and solidarity with the people of Belarus. This is a very important resolution. I support it and I urge all of my colleagues to do the same. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 124.

Mr. MEEKS. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 124) supporting the people of Belarus and their democratic aspirations and condemning the election rigging and subsequent violent crackdowns on peaceful protesters by the illegitimate Lukashenka regime, as amended.