Gregory Meeks

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts for yielding. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Representative Moulton's Iran War Powers Resolution. We are 7 months into a war of choice that President Trump said would only last 4 to 6 weeks. American families have paid over $100 billion more for gasoline and diesel, roughly $800 more per household, while gas averages more than $4 a gallon and diesel is near $6. This resolution closely follows my resolution, H. Con. Res. 86, which passed both the House and the Senate. That resolution made clear what the Constitution makes clear: Congress, not the President, has the power to decide when the United States goes to war. This Congress has not authorized a war with Iran, and yet this administration has kept our troops in harm's way, without a declaration of war, without an authorization from Congress, and without any plan for how to win or end the war. Congress has already acted. H. Con. Res. 86 passed both Chambers, directing the President to remove U.S. Forces from hostilities with Iran, and in July, the House again passed H. Con. Res. 89 with the same message, a simple message: End this war. It is important that we do so again. I have also introduced a binding resolution demanding Speaker Johnson take legal action to defend congressional authority. When Congress' constitutional authority is challenged, this institution has an obligation to defend its own prerogatives. The administration hasn't just continued to wage this illegal war in direct violation of the Constitution, it has done so while Americans bear the costs: 19 fallen servicemembers and more than 750 servicemembers wounded, extended troop deployments, and billions of dollars in additional spending. The President's mismanagement of this war has hurt America's ability to prepare for future threats. I ask this body a simple question: Are Americans better off now than before this war started? Are we safer? Are we more secure? Has this war produced any of the results the administration promised the American people? The administration has yet to demonstrate that 7 months of war have produced a lasting strategic resolution to the threats posed by Iran. The Strait of Hormuz remains a source of enormous risk to global energy markets, and Iran's nuclear and missile capabilities, despite what the administration claims, clearly remain. One only needs to ask our Gulf partners who continue to bear the brunt of Iran's missile and drone attacks. This war has been a strategic failure. What is left are depleted weapons stockpiles and a tab of more than $100 billion that taxpayers will have to cover, while families continue to pay more for gas, groceries, and electricity. Let me be clear: This should not be a partisan question. It is a constitutional one. It is a vote about whether Congress still believes that the power to decide when this Nation goes to war belongs to the Congress, as the Constitution provides. Our servicemembers deserve clear objectives. Their families deserve accountability, and the American people deserve a Congress willing to exercise its constitutional authority. Let me remind this body that the House Foreign Affairs Committee has still not held a single public hearing with an administration official on this war, the committee charged with matters of war and peace, zero hearings. Our constituents did not send us here to be a rubber stamp for any administration. We cannot bomb our way out of this war. We need dialogue and diplomacy with our allies and adversaries alike. We need real diplomats at the table, not real estate developers who are in over their heads. We, this body, need to hold this administration accountable. I ask my colleagues to uphold the oath that we all took. Join us and make clear, once again, that this President cannot wage war without our consent. The American people have made it abundantly clear they do not want and they do not support this war. We should stand with them and not Donald Trump.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker. I rise today to honor the life, service, and enduring legacy of Staff Sergeant Angel Sarah Rampersad, a proud daughter of Carol and Basdeo Rampersad, whose extraordinary courage, selfless sacrifice, and unwavering commitment to our nation will never be forgotten. Staff Sergeant Rampersad embodied the profound ideals of our country and the resilient spirit that defines our community of Queens. Born in Trinidad and Tobago, Angel immigrated to the United States with her mother and sister at just two and a half years old, embracing the belief in the institutions and opportunities this nation offered while never losing sight of the values of family, faith, and service. She began her education at Narissa's Daycare before attending P.S. 108 in the heart of Queens M.S. 202 in Ozone Park, and later Forest Hills High School, where she graduated in 2015. She continued her education at John Jay College, where she obtained a degree in Criminal Justice, and discovered that her greatest calling was one of service. Determined to protect the nation that had become her home, she enlisted in the United States Army in 2019 and quickly distinguished herself through exceptional leadership, discipline, and commitment to duty, rising to the rank of Sergeant in just three years. Throughout her military career, Staff Sergeant Rampersad served with honor across the globe. She was stationed in Hawaii before serving in Germany as a Signal Operations Support Specialist, where she supported critical communications missions and assignments throughout Europe. Most recently, she answered the call of duty once again and deployed to Jordan where she made the ultimate sacrifice in defense of our nation. Her devotion to duty reflected not only her love for her country, but also served as a reflection of her family's values that she cherished dear to her heart. Whether it was serving her community, supporting her fellow soldiers, or encouraging those around her, Angel led with humility, kindness, and grace. She will long be remembered by those who knew her dearly as an eternal symbol of strength, unwavering compassion, and infectious bundle of joy that left a mark on every life she encountered. Staff Sergeant Angel Sarah Rampersad's legacy is one of courage that embodies the heart and soul of Queens. Her life is a testament to the promise of America and to the countless men and women who bravely answer the call of duty to serve with honor and conviction. I honor not only a decorated soldier, but also a beloved daughter, wife, sister, friend, and Queens Borough hero. May we forever remember Staff Sergeant Angel Sarah Rampersad for her extraordinary service, cherish the example she set for future generations, and remain forever grateful for the sacrifices she made on behalf of our Nation.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, I say to my colleagues that it has been 144 days of a senseless and a pointless war. The President says he is there to prevent Iran from having a nuclear weapon. In his first term, the President ripped up the JCPOA, as the gentlewoman from Washington has indicated. I was in Congress at that time when the JCPOA was implemented. The United States was not by itself. It was a well-thought-out, diplomatic document that was produced that was clear. It wasn't something that was done by individuals who heretofore only was involved in real estate. It was done with diplomats around the world and even some of our adversaries in Russia and China, the P5+1. I traveled several times to Geneva to have dialogue and conversation with the head of the IAEA, and I, along with some other colleagues, was told that at that particular time, for the first time, they had their eyes on Iran and its nuclear capabilities. They had cameras watching everything. All of the individuals said that Iran was, at the closest, a year to a year and a half, and could not progress because of what we were doing in a collective manner to prevent them from having a nuclear weapon. The IAEA was there until when? The President ripped it up. That is when the cameras and the watching of what was taking place there and the agreement that had been made through a diplomatic channel ended, and Iran pushed us out. That is when we no longer could see what was taking place. Diplomacy was preventing Iran from having a nuclear weapon without the Strait of Hormuz being closed, without the death of the men and women of our military, without the cost of rising prices of food because fertilizer couldn't get through the strait, or the cost of gas. We had allies with us. Are we better off now when we are doing all of this basically by ourselves? Because everyone advised this President of the United States not to do it. Mr. Speaker, with 18 lives of servicemembers, too many Iranian civilians, including more than 100 schoolgirls, and injured countless more, tens of billions of taxpayer dollars spent, and the administration still refuses to give us a full accounting of where that money went. Now, even as they refuse to explain the cost, guess what? They are asking for billions more for a war that they never asked the United States Congress to authorize, a war that the people of the United States of America never asked for. As indicated by the gentlewoman from Washington, 70 percent of Americans are against this war. But you know what, Mr. Speaker, the House and the Senate have spoken. They have already voted in a bipartisan way to end this war. Today, let's vote again, and I believe we will get an even greater margin in this House. Let's not give this President another blank check to wage an illegal war. This is not what the Constitution demands of us. This is not what our constituents expect of us. They expect us to do our jobs. They expect us to abide by the Constitution of the United States of America. They expect us to stand up and tell this President that this illegal war must come to an end once and for all. Vote ``yes'' on this War Powers Resolution, and let the American people know that we will not be altered from doing our job. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Moulton), a cosponsor of this resolution.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, the hardest part of this job for me for all the time that I have been in Congress, all the bills that we have to vote on-- when I put my hand up and swore that I would abide by and protect the Constitution of the United States of America, that Constitution also says that Congress determines when we send our women and men into war. I have had to vote on that several times previously in this Congress. It is a responsibility that is tough, to make that determination of when our men and women are sent to war. Presidents, based upon that Constitution, should come to this body and make their case, and then we have the awesome responsibility of making the determination of whether or not they should or should not. Those have been the toughest votes for me to have and for me to make as a Member of the United States Congress. Unfortunately, in this instance, we didn't have a voice. My heart goes out to the 18 members of the United States armed services who lost their lives. To them, their families, they are patriots, just as Mr. Mast doing his service and Mr. Crow and Mr. Moulton. I thank them for their service because if this Congress says, Go to war, they put their lives on the line. I wish I had the opportunity to talk to all 18 families who lost loved ones in this war. Unfortunately, I can't do all 18. One of the three that lost their life over the last weekend, Sergeant Angel Rampersad, is from my district, my constituent, in Ozone Park, New York, who was killed on July 17 in Jordan. I am going to visit that family when I get back to New York on Friday. My office has already reached out to them. I am going to have a flag flown on top of the Capitol. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Representative Jayapal's Iran War Powers Resolution because I believe that the President needs to come to us so that we can make that decision and take on that responsibility, as the Constitution says. Let me be clear: This body has already spoken. The War Powers Resolution passed with bipartisan support in the House and in the Senate. The Trump administration was required to end its hostilities against Iran. It has not. A dual-Chamber concurrent resolution has never been struck down by the courts, certainly not in the war powers context. Any claim otherwise is simply wrong. I will also be introducing legislation that would require the Speaker to bring suit against the administration to force it to abide by Congress' vote on the War Powers Resolution. We are here today because the administration broke the law. Three more U.S. servicemembers have made the ultimate sacrifice for an illegal, unauthorized war that the American people don't want. This administration has never sought an Authorization for Use of Military Force from Congress, and most Republicans in this Chamber continue to enable it. As I have said before on this floor, this war has achieved none of our core objectives, and more bombings will not change the reality that is on the ground. With respect to Iran's nuclear program, its hard-line regime, its closure of the Strait of Hormuz, or any of its malign practices, none of that has changed. Addressing those threats requires diplomacy, not more war. Diplomacy must be led by seasoned diplomats and nonproliferation experts, not real estate developers. We need our European allies, our Gulf partners, and, yes, our adversaries back at the table because just bombing without strategy, Mr. Speaker, is not a foreign policy. It is a tantrum. It is a tantrum by a President who cannot clean up the mess that he has made. Let us make no mistake: The President's tantrum is why gas prices are back over $4 a gallon, and they will keep climbing now that the Houthis have threatened their own blockade of the Red Sea. That tantrum is why American troops are under fire. It is why our munitions stockpiles are being drained, and it is why we are teetering on the edge of the forever war we warned this would be. To my Republican colleagues, this war is indefensible. Deep down, many of them really know it. I say: Let's just simply uphold the oath that we took when we took this office, uphold the Constitution of the United States. Stand with us, and let's make clear once again that this President is not a king. He is not a dictator. He is the President of the United States. But there are two bodies called the House of Representatives and the Senate that are equal to the executive branch. He cannot go around this. It is in violation of the Constitution, and he cannot wage war without our consent. If Republicans still believe this war should continue, then I say, fine. Vote in support of this measure and demand the administration come to this Congress and demand that he tells us what his plan is, how it is going to end, and how much money it is going to cost the American people. Also he should follow the Constitution as the law requires. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Chair, I rise today in opposition to the fiscal year 2027 appropriations bill for the State Department and foreign operations. Last year, the Trump administration illegally dismantled USAID and fired over 1,300 State Department employees. It rescinded $13 billion for critical humanitarian and development programs, and now House Republicans want to approve legislation that amounts to a 20 percent cut from 2025 enacted levels, locking in those dangerous Trump cuts. It isn't penny-wise, and it certainly is pound-foolish. Case in point: When the administration cut funding for global health, it ended key disease outbreak surveillance and prevention programs. Now we have the second largest Ebola outbreak on record and are scrambling to protect U.S. livestock from the New World screwworm. Our Republican colleagues have also made in order many amendments that would further damage our national security interests. Prohibiting funding for the United Nations means abdicating U.S. leadership to competitors like China and Russia. Prohibiting funding for an ally like Jordan makes zero sense amidst the fallout of President Trump's war of choice with Iran and the devastating humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Cutting off funding for the National Endowment for Democracy, The Asia Foundation, East-West Center, Peace Corps, Millennium Challenge Corporation, Asian Development Fund, and African Development Bank Group further undercuts American leadership and democracy around the world. Sustained investment in our diplomatic and development institutions is essential if you want to prevent wars instead of paying for them. Mr. Chairman, this bill does not deliver, and I urge a ``no'' vote.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, while I have zero confidence this administration will be transparent with Congress, let me restate clearly that I have seen no information to indicate United States Armed Forces are engaged in combat hostilities on the ground in Lebanon. Nevertheless, this resolution is a timely and important assertion of Congress' constitutional authority, one that requires the administration to come to Congress before sending U.S. forces into another war. Conflict in Lebanon is not new. In 1975, Lebanon's Civil War began a conflict that would kill over 150,000 people in a country with a population of just several million. The United States sent troops to the country as part of a multinational force. On October 23, 1983, terrorists drove two truck bombs into our Marine Corps barracks in Beirut, killing 241 of our soldiers. It was the deadliest day for our Marines since World War II. President Reagan made the right call and pulled out our Marines within 4 months. We must not, Mr. Speaker, repeat the failures of the past, be they 40 years or 40 days ago. We must not allow this administration to undermine the fragile cease-fire now in place, drag our troops into another conflict, or hand Congress' warmaking authority to a President who has shown no interest in wielding it responsibly. Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution and encourage all of my colleagues to do so, as well. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 7 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Ms. Tlaib), the sponsor of this resolution.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from New Jersey (Mrs. Watson Coleman).

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 108. While I voted against a previous iteration of this resolution, I believe this updated version has corrected the flaws of H. Con. Res. 84. The updated text is an important legislative assertion of Congress' constitutional authority over matters of war and peace that will not infringe upon America's national security interests in Lebanon, while ensuring we stay out of another forever war that is not in our national interest. We consider this resolution in the wake of the recently announced trilateral framework between Lebanon, Israel, and the United States. I welcome this agreement, which represents a critical step away from continued escalation and violence. However, what comes next is most critical: Ensuring a ceasefire is indeed observed by all, fully disarming Hezbollah, and preserving Lebanese sovereignty and territorial integrity. Since the start of Trump's illegal war of choice with Iran, civilians in both Lebanon and Israel have suffered the consequences of continued strikes by both Hezbollah and the Israeli military. Now, I strongly condemn violence against civilians in all forms and support efforts by both the Israeli and Lebanese Governments to ensure the safety and security of their people. Every government has a right and a responsibility to protect its citizens, and Israel has a right to defend itself. However, this does not justify disproportionate airstrikes which have killed too many civilians, including medical workers and journalists, as well as destroyed civilian infrastructure throughout Lebanon. As I continue to condemn Hezbollah's drone and rocket fire into Israel, I note with deep concern the Israeli Defense Minister's public pronouncement to destroy all homes in southern Lebanon border villages and ``follow the Rafah and Beit Hanoun model in Gaza'' where the Israeli military systematically destroyed thousands of Palestinian homes and civilian infrastructure. These are not words of self-defense. They are the language of collective punishment, and that must be condemned. As we look to efforts to deescalate and move toward peace and stability for both Israelis and the Lebanese, I will state for the record that, to my knowledge, United States Forces are not currently engaged in any active hostilities in Lebanon with the Israeli military. Nonetheless, this resolution ensures that does not change without congressional authorization. We must not enter another illegal, reckless, and counterproductive war in the Middle East. While this resolution prohibits U.S. Forces from engaging in hostilities in Lebanon, it makes clear it shall not prevent or in any way limit the important mission that the United States Armed Forces are engaged in with Lebanon; that is, the longstanding training and support of the Lebanese Armed Forces, also known as the LAF, which are critical to Lebanon's stability and that of the region. In my many meetings with both Lebanese and Israeli leaders over the years, I deeply understand and appreciate the importance of supporting building up Lebanon's Armed Forces--a goal which successive administrations, both Republican and Democrat, have furthered. Protecting that mission, which has enjoyed bipartisan support across administrations, is precisely why this resolution is carefully drafted to preserve it. This resolution stands on the side of ending forever wars and ensuring U.S. forces are not drawn into hostilities in Lebanon. Any colleague who believes Congress must reassert its constitutional authority over matters of war and peace should stand with us today. Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution, and I urge all of my colleagues to do the same. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the remarkable achievements, leadership, and enduring impact of the Howard University (HU) Men's Basketball program. Led by Head Coach Kenneth Blakeney and his entire coaching staff, HU's historic 2025 to 2026 season brought immense pride to the University, the Washington, D.C. community, and Historically Black Colleges and Universities nationwide. During the 2025 to 2026 season, HU recorded the second-most regular season wins in program history and later won the Mid-Eastern Athletic Conference Championship (MEAC), securing another National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Tournament appearance and continuing the program's rise on the national stage. Most notably, the HU Bisons earned their first-ever NCAA Tournament victory, a milestone achievement that cemented this team's place in Howard University history and inspired countless students, alumni, and supporters across the Nation. The Howard University Men's Basketball program has shown that success is measured not only by historic victories and championships, but by the lives impacted along the way. Beyond their historic accomplishments on the hardwood this season, Coach Blakeney, his staff, and the student athletes have remained deeply committed to serving the Washington, D.C. community. Through mentorship initiatives, youth engagement, community outreach, and service efforts throughout the District, these young men have continuously demonstrated what it means to lead with purpose and represent their university with honor. As a proud Howard University Law alumnus, extending this honor will always hold a special meaning to me. I know firsthand the transformative impact that Howard University has on its students and the broader community. The legacy of this historic basketball program will shape lives, develop the next generation of leaders, and uplift communities for years to come.

Mr. MEEKS

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, the camera of history is rolling, and history will show where each Member stands at this time as Ukraine's war rages on. It will show who stood with Ukraine and with democracy and who stood with Vladimir Putin and his evil regime. Putin believes he can outlast American resolve. I don't believe he can. Today, we have the chance to prove him wrong. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues, Democrats and Republicans alike, to stand with the people of Ukraine and pass this bill. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett), the original cosponsor on this important measure.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Quigley), who is the co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus and who has traveled to that war zone over five times.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Himes), the ranking member of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), a woman of courage, who has traveled to Ukraine many times and stands for the Ukrainian people, the distinguished Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Kiley).

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzpatrick), the co-chair of the Ukraine Caucus.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bacon).

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur), the co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I remind the gentleman that I heard the President of the United States say that Ukraine should give up, basically, because they don't have the cards. He said to Vladimir Putin do what you will. These are words out of the President's office, not mine. Mr. Speaker, in reference to the bill raised by Chairman Hill, I want the public to know that I fully supported that bill. In fact, I voted for it in committee. I am on the Financial Services Committee also, and the fact that it hasn't hit the floor a year after it was marked up in committee tells you everything that you need to know about Republican leadership's willingness to put bills on the floor that hold Putin accountable. Because if they would put bills on the floor that would hold him accountable, we would not have had to discharge this bill. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Keating), the ranking member on the Europe Subcommittee and an original cosponsor of this important measure.