Zell Miller

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I rise in support of the committee-passed farm bill and to express my hope that we can complete action on it quickly. First, let me commend Chairman Harkin and the majority leader for their fine work in meeting the needs of the Senators from different regions of this great and diverse country. We all have unique needs. It is not easy to address all of them and to bring them together. I thank the chairman, again, for his efforts to do so. I think we have come up with a good farm bill, worthy of passage. This legislation provides a critical income safety net for American farmers. It includes an unprecedented $20 billion increase in conservation spending. It substantially increases allocations for nutrition, for rural development, and forestry programs. This bill meets the needs of our rural communities while remaining within the budget authority. I am also pleased that the chairman has included an energy title in the legislation that provides incentives for alternative fuel technologies. The energy debate over the past few days only solidifies the need for further advancements in alternative fuels. Let me take a moment to focus on a major reform that is in this bill, a major reform of the peanut program. In a place such as Washington, where talk of eliminating a program is as rare as spotting a whooping crane, we are now ready to eliminate the Depression-era peanut quota program from our Nation's $4 billion peanut industry. That is worth repeating. Some may think they heard me incorrectly. There is a provision in this bill to eliminate the old peanut quota system. For decades this system served the South well. For decades it provided economic security to some of our country's poorest areas and it guaranteed the domestic market a safe, high-quality source of peanuts. But all of that changed when NAFTA and GATT were passed. These agreements effectively ended the peanut program as we know it. Trade protections for peanuts were ratcheted down. Imports gradually increased and farmers' quotas were reduced. In the 1996 farm bill, Congress had decided to require farmers to cover peanut program losses, making it a no-net-cost to the Government. That sounded good politically, but it failed to make peanuts more competitive on the world market and it certainly did not quell imports. Peanut producers have faced up to this competitive reality. The vast majority are willing to finally give up a program that has served them well for more than 60 years. Yes, it is going to cost some money to compensate quota holders for their losses, but it would be unthinkable for the Government not to compensate farm families for their property. There has to be a bridge between the old system and the new system, and this bill gives us one. It makes that necessary transition and it does it in a fair way. At a time when we are searching for the best ways to stimulate our economy, this farm bill is the greatest stimulus we can provide to rural America. It will give that economy an instant boost. If we do not act, I can tell you what the scenario will be in Georgia and in other parts of this country. If we do not pass a farm bill now, local banks will make a fraction of their traditional farm loans. Farmers without financing will either get out of farming or declare bankruptcy. Who will suffer then? I will tell you who. Those farmers, those families in fragile rural areas where the economy is driven by the feedstore and the family restaurant and the local car dealership. With many textile plants and other industries leaving the rural South, these farmers have fewer and fewer places to turn. In rural Georgia, the challenge today is just to stay afloat. It is becoming tougher by the day. Our Nation's great prosperity over the past decade, unfortunately, has not always filtered down to these rural areas. We have failed to bring many of these communities along economically, and it shows. We have spent a lot of time looking out for Wall Street, and well we should. Now it is time we look out for Main Street. We need to help places such as Moultrie, GA, and Driver, AR, and Seagraves, TX. Our Nation is focused on the September 11 attacks, and rightly so. But let us not forget that agriculture has been mired in a 5-year disaster, devastated by bad weather and bad prices. Almost every year in this body we have had to provide supplemental appropriations. We need this new farm bill to stop the cycle. The time is now for a new farm bill. We must act before adjourning for the year. We cannot go home for Christmas with generous, bountiful gifts for certain segments of our economy but only ashes and switches for our farmers.

Mr. MILLER. Yes.

Mr. MILLER. I thank the Senator for his remarks. He is one who has studied this program closely in the past.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I am pleased to have joined with my colleagues to introduce a bipartisan farm bill--a farm bill that will secure American agriculture into the 21st century. For the past 4 years, our farmers have experienced an agricultural crisis unlike anything seen since the Great Depression. As they say where I come from, it's been ``hell on a holiday.'' It has been particularly cruel because until the recent recession came along, our suffering farmers had watched the rest of our economy thrive with tremendous growth and prosperity. The way we distribute disaster assistance cannot continue. Our farmers cannot wait any longer. The time for a new farm bill is now. Our bill maintains the freedom for producers to plant the crops that best reflect market conditions. It provides an adequate safety net during economic and weather disasters, and it allows an 80-percent increase in conservation spending. Let me repeat that: It provides an 80-percent increase in conservation spending. That is nearly double what it is now. In past farm bills that would be unheard of. The bill also makes dramatic and needed improvements in nutrition programs, trade promotion programs, and forestry incentives. It also-- and this is very important--provides greater funding for our nation's research institutions such as the University of Georgia. I have heard from members of the administration and members of the Agriculture Committee that we must take this first farm bill of the new century in a new policy direction. I do not disagree. I believe that is true. Along those lines, I respectfully point out that our bill includes the most dramatic farm policy change in nearly 70 years. That favorite whipping boy of all farm subsidies, the peanut program, has been turned on its head. Perhaps, a little history is in order, because where we are advocating going compared to where we have been is as different as night and day. During the Great Depression, when the South I grew up in was that ``one-third'' of a nation, President Roosevelt spoke about, the peanut quota system was established for poor farmers. Quotas eventually became based on poundage and were set each year on the projected needs of domestic manufacturers. As years went by, they began to be rented sometimes from landowner to farmer. Whether you agree with the policy or not, the peanut quota became a commodity in our neck of the woods. The quota was passed down in families from generation to generation, and sold much as Coca-Cola or some other stock owned by our city cousins. This policy, again rightly or wrongly, had seen little change since the early days of the Depression. Many families came to rely on quota support as their only source of retirement. It was their 401k. And then NAFTA and GATT were passed and the peanut farmers' world was turned upside down. Because then, in the name of globalization, our trade protections for peanuts were lowered, imports were increased, and as a result quotas were gradually reduced. Many peanut farmers across the country, seeing firsthand that what was good for the goose was not always good for the gander, and realizing what the future would hold if the current policy remained, decided to follow a new path. A way of life for more than three generations was, to use a phrase we understand very well, ``gone with the wind.'' This policy was so entrenched, because it had lasted so long, that this change has been difficult. It has not been easy to accept. Where I come from, a small problem that can be easily solved is known as ``a short horse--soon curried.'' Well, this was a big horse, and it has taken a long time not only to curry but to break it. For months, I, along with many others, called for the peanut community to unite and face reality--to get them to accept the fact that the peanut quota system as their daddies and granddaddies knew it, was gone, to understand that the people in Washington won't support it, and NAFTA and GATT are here to stay. So, we, their representatives in Congress, urged them to accept this change and work to develop a new, comprehensive policy that would allow peanut farmers to be competitive in world markets and that would compensate those affected by the change. After a lot of discussion, I think that is exactly what we have crafted. There are never many people happy at a shotgun marriage, and that is what this is. To make such a drastic reform took careful bridge- building to get across these troubled waters. We needed a transition. Anything else would have been unfair and not the American way. We are willing to face the bad along with the good of fair and open trade. But we also want to maintain a peanut industry that will survive for future generations of peanut farm families. The peanut program in this bill will be a tough row to hoe, but it is fair and the peanut community can say, ``We are now like everyone else.'' There are another important point that I wish to make, and it is an issue that strikes at the heart of the entire agricultural industry. I recently met with a large group of Georgia agriculture leaders, and the message they expressed to me was one of great distress and crisis. In this time of the lowest interest rates we have seen in years, in this time of generous credit, there are banks all over rural Georgia that will no longer finance a farmer on the basis of future crops or equipment value. It is not that they do not want to help their friend and neighbor, but it is simply too big a risk. The loan officer reluctantly points out that commodity prices are just too low, and they do not see much of a chance for the farmer to repay the loan, no matter how hard he and his family might work, not under our present trade policy. They also point out that the agricultural economy is so distressed that equipment purchased by farmers for thousands of dollars only a short time ago now has little value because no other farmer can afford to buy it. The current recession did not bring this on, nor did the events of September 11. Mother Nature and poor market conditions did, and it shows that our farmers must have a stronger safety net. In addition, disasters over the past 4 years have exhausted many life savings and left no collateral on which to finance anything. Those who say we ought to wait to pass a new farm bill ought to have to walk a mile in those farmers' shoes. They ought to have to be the ones on the farm who work from daylight to dark and from can to can't. They ought to have to be sitting at that kitchen table after supper when the kids are in bed and hear the discussion about having to give up a farm that has been in the family for generations. Then, when the family farm is put up on an auction block and it goes for pennies on the dollar, what do we say to them then? That is something we can't figure out over lunch at the Palm. We are going to be talking this week about a stimulus package. We have proposals on stimuli coming out of our ears. It is creme de la creme that can be conceived only by those highly paid lobbyists, pushing and pulling, paying and pimping, and promising to get their clients the best breaks and the most generous incentives. I learned a long time ago that when it comes to how legislation is written--especially here in Washington--it is kind of like that country music song by Freddie Hart about his girlfriend: ``If fingerprints showed up on skin, I wonder whose I would find on you.'' I am afraid both stimulus bills have a lot of questionable fingerprints on them, and we do not need the FBI to figure out whose they are. Their names, addresses, and their interests are in the top contributor list of both parties. The legislation I am speaking on today also has fingerprints: Fingerprints from callused hands--the hands of the workers who feed us and clothe us, people who, like the family dog, we just take for granted. Do I speak too harshly? I am sorry, but because I am not blind to what I see, I cannot be bland in what I say. Of course, we cannot continue to do things as we have always done, and we cannot continue to provide disaster assistance each and every year. But there has to be a transition, some ``weaning time,'' as it is called down on the farm. Mr. President, this farm bill sets a new policy, a sea change in conservation and peanuts. It addresses the critical needs facing America's farmers. It was written by Senators from both sides of the aisle. I hope that same bipartisan support will pass a new farm policy this year.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, Bessie Anderson Stanley once wrote: He has achieved success who has lived well, laughed often and loved much; who has enjoyed the trust of pure women, the respect of intelligent men and the love of little children; who has filled his niche and accomplished his task; who has left the world better than he found it, whether an improved poppy, a perfect poem, or a rescued soul; who has always looked for the best in others and given them the best he had; whose life was an inspiration; whose memory a benediction. These words aptly describe our friend, John Erickson, former administrative assistant to the late Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas and Director of Governmental Affairs for Ford Motor Company's Southeast Region. John died a few weeks ago at the age of 81, leaving behind a legacy that will long be remembered by those of us who knew him. I first met John in 1975 at the beginning of my first of four terms as Lieutenant Governor of Georgia. John came by to see me and I immediately knew that he was a special person. Our friendship carried over to my terms as Governor and until his death in Winter Park, FL, on September 3. John was a native of Roger, AR, where he began a political career that endeared him to U.S. Senators, Congressmen, and Presidents, and to everyone who knew him. His first experience in politics and public service began when he was a student at the University of Arkansas as Secretary to the late Congressman Clyde Ellis, who represented Arkansas' Third Congressional District. When Congressman John McClellan defeated Ellis for a seat in the U.S. Senate, John was asked to become secretary to Ellis' successor, J. William Fulbright. When John accepted Fulbright's offer, it began a partnership that lasted for more than two decades. John Erickson engineered Fulbright's election to the U.S. Senate in a highly contested race that included former Senator and the first woman elected to serve in the Senate, Hattie Carraway. Also in the race was Arkansas' sitting Governor, Homer Atkins. Fulbright won the race, bringing national attention to both the new Senator and to the skills of John Erickson. He served Senator Fulbright well and while building a reputation among his peers as a hard-working, politically savvy staff member whose devotion to his boss was exceeded only by his love for, and dedication to, his wife and family. John had a wonderful family. He married his childhood sweetheart, Sara Louise Glenn, with whom he enjoyed 53 years of companionship before her death in 1998. John and Sara Lou are survived by their children: Gunnar Erickson and his wife, Barbara of Malibu, CA; Karen Erickson of Colorado Springs, CO; and Kristin Erickson and her husband, Jon Farmer, of Winter Park, FL. In addition to his staff duties with Senator Fulbright, John provided political knowledge and skills to other candidates as well. In the national elections of 1952 and 1956, John took leave from Senator Fulbright's staff to work in the campaigns of Illinois Governor Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic nominee for President. He was a valued member of Stevenson's staff, often traveling with the candidate while managing his office operation in Springfield, IL. John joined Ford Motor Company in 1960 as civic and governmental affairs manager in Kansas City. While there, he served on the committee that planned the funeral services for former President Harry Truman. He moved to Atlanta in 1970 from where he worked with State and national officials on such issues as seat belt laws, highway safety and other legislative matters. John Erickson's life and his death touched the lives of all of those with whom he was associated. The poet Longfellow expressed it well when he wrote: Lives of great men all remind us, We can make our lives sublime, And departing, leave behind us, Footprints in the sands of time. Footprints, that perhaps another, Sailing o'er life's solemn main, A forlorn and shipwrecked brother, Seeing, shall take heart again.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, Colonel David H. Hackworth, U.S. Army, Ret., knows war as few men do. Today's most decorated living soldier, he is a warrior's warrior. He joined the Army when he was 15, was battlefield commissioned in Korea when he was 20 and was the youngest colonel in Vietnam. His heroic achievements in both these wars made him a living legend. Never afraid to speak out, even when it meant criticizing our effort in Vietnam, Hackworth has long been a knowledgeable observer worth listening to. This old soldier who has seen so much shared his recent observations in a thought-provoking, tell-it-like-it-is column in The Washington Times. It is an article that should be read and believed by all Americans. I ask that the article be printed in the Record. The article follows: [From the Washington Times, October 27, 2001] Fight or Flight? (By David Hackworth) My No. 1 son rang from Florida: ``Dad we're scared. We're starting to wonder if we made a mistake leaving Indiana.'' Another Floridian, Frederick George, wrote: ``I've never been more depressed than now. I'm 86 years old, and I've seen a lot.'' My phone rings off the hook, and my mailbox is jammed. Most of the messages say: We're not coping well with this War Against Terrorism. My comeback: Get used to it. We're in for at least 30 rounds, and Round One is far from being over. My 5- and 8-year-old grandkids will probably be in college before the last terrorist creep has been hunted down and folks can get back to the way things were before Sept. 11. You can try running, but you can't hide from fear. Just ask the yellow-stained members of the House who ignored the report from last year's Hart-Rudman Commission predicting ``a direct attack against American citizens on American soil is likely over the next quarter-century'' and then cut and ran when the first shot came their way. But the attack on the World Trade Center proved in spades that all citizens of every free country in the world are now targets, so there's no longer any place safe to run. The quickest way to get a grip and make it through this new kind of war is to check out--and copy--the combat soldier's MO. The whole living-on-the-bayonet-edge mindset becomes almost second nature once a grunt accepts that his life can be snuffed out any second. His ears get used to incoming--they automatically tell him to hit the deck because a round is about to thud in close, or to finish that smoke because it's going over the hill. He's used to walking through areas where one misstep will explode a mine and take his leg or life, and he learns to take care of himself and his buddies almost without thinking. Or he lets fear rule and goes mad. Or he goes into denial and gets killed. Many of you are combat vets--you just don't remember that for most of your lives you lived with the fear of being instantly incinerated and radiated by the Bomb. Remember the air-raid sirens and the ``Duck and Cover'' drills? Those 25,000 Soviet nuclear warheads once pointed at you and yours would have done a zillion times more damage than terrorist bombs, kamikaze planes or bugs and germs. On the battlefield, I wore my steel pot begrudgingly. It was heavy and a pain. But I knew it would improve my chances of staying alive, so I cursed it while I wore it. Now I resent wearing a surgical mask and gloves and opening much of my mail outside. But just like wearing that helmet, it helps me stay alive while the FBI and the police track down the terrorist sleepers imbedded in our society. And so must all of you learn to live on a potential killing field. Instead of letting fear knock you down, use it as warriors do to stay alive. Fear can pump up your reactions if employed positively and let you make it through the darkest night. Survival is our strongest instinct, and we will win this sucker just as we did World War II, the Cold War and the conflict that follows this one. The other survival skill you should borrow from a grunt is alertness. A soldier asleep on guard duty is a dead soldier. A terrorist will have a tough time doing his thing if we all keep a sharp eye out for whatever doesn't compute. Like some weirdo learning to fly a plane who wants to give takeoffs and landings a miss. Or a non-islander buying a one-way air ticket to Hawaii or Guam. Fortunately, most Arab terrorists coming our way will be easy to spot except on Halloween. If you see some character at the water reservoir, parked near the nuclear reactor, fiddling with a building's air-conditioner intake vents, delivering unordered fire extinguishers or bicycling around with a backpack, keep him under surveillance and notify the authorities quickly. Use that fear to stay alert and stay alive.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I'd like to add my voice to those in Congress who think that we should take action on a farm bill this year. We need to act now for several reasons. First, the House took action on the farm bill in expeditious fashion and passed it faster than most folks expected. I know many Senators--including this one--were surprised and impressed by Chairman Combest's pace in completing his bill. This quick action led many in the industry to believe that we would have a new farm bill this year that they could plan around. The result in Georgia has been industry reactions detrimental to growers. Georgia peanut shellers, in anticipation of a new program, have make market decisions which could result in record area pool losses, which by law the growers themselves have to cover. A new farm bill could avert this problem. Our Nation's newly discovered economic woes have been on the farm for some time now. Rural America always feels these pressures much sooner and longer than other segments of society. Commodity prices have not improved, input costs are still sky high and morale among farmers is the lowest I have seen it in my career in public service. Fewer and fewer young people want to take over the family farm and continue this honorable way of life. We all want to stimulate the economy, I have a great place for us to start--on our farms. The stimulus coming from a new farm bill would not only be only felt in tractor, chemical and irrigation sales. It would filter into the local banks, car dealerships, restaurants and department stores. This is why I hope the Administration will get behind the effort to write a farm bill before we adjourn for the year. Also, I want to act this year because of the budget ramifications. We fought hard during consideration of our current budget resolution to obtain nearly $74 billion extra which is necessary to meet our long term obligations to American farmers. It would also prevent us from having to pass emergency relief bills, as has been the case over the last few years. I am concerned that this money may not be there for us next year. If OMB's reaction to the House bill is any indicator, we have every reason to be worried. From all indications, we have only a few weeks left in this session and many pressing issues such as appropriations matters and the war on terrorism. But I want to send a clear message to my colleagues--put me in the camp that says let's act now on the farm bill.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business for up to 5 minutes.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I rise today to offer thanks and praise for a world leader who has been as stalwart and as loyal an ally for the United States as anyone could ever ask. These past few weeks, British Prime Minister Tony Blair has gone above and beyond the call of duty for America. He has left no doubt that we will be able to count on him and his country over the long haul. To paraphrase his own words, he was with us at the first and he will stay with us to the last. He was there in the gallery of the House of Representatives when President Bush made his moving and forceful speech to this Nation in a joint session of this Congress. He was there at Ground Zero in New York City, witnessing the destruction with his own eyes and mourning what he called ``the slaughter of thousands of innocents.'' He was there in Pakistan, near the dangerous heart of this war, reassuring a nervous Pakistani President that he made the right decision in choosing the United States over the Taliban regime. Since September 11, Tony Blair has served valiantly as our voluntary ambassador to the world. In London, Berlin, Paris, New York, Washington, Brussells, Moscow, Islamabad, New Delhi, and Geneva, Blair has rallied international leaders and built a coalition of support for the United States. He has done so with a diplomacy, eloquence and strong resolve reminiscent of Winston Churchill during his finest hours. In his latest brilliant stroke, Blair acted swiftly when he saw Osama bin Laden's videotaped speech Sunday night. Blair immediately summoned a reporter from the Arabic network to his office at 10 Downing Street and taped his own strong rebuttal to bin Laden. It aired on the same day, on the same Arabic network. It should not be surprising that Blair would rise to the occasion as ably and powerfully as he has. The British have a tough, resolute attitude when it comes to defending themselves. They are willing to take risks on the battlefield. They are willing to risk casualties for the greater good. They are the ones you want on your side in times like these. He was with us at the first, and he will stay with us to the last, he said. For that, we owe Tony Blair our deepest gratitude. We could not ask any more of him.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I rise in support of Senator Carnahan's amendment regarding assistance for airline workers. As Senator Carnahan has described, her amendment would provide much needed help to workers in the airline industry who have been laid off as a result of the horrific events of September 11, and such help is desperately needed. The need to help these workers is an issue that we failed to address when we gave $15 billion in aid to the airlines. Yet these airline workers need immediate temporary assistance in order to find new jobs. Delta Airlines, based in my home State of Georgia, has already cut 13,000 jobs. And this is not the end of the layoffs; many more Americans are going to be affected. The approach to this problem outlined in Senator Carnahan's amendment is a measured and moderate one. It addresses only the most immediate needs of these workers: The need for unemployment benefits, the need for continued health insurance coverage, and the need for job training so that they can begin to again contribute to our Nation's economy. In addition, the benefits provided in this package are temporary; they in no way would be taking on permanent responsibility for a new group of Americans. Finally, the provisions of this amendment are narrowly crafted to apply only to those workers who lost their jobs as a direct result of the attacks of September 11 or due to security measures taken in response to the attacks. We would, therefore, not be providing assistance to those who are the victims of the general economic downturn. In short, this is a sensible, middle-of-the-road approach to one the most pressing problems we face as a result of the September 11 attacks. It makes good sense to address this issue now, and I urge my colleagues to do so.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to the spirit of giving and compassion exhibited by one of the world's finest multi- national companies, the Coca-Cola Company. Coke's employees and bottlers have generously donated $12 million to the relief efforts ongoing in New York and Washington. It is not surprising to see that Coca-Cola is continuing its long tradition of supporting people in need. Approximately $6 million will be used to support the efforts of the Red Cross, which has been tireless in its dedication to the victims of this attack. The remaining $6 million will be channeled directly to local funds in New York and Washington to support humanitarian causes. It is fitting that a company so associated with America and the American spirit would come to the aid of our citizens in this difficult time. It is for this reason that I rise to honor the Coca-Cola Company for its charitable support. Their efforts deserve our applause and recognition.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Madam President, I am pleased to have been on the floor to hear that speech from the senior Senator from Texas. The Senator is a great patriot, and his forthrightness is going to be missed. The victims and the loved ones of this horrible act of war should be in our prayers. The perpetrators and those who give them shelter should be in our bombsights. After Pearl Harbor, the Japanese remarked that the ``sleeping giant has been awakened.'' I pray that ``the sleeping giant'' has again been awakened, and that we are ready to change the way we do things. For too long, after terrorist attacks have happened, it seems America's first and foremost interest has been to please our friends, and then, if permitted, punish our enemies. After yesterday and from here on out, that must be reversed. America's first and foremost interest must be to punish our enemies, and then, if possible, please our friends. Our response should not only be swift but it must be sustained. As I said yesterday, our will as a country has been tested. Too often in the past terrorist attacks have not been answered as forcefully as they should have been. Oh, yes, there has been indignation, even outrage. There has been wringing of hands and sad talk. We have shaken our collective heads in dismay, sighed over our cocktails, then have gone home, had a nice dinner and got into a comfortable bed, feeling safe and secure that it is not going to happen here, that it is not going to happen to us. Well, it has happened to us. It has happened here. Our world has been turned upside down. It will never be the same again, and it shouldn't. We must strike the viper's nest--even if the viper is not there. We know that the Taliban and the Government of Afghanistan have nurtured Osama bin Laden for years. The diabolical plot was probably hatched there. Certainly similar plots have been. And it is time for us to respond. I say, bomb the hell out of them. If there is collateral damage, so be it. They certainly found our American civilians to be expendable. I also believe that we could immediately turn our attention to the security of our airlines. There is a large pool of willing ex-military personnel out there who possess the rudimentary skills to be effective, temporary air marshals if given a crash training course on the basic requirements of that job. Another option may be to have active duty military personnel do that job. We should also install ``communications hardware'' aboard each aircraft that would let pilots make emergency transmissions to air traffic controllers. With today's ``star wars'' capability, I believe it is possible to outfit each aircraft with an emergency transponder combined with an ``open mike'' type system that would be strictly for one-way communication from aircraft to air traffic control. The pilot or crew members could push a button, much similar to a silent bank alarm, that would instantly alert authorities. It could also serve as a hidden microphone in the cockpit or in the passenger cabins. Those are some of my thoughts today for whatever they are worth at this terrible time. To paraphrase President Roosevelt, this Nation will endure as it has endured, but we must change the way we do business drastically.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. I rise to engage in a colloquy with the distinguished subcommittee chairwoman about a very important community development initiative taking place within the great State of Georgia. First, I thank the distinguished subcommittee chairwoman for her continued support of community redevelopment and empowering neighborhoods. Additionally Senator Mikulski, through her tenure as ranking member and now chair, has always made education one of her top priorities. In my State of Georgia, three institutions of higher education, which are also Historically Black Colleges and Universities, are participating in a group community redevelopment initiative. Morehouse College, the Morehouse School of Medicine and Spelman College have formed a nonprofit corporation--College Partners, Inc.--and are working with the city of Atlanta in a land acquisition deal. The deal will result in the expansion of the Atlanta University Center, AUC, space, as well as surrounding community development and revitalization. The West End community, which sits at the boundary of these AUC campuses, has been unable to significantly capitalize on the renewed interest in residential and commercial development within the Atlanta area. This community has high unemployment, low educational attainment, deteriorating and/or vacant housing, and a preponderance of families that live at or below the Federal poverty level. All of this exists less than three miles from downtown Atlanta, where there sits prime commercial developments. Acquisition of the land in question will allow the campuses to expand and enable the surrounding community development process to continue and remain on target with the objectives of the city's empowerment zone, which already has improved the neighborhoods east and north of the campuses.

Mr. MILLER. Each participating school, which are all currently land- locked, will be able to expand their capabilities and establish and/or expand programs in their particular areas of expertise. But what makes the initiative so worthwhile is that the program expansion will move beyond the confines of the institutions and out into the community. For instance, Morehouse College will continue its partnership with Fannie Mae Foundation and HUD to provide leadership training to community organizers, local nonprofit organizations, and members of the Neighborhood Planning Units. Morehouse also plans to establish a charter school. Morehouse School of Medicine will be expanding its Community Health and Preventive Medicine Programs, as well as expand an initiative to stimulate the interest of and introduce minority elementary and middle school students to medical and science careers early in their education. Finally, Spelman College plans to provide local residents with training in early childhood development and childcare while simultaneously providing a hands-on laboratory for student education majors. In addition to the request for the CPI project, as we have discussed, Spelman College is seeking additional funds to renovate one of their primary buildings, Packard Hall, and include its use in the larger community revitalization efforts. Specifically, $1 million is sought from the Economic Development Initiatives account in your bill for each of these projects, for a total of $2 million. This funding is urgently needed to ensure the completion of this vital community development initiative. I hope that language for both College Partners, Inc., and Spelman College can be included in the conference report for these initiatives that work to further community revitalization and educational attainment.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I thank my colleagues and those who loved Paul so much for their moving and heartfelt remarks this morning. We find it hard to believe that a year has passed since our friend and colleague, Senator Paul Coverdell, died so very unexpectedly. I remember that day vividly. I was at home in Young Harris. When I heard it, I immediately turned on the television, and I watched many in this Chamber, in tears and in disbelief, pour out their hearts in tribute to this good man and this great public servant. I will never forget one of the things Senator Gramm said about that frail body that had within it the heart of a lion. That described Paul Coverdell so very well. The shock and the sadness I felt on that day a year ago remain with me until this day. Georgia, and America, lost one of its greatest public servants in Paul Coverdell--as has been said, a decent, soft- spoken workhorse who was always there and who always put people first and politics second. In a public career spanning more than three decades, from the Georgia Senate, where I served with him for 12 years and knew him so well, to the Peace Corps, and then the U.S. Senate, in all of those positions, Paul served with great dignity. He served with great ability, and he earned the respect of everybody who knew him or saw him or watched him along the way. I also will never forget sitting up there in that gallery a year ago on the morning that I was to be sworn in as Senator Coverdell's successor. Once again, I listened to the overwhelming outpouring of love and tears for Paul. The heartfelt sentiment and the high praise from this Chamber were a tremendously moving tribute to one of Georgia's finest sons. I had never felt so inadequate in my life. Here I was. How in the world was I ever, even in the most remote way, going to come anywhere close to filling those shoes? The Lord knows, I have tried. Immediately upon Senator Coverdell's death, folks in Washington and in Georgia began to think how we could remember this great Georgian in a worthy and enduring way. In a bipartisan fashion befitting Senator Coverdell, Senator Lott appointed two Republicans, Senators Gramm of Texas and DeWine, and two Democrats, Senator Reid and myself, to sort through the many good ideas for memorializing Paul. They have been mentioned this morning already on the floor. I will not go into them. We wanted to make sure that whatever we decided on was fitting and, very importantly, that it was something of which Nancy Coverdell would approve. We thought one very important way to honor Paul's commitment to education, research, and agriculture in a grand way was at the State's flagship school in Athens, the University of Georgia. The Paul D. Coverdell Building for Biomedical and Health Sciences will be a $40 million state-of-the-art science center where scientists from different fields will collaborate under one roof to improve our food supply, clean up our environment, and find cures for disease. It is a joint project, as Senator Gramm mentioned, with the university itself raising $20 million, the State of Georgia appropriating $10 million, and the Federal Government providing the remaining $10 million. I am pleased that the bill authorizing Congress to approve this memorial for Senator Coverdell has been passed in the Senate and in the House, and the President is expected to sign it next week. It is our hope that the scientists who gather in this center named for Senator Coverdell will do great things and will make discoveries that will improve people's lives in Georgia and around the world for years to come. A day does not go by that I don't think of Paul Coverdell. And I remain honored and humbled to have succeeded such a great man in the Senate. I believe in life after death. I believe in a loving Heavenly Father. And I believe that Paul is up there watching what we do, watching what I do. That is why I try every day to live up to the high standards of dignity and integrity and bipartisanship that were the hallmarks of Paul Coverdell's distinguished career. Thank you, Mr. President.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, three good and uniquely talented men who spoke to the world through the universal language of music died recently. Chet Atkins, John Hartford, and Johnny Russell are gone. They are dead, but as long as their music is played they remain alive, and they will be for a long, long time. Chet Atkins was as responsible as any single person for turning Nashville, Tennessee, into ``Music City, USA'' and was the originator of what came to be called ``The Nashville Sound.'' From his position as vice president in charge of country music for RCA and because of the great respect other artists had for him, he was able to influence the direction the music went in and who the artists were who made it. A laconic, modest man, Chet Atkins played down his own importance and referred to himself simply as ``a picker.'' John Hartford is best known as the songwriter of ``Gentle On My Mind,'' one of country music's most recorded songs and as the banjo picker in the Glenn Campbell and Smothers Brothers Shows. But he was much more than that. He was a versatile musician who recorded nearly 40 albums of his own and appeared most recently on the soundtrack of ``O Brother, Where Art Thou?'' Johnny Russell was a country music singer and songwriter, but it was one of his songs by The Beatles that was his most successful compositions. It was called ``Act Naturally'' and was on the flip side of the Beatles' single ``Yesterday.'' His biggest hit as a singer was ``Red Necks, White Socks and Blue Ribbon Beer.'' Much more could be said, and has been said, about these three remarkable talents who died so closely together. The New York Times wrote lengthy obituaries of both Atkins and Hartford. I had the good fortune of knowing all three as personal friends. Chet once showed me the toilet stall in a school in Harris County, Georgia, where as a young picker using it, he got the idea for an echo chamber. John Hartford and his talented son, Jamie, have stayed up late with me at the Georgia Governor's Mansion picking and singing. And Johnny Russell always said my wife, Shirley, made the best biscuits he had ever eaten. Coming from a 275-pound man with a tremendous appetite, she always considered that to be the supreme compliment. I will miss them. America will miss them. But their music still lives. Thank God, their music still lives.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, every one of us has a life story. Every person is a book, and I would like to tell you about one young man from the state of Georgia who is beginning a new chapter in his. Kwame Brown has known adversity since the age of 5, when his parents split up for good and he landed in a shelter with his mother and siblings for 10 months. With the help of relatives, Kwame and his family got out of that shelter and things got better--but not by much. Kwame's mother, Joyce, raised him and his seven siblings by herself in Brunswick, GA, supporting the family by cleaning hotel rooms. That job ended in 1993 when a back injury and other health problems left Ms. Brown unable to work. Since then, the family has scraped by on a monthly disability check and a few extra dollars from babysitting. Their mode of transportation: a bicycle. Such adversity would break most families, but not Kwame Brown's family. With the help of a church mentor, Kwame and his siblings became focused and set goals for themselves. Kwame decided he wanted to be a better student and a better basketball player. Through his faith and many hours of hard work, Kwame improved his grades so much that he landed on the honor roll at Brunswick's Glynn Academy. And now he has achieved something that no other person in this country ever has. On June 27, 2001, 19-year-old Kwame became the first high school player ever to be picked as the No. 1 draft in the NBA. This young man who once lived in a neighborhood so poor it was nicknamed ``The Bottom'' has pulled himself up to the very top. At 6-feet-11 inches tall and 240 pounds, Kwame averaged 20.1 points, 13.3 rebounds and 5.8 blocked shots as a senior last year at Glynn Academy; he scored 1,539 career points. His exceptional talent has given rise to a number of awards. He was named to McDonald's All- America Team and USA Today's All-USA First team. He was also Georgia's High School Player of the Year. Kwame Brown is not only a star on the court. His off-the-court life is just as exemplary. Even though he went against his mother's wishes in postponing plans to attend the University of Florida, Kwame believes that his decision to enter the NBA will allow him to give his family a better life than they have ever known. And he has promised his mother and himself that he will still get that college education. First, he wants to give his mother something she has never had: the keys to a brand new home. Basketball legend Michael Jordan, who is part-owner of the Wizards, called Kwame ``a confident kid who understands his surroundings . . . He comes from a family where nothing has been given to him. He has gotten this far with hard work and a little dreaming.'' I am honored to recognize Kwame Brown, a young man who is not only a talented athlete, but also humble, wise and mature beyond his years. I look forward to this new chapter in Kwame's life with great anticipation. I know his will be a fascinating story with a wonderful ending.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I would like to congratulate the following students for their outstanding performance in the national finals of the ``We the People . . . The Citizen and the Constitution'' contest in Washington, D.C. on April 21-23, 2001. Joey Angel, David Connor, Darrell Davis, Eric Elloie, Jesse Gelbaum, Lindsey Green, Kyle Hale, Matthew Hall, Lisa Jones, David Lee, Jennie Long, Greer Pasmanick, Benjamin Riddick, Emily Rubinson, Matthew Snyder, Sanjay Tamhane, Jordan Tritt, and Scott Visser. The leaders of this exceptional group of students are: Celeste Boemker, Teacher, Parker Davis, State Coordinator, and John Carr, District Coordinator.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I rise in support of the McCain-Edwards- Kennedy patient protection bill of which I am very proud to be a cosponsor. It is time--it is past time--for us to help millions of Americans obtain their basic rights and protections in dealing with health care providers. It is time--it is past time--for health insurers to be held accountable when they show more concern for their own bottom line than for the patients' health and safety. It is time--it is past time--for medical decisions to be made by patients and doctors, not some HMO bean counter. I am no stranger nor a Johnny-come-lately to this issue. Years ago I became a supporter of Congressman Charles Norwood's effort, my good friend and Republican colleague from Georgia, as he went about in his courageous effort to make this change. And I come from a State that passed a strong patient protection law 2 years ago which, by all accounts, is working very well. Now it is time for Congress to pass a strong Federal law to protect the millions of patients who cannot be protected by the Georgia law or by any other State's law. This patient protection issue has been on our to-do list for a long time. We often speak of something serious as being a life-or-death matter, but it seldom is. Today this is truly a life-or-death matter for many American families who cannot wait any longer for us to act. When Georgia wrestled with this issue 2 years ago, at the heart of the debate was the question of how we could best protect the interest of patients enrolled in managed care plans. That question has become increasingly important over the past 20 years because managed care has come to dominate the health care delivery system. In 1980, managed care was a novelty. Today more than 70 percent of Americans and close to 80 percent of insured employees are covered by some form of managed care. As the number of Americans enrolled in HMOs and managed care has grown, so have the complaints grown and so have the horror stories grown about being denied adequate care. The proper role of managed care is to balance the cost of health care with the medical needs of patients, but in too many cases the concerns about cost always come out ahead of the concerns for the patient. In far too many cases, managed care has become mismanaged care. The Georgia law that was passed in 1999 brought balance to the equation by giving patients explicit access to specialists and emergency care. The law also created an independent external review system to address patients' grievances. These are the essential components of any good bill, and they are the components of the bill I speak for today. When the Georgia Legislature debated this law, there were critics-- critics who made the same arguments that we are hearing in Washington today and that I heard last year and the year before. In Georgia, the critics paid for ads saying the law would drive up premiums and cause more people to lose coverage. The critics paid for ads claiming employers would be held liable for HMO mistakes. They paid for ads predicting--and I love this alliteration--a ``flurry of frivolous'' lawsuits. Oh, there was hissing and moaning, but you know what? None of those dire predictions has come true. By all accounts, Georgia's patient protection law is working, and working well. In fact, patients are so satisfied with the independent review process that not a single, solitary patient has filed a lawsuit. No, not one. Let me read from an article in the Atlanta Constitution on Monday, ``Georgia's Pioneer Plan Avoids Legal Side Effects.'' The first two paragraphs I will read: When Georgia's Patient's Bill of Rights became law two years ago, managed-care companies predicted they would be spending a lot of time in court defending their decisions to deny coverage. But there has yet to be a lawsuit filed by a patient who first aired the grievance through the new independent review system, state officials said. ``The law is working as intended,'' said Clyde Reese, Director of the Health Planning Division that oversees the patient protection process. ``In the two years, no one who has gone through this process and has been denied has filed a lawsuit. It has not given rise to litigation. We're not aware of even one suit that's been processed.'' There it is. The naysayers, Chicken Littles, never give up. Today on this bill, they are telling you that if it is passed, the sky will fall. They claim that the patients' employers can be sued as well as the HMO itself. Wrong. Not so. This conservative, probusiness, Democratic Senator would never support a bill that exposes employers to that kind of liability. The McCain-Edwards bill specifically protects employers, gives protection even to the directors of the HMO. Those individuals cannot be personally sued, as some would have you believe. Employers are shielded from lawsuits unless they directly participate in a medical treatment decision. This is also one of the very principles President Bush has said must be included. When President Bush released his principles for a bipartisan Patients' Bill of Rights on February 7, he said: Only employers who retain responsibility for and make medical decisions should be subject to suit. We agree with President Bush. The principle outlined in February is the exact principle that is in our bill. Now I am not a judge, and there is not enough of me to be a jury, but that is pretty plain to me. Only the HMO itself can be sued. And who can argue that HMOs should not be held accountable for mistakes? Shouldn't HMOs be treated like any other health care organization or doctor or business or individual? While the Georgia law is a model for protecting patients, they unfortunately cannot protect all of Georgia's patients. No State law on this issue can protect all the citizens because a Federal law, the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974, also known as ERISA, exempts a large class of employees from State oversight. That means millions of Americans are not covered under any patient protection law. They have no legal recourse in dealing with their HMOs, and they are suffering. It is, for too many, truly a life-or-death matter. That is why I believe so strongly that Congress must act, and act now. The McCain-Edwards bill would also provide patients with their basic rights and protections in a balanced way. It guarantees access to medical specialists; it protects patients from having to change doctors in the middle of treatment; it provides fair, unbiased, and timely internal and independent external review systems to address patients complaints; it ensures that patients and doctors can openly discuss all the treatment options without regard to costs; and it includes an enforcement mechanism that ensures these rights are real. The McCain-Edwards bill is also consistent with all of the principles laid out by President Bush except one: President Bush, a man for whom I have profound respect, wants the Federal courts to have exclusive jurisdiction over patient protection lawsuits. Another bill introduced by Senators Breaux and Frist, colleagues for whom I also have great respect, would comply with the President's wish on this point by moving all liability lawsuits to the Federal courts. I am sorry, but I must respectfully disagree with the President and my colleagues on this one point. A purely Federal solution is not the best solution. The Breaux-Frist bill would preempt Georgia's law, as well as the laws of seven other States that have passed similar patient rights bills. The traditional arena for resolving questions about medical negligence is the State court. I submit that is where the jurisdiction should remain. It is the courtroom that is the closest to the people. Don't make my folks in Brasstown Valley have to go over the mountains, through Unicoi Gap, to get to that big, crowded, white marble courthouse in faraway Gainesville. That ``ain't'' right. Let 'em go to the county seat, to the courthouse in Hiawassee that they and their family have known for years. Now, one more thing. Any bill on this issue is going to add to the cost of health insurance premiums. They all do. Ours, in my opinion, is the most reasonable. The Congressional Budget Office estimates if the McCain-Edwards bill is passed, premiums will increase by 4.2 percent over 10 years. That translates to slightly more than $1 a month for the average employee. I believe most Americans will be more than willing to pay an extra $1 a month for the protection this bill will afford them. Let's not drag this thing on. Please, let's not play partisan games with something this important. It has been an issue in three congressional elections now and two Presidential elections. The time has come to resolve this. I yield the floor.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, in education everyone claims to be for high standards. That's the good news. But a lot of folks only want to be measured by their own standards, and they don't have a very good way of knowing whether their standards are high or, more importantly, whether they are high enough. That is why I am for measuring educational progress in America by having each State use its own standards and tests and then confirming progress by using a high-quality back-up examination. The National Assessment of Educational Progress is just such an instrument. It will help us get more information about achievement in our States and provide an independent second opinion that our student achievement progress is reaching all of our students and that we are not raising our scores just by getting a few more of our better students to do better. In the past ten years 49 States have used the National Assessment in one form or another. This has not led to a national curriculum and it is not going to. On average, more than 40 States have participated in any one year. Last year the State school superintendent or commissioner in 48 States signed up to participate. In the National Assessment's 30 years, never has a State or district expressed concern that it was being coerced to teach to the National Assessment tests. In fact, each test is developed through a national consensus process in which State standards and assessments are considered. Before deciding to participate, each State reviews the National Assessment content. State participation in the test development process ensures that the National Assessment is a fair representation of the material in math, reading and other subjects that states already believe is important to test.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I am proud to announce that 53 girls from Northwest Georgia have achieved the Girl Scout Gold Award for the year 2001. The Gold Award is the highest honor a Girl Scout can accomplish, and each girl has endured a rigorous process during the last three years of the Scouting program. The many lessons learned through the Girl Scout program will serve each girl well in the years to come. Setting and accomplishing goals, becoming effective leaders, and making a commitment to help others are among the many experiences each girl has had that set them apart from their peers. The special skills that the girls developed will be a tremendous asset to them as they finish their education and progress onto greater experiences. Over the previous 3 years, each girl has illustrated tremendous dedication, effort, and hard work to achieve this prestigious award. However their success could not have been achieved without the support and encouragement of their family, friends, teachers, and troop leaders. On the quest for the Gold Award, each girl has endured challenges and hardships that would not have been overcome without the assistance of their community. As we recognize the achievement of these 53 girls, let us not forget to acknowledge the sacrifice that each family went through to help them reach their goal. Below are the young ladies from the Girl Scout Council of Northwest Georgia who have achieved the 2001 Gold Award. The list follows: Anna Maria Arias, Atlanta, Georgia; Elizabeth Anne Baynes, Conyers, Georgia; Meredith Jane Bridges, Stone Mountain, Georgia; MeChelle A. Brown, East Point, Georgia. Whitney Suzanne Calhoun, Stone Mountain, Georgia; Lauren Catchpole, Roswell, Georgia; Lisa Collins, Lawrenceville, Georgia; Erin E. Conboy, Roswell, Georgia; Katherine Davis, Lawrenceiville, Georgia; and Amiris Duckwyler-Watson, College Park, Georgia. Jennifer MaryAlice Ellis, Smyrna, Georgia; Valerie Jaye Elston, Alpharetta, Georgia; Catherine Anne Farrington, Lithonia, Georgia; Courtney Lashan Foster, Ellenwood, Georgia; Elizabeth K. Gilbert, Powder Springs, Georgia; Kara Renita Greene, Fairburn, Georgia; Lindsey B. Harris, Roswell, Georgia; Elizabeth Hollis, College Park, Georgia; and Amanda Katie Lillian Honea, Woodstock, Georgia. Sharon Ashley Johnson, Stone Mountain, Georgia; Katherine Kauffman, Lilburn, Georgia; Katherine Killebrew, Marietta, Georgia; Adrienne Janiece Lee, Atlanta, Georgia; Catrina Marie Madore, Lilburn, Georgia; Laura Emily Cuvo, Lawrenceville, Georgia; Leanna Jane Dailey, Dalton, Georgia; Maire M. Daly, Roswell, Georgia; Amanda Suzanne Mullis, Marietta, Georgia; and Mai-Lise Trinh Nguyen, Dunwoody, Georgia. Natalie Nicole Parks, Jonesboro, Georgia; Virginia LaShea' Powell, Fayetteville, Georgia; Jessica Ransom, Riverdale, Georgia; Jennifer C. Rausch, Norcross, Georgia; Charlotte Anne Grover, Lawrenceville, Georgia; Ashley Nicole Haney, Atlanta, Georgia; Farrah Leah Harden, Atlanta, Georgia; Joyce Elizabeth Reid, Conyers, Georgia; and Sarah Ellen Sattlemeyer, Stone Mountain, Georgia. Courtney Laurette Simmons, Atlanta, Georgia; Caroline Elizabeth Smith, Dalton, Georgia; Katherine Leigh Smith, Dalton, Georgia; Natalie Stone, Lilburn, Georgia; Tiffany Nicole Meriweather, East Point, Georgia; Lauren K. Meyers, Lilburn, Georgia; Margaret Ayers Miller, Dalton, Georgia; Stephanie D. Taylor, Riverdale, Georgia; Chandra L. Teddleton, Decatur, Georgia; Katherine DeAnn Weisz, Stone Mountain, Georgia; Bethany Wiethorn, Lawrenceville, Georgia; and Brooke Wiggins, Lilburn, Georgia.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I want to affirm what TIME magazine has written in its May 21, 2001, issue: Towns County Middle School in Georgia is one of America's ``educational pioneers.'' In my native Towns County, the digital divide has become the digital opportunity. Every middle school student in the county totes a laptop computer from school to home, courtesy of a Federal grant and local donations. Classroom wiring connects the laptops to the Internet, and teachers incorporate the Web into lesson plans. At home, students question teachers online about homework, and teachers email missed assignments to students who are out sick. In a section called TIME's Schools of the Year, the magazine called this 265-student school ``one of the best-wired middle schools in the U.S.'' and cited it as one of two middle schools in the Nation that has ``found the most promising approaches to the most pressing challenges in education.'' Principal Stephen Smith convinced me as Governor that giving take- home laptop computers to all middle-schoolers in Towns County would greatly enhance learning. We obtained a grant from the Appalachian Regional Commission and local donations to make this happen, and the program has succeeded beyond anyone's expectations. Test scores and attendance have increased, while discipline referrals have dropped. In addition, parents have become more involved in the school and more of them are earning their GEDs, and borrowing their kids' computers for assignments. I am very proud of the achievements at Towns County Middle School, and I congratulate Principal Smith, his teachers and all the students and parents on this national recognition.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I am so pleased that the Senate Judiciary Committee has voted unanimously to confirm Larry D. Thompson as Deputy Attorney General and that the full Senate also has given its unanimous approval to this excellent nominee. I was honored to be able to present Mr. Thompson to the Senate Judiciary Committee, and I congratulate my longtime friend and fellow Georgian on his confirmation. I cannot say it more clearly than this: President Bush could not have made a better choice in nominating Larry Thompson as Deputy Attorney General of the United States. I have had the pleasure to know Larry Thompson for several years. He is the consummate professional: quiet yet strong, a legal scholar who exercises enormous common sense, a man who will put principle ahead of politics every time. He is a man of great substance and little ego. He is not one to grandstand or grab headlines. Mr. Thompson brings to the Department of Justice a solid record of experience. He has built a reputation as a tough prosecutor, an adept litigator, a respected scholar and a skilled manager. More importantly than that, Mr. Thompson comes with no agenda. He will base every decision on what is right, not what is popular or politically expedient. He will bring to the Justice Department the same wisdom, the same thoughtfulness, and the same steady demeanor upon which he has built his stellar career. In short, Larry Thompson is a man of impeccable credentials who will serve the Department of Justice and this nation very well.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I rise in support of the amendment that I have introduced jointly with the Senators from Iowa and New Mexico. This amendment to boost agricultural spending comes at a time of great distress for our American farms. It will provide our struggling farmers with the assistance they so desperately need, and we believe it will give Congress the ability to craft a solid farm bill as these negotiations near. This amendment will provide nearly $64 billion in increased agricultural spending over the next 11 years. More importantly, it addresses our current problems by providing $5 billion for fiscal year 2001--a critical boost for later in this crop year. This amendment is also fiscally responsible, accounting for only a small portion of our projected surplus; and it will not jeopardize support for other priorities that Congress identifies. Crops are now going into the ground and farmers are extremely worried. The cost of fertilizer and fuel is expected to hit near record amounts this summer, at the same time we watch commodity prices continue to fall. While this immediate funding is critical, I say this: It may not prove to be enough. We will have to watch our agricultural situation very closely to determine if additional funds are needed later this year. Nevertheless, I appreciate very much the leadership and cooperation of my colleagues in providing funds for this fiscal year and addressing this problem directly. We all understand the importance of this effort, and we will have to work together to assist our producers through these difficult times. Farmers are pleading for our help. They are selling their crops at the same level today that they or their parents did 20 years ago, while the cost of production continues to soar. Without our help, many farms in my State and all around this country will continue to go out of business. Agriculture provides one out of every six jobs in my State, and it has an economic impact of over $60 billion a year. Georgia farmers have a compelling need for stability. The rural communities they support are under great distress as well. And those who know rural America know this type of distress extends far beyond the farm. It affects the car dealership; it affects the local restaurant and the downtown department store. These pieces of rural economies are inextricably linked. I thank the chairman, the Senator from New Mexico, and the Senator from Iowa for recognizing this shortfall in funding for agriculture and for their willingness to work with me on this amendment. As I mentioned, this is a responsible approach, and while it may not be the final solution, I think it will go a long way and will be a good step forward to ensuring that the needs of America's hard-working farmers are met. I hope my colleagues will support this important and timely amendment. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. MILLER

Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I would like to take this opportunity to recognize the achievements of the Blue Ridge Rifles and Color Guard of North Georgia College and State University, who recently placed first overall at the 29th annual Tulane Naval ROTC Mardi Gras Invitational Drill Meet in New Orleans, LA. The North Georgia College and State University is one of six 4-year military colleges in the United States. Since its inception in 1873, NGCSU's military college has been renowned for its ability to produce exceptional officers in all service branches. This skill has resulted in many performance championships, including 12 titles from the Mardi Gras Drill Meet. The Mardi Gras Invitational Drill Meet draws teams representing the service academies, senior and junior military colleges, and reserve officer training corps programs at civilian colleges and universities. The Blue Ridge Rifles and the Color Guard of NGCSU have exhibited consistently excellent performances at the Mardi Gras Invitational. This tradition continued with the most recent Mardi Gras Invitation Drill Meet, held on February 23, 2001, where the NGCSU cadets competed against 42 military drill teams from colleges and universities throughout the United States. The Blue Ridge Rifles, under the command of Cadet Captain Phillip Pelphry and Cadet Master Sergeant Zachary Poole, received first place in platoon basic drill, second place in squad drill, and first place in platoon exhibition drill. The North Georgia College and State University Color Guard, under the command of Cadet Captain Chris Rivers, received first place in the color guard competition. I would like to recognize the following cadets for their fine representation of North Georgia College and State University and of the entire state of Georgia. The Blue Ridge Rifle Team: Joseph Byerly; Gregg Carey; Joshua Carvalho; Josh Clemmons; Byron Davison; John Filiatreau; Kurt Fricton; Jason Howard; Joseph Marty; Phillip Pelphry; Jason Pon; Zachary Poole; Jason Ryncarz; Jonathan Sellars; Benjamin Sisk; Jeffrey Wagner; Zachary Zeis; and The Color Guard Team: Colin Arms; Peter Bender; Kyle Harvey; Ernesto Johnson and Chris Rivers.