Michael McCaul

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H. Res. 311) encouraging the expansion and strengthening of the Abraham Accords to urge other nations to normalize relations with Israel and ensure that existing agreements reap tangible security and economic benefits for the citizens of those countries and all peoples in the region.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, this week we are marking an incredible milestone, 75 years since the establishment of the State of Israel. Since the day Israel was founded, it faced numerous existential threats, and yet today, Israel is a thriving democracy with a robust economy and one of the world's most capable militaries. Most importantly, the United States and Israel have stood shoulder to shoulder together since day one. Over seven-and-a-half decades, we have worked as friends and partners, and we will continue to work together to overcome shared challenges and reach new triumphs. The United States has long supported Israel's right and ability to defend herself against threats. Our long-term commitment to Israel's security includes the $3.3 billion per year in foreign military financing assistance and support for defense technology development. One of the great successes of this support is the Iron Dome air defense system. In May of 2021 when Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad launched more than 4,000 rockets toward Israel, it was the Iron Dome that shot those weapons out of the sky, greatly limiting the number of casualties in this terrifying conflict. After this escalation, Congress voted overwhelmingly to resupply the Iron Dome to help Israel keep its citizens safe. The United States will always stand with Israel in its fight against terrorism. Our close partner is also vital to combating the global threat posed by Iran's nuclear program, ballistic missile arsenal, armed UAV attacks, as well as Iran's support for international terrorism, hostage-taking, and human rights abuses. Simply put, a nuclear Iran is unacceptable, both for the United States, our ally Israel, and for the world. We are also in full agreement that the IRGC is a foreign terrorist organization, and this designation should remain in place. We are seeing Iran's malign influence spread well beyond the Middle East. Iran is orchestrating terror plots against Americans on U.S. soil. Iran continues to supply Russia with lethal drones and other forms of support for its war of aggression in Ukraine. Moreover, Iran is deepening its cooperation with Communist China who continues to threaten the global balance of power through their malign activities around the globe and hostility toward Taiwan. Responding to Iran's global threat and its unholy alliance with Russia and China will be a generational challenge, but the United States and Israel are prepared to respond. It is clear that others have taken note of how much the United States and Israel accomplish when we work together. That is why in 2020, President Trump and his team succeeded in brokering the first normalization agreements between Israel and its neighbors in over 25 years. The Abraham Accords are transformational for the Middle East. I was proud to be at the White House for the signing ceremony of these historic agreements. Now the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco join Egypt and Jordan in having full diplomatic relations with Israel. The accords open the door to important cooperation, including to address the shared threat posed by Iran that is making the Middle East and North Africa safer and more prosperous. These countries are working together on free trade, energy, water, and, of course, defense cooperation, like the Middle East Air Defense Alliance, now that Israel is a part of Central Command. This is a generational shift in the Middle East and one that promotes peace and prosperity in the region. That is why we need to invest in the positive progress of growing and deepening the Abraham Accords as this resolution outlines. We need to put our diplomatic might into trying to achieve the kinds of big breakthroughs that created the Abraham Accords almost 3 years ago. I was pleased to see Oman and Saudi Arabia begin allowing overflights of Israeli planes. It is a huge step forward, but we need to keep thinking bigger until we get to the game changer that would be full diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. On behalf of the American people, I congratulate our Israeli friends on everything they have accomplished in their first 75 years. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Missouri (Mrs. Wagner), the author of this resolution, who made it just in the nick of time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. I thank Ms. Manning, Mr. Schneider, and Mrs. Wagner for leading on this important resolution. On a personal note, I have to thank my own father who fought in World War II and was a bombardier on a B-17 who bombed the Nazis. He participated in 32 bombing missions, including Operation Overlord. My father's generation liberated Europe from the threats and the horrors of the Nazis and fascism. They liberated the Jewish people from the horrors surrounding the Holocaust, which is unimaginable. That generation brought the State of Israel into existence, and that is our pact with Israel. Since 1948, Israel has been our best friend and our strongest ally in the Middle East. Israel has also been a true beacon of hope and democracy in the Middle East. I look forward to a day, as I know they envisioned at the time of its creation in 1948, that even though these forces still exist today of anti-Semitism in Iran and other nations, that one day we will achieve true peace in the Middle East. I look forward to the day that Israel can coexist peacefully with its surrounding neighbors in the region and with the world. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1093) to direct the Secretary of State to submit to Congress a report on implementation of the advanced capabilities pillar of the trilateral security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, as China continues its aggressive posture in the Indo- Pacific, strengthening partnerships to deter Chairman Xi are more important now than ever. I thank my good friend, Ranking Member Meeks, for standing with me in support of this bipartisan measure. The Australia-United Kingdom-United States partnership known as AUKUS is a long-term security pact to protect peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. The recent announcement on AUKUS implementation only addressed one piece of this partnership--cooperation on conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines, but there is much more to this partnership. The second pillar of AUKUS is cooperation on advanced capabilities. The purpose is to collaborate on high-tech research and the application of systems, such as hypersonics, undersea capabilities, quantum technologies, artificial intelligence, and much more. This legislation focuses on ensuring the State Department is authorizing technology transfers quickly to fully support implementation of this vital pillar. We are facing a generational challenge from the Chinese Communist Party. We must bring all tools to bear in our effort to counter Chairman Xi's attempts to disrupt the global balance of power. With AUKUS, our three nations can achieve the shared strategic goal of defending the Indo-Pacific region while maintaining our technological and military superiority. This bill presses the State Department to take action and account for our arms transfers with the U.K. and Australia so that we can address any hurdles and act seamlessly now and not wait for a time of crisis or even war. For these reasons, I am proud of this bipartisan bill, which will begin to address numerous long-standing challenges in our arms exports to our closest allies and potentially serve as a roadmap for working with other close allies and partners. I, again, thank Ranking Member Meeks, his team, and our members for working with my staff to ensure that this bill in support of a new long-term security pact with our allies becomes a reality. Mr. Speaker, this bill deserves our unanimous support, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close. Mr. Speaker, with AUKUS, we seek peace through strength. The previous administration laid the groundwork to collaborate with our closest allies and partners in countering China's threat to peace. Our Nation stood alongside Australia and U.K. for the launch of the AUKUS trilateral partnership in September of 2021. Now, we are prepared to best implement this important program. Through AUKUS, we are declaring that we will not stand idly by for Chairman Xi and other autocratic leaders to dictate when and under what circumstances the strength of our resilience is to be tested. This bipartisan measure is a commitment to our partners. The American people stand with the U.K. and Australia in preserving freedom. Together we will uphold the international rules-based order and protect and preserve the right of sovereign nations to defend themselves. In the Indo-Pacific, we have seen how one dictator, Chairman Xi, is defying the free world and threatening the open navigation and the free flow of trade. This week, Xi met with Putin in Moscow and afterwards possibly Iran. Chairman Xi chooses to closely partner with Russia, who launched an unprovoked war of aggression with Ukraine, where they are committing barbaric war crimes, as I just returned from Kyiv and Bucha, where I saw the mass graves. Mr. Putin also has a long track record of war crimes in Mali, Syria, and Central African Republic. Xi also chooses to associate with Iran, whose Revolutionary Guard Corps is a designated foreign terrorist organization. These alliances are a clear indication that Xi does not seek peace but chooses to work with those who wish to destroy it. Mr. Speaker, today I am proud to speak in a unified voice, as we do so often on the Foreign Affairs Committee, with my dear friend Mr. Meeks, in support of this great AUKUS partnership. Again, this measure deserves our unanimous support. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, the United States is not at war with Syria. Rather, the United States is conducting limited but important counterterrorism operations in Syria against ISIS, formerly known as al-Qaida in Iraq, pursuant to the 2001 counterterrorism AUMF. Those operations are being reported regularly to Congress, consistent with the War Powers Resolution. They are not new or unique to the Biden administration. In fact, let me quote President Trump about what we are doing here when he said: ``A small presence of United States Armed Forces remains in strategically significant locations in Syria to conduct operations . . . to address continuing terrorist threats emanating from Syria.'' ``These ongoing operations, which the United States has carried out with the assistance of numerous international partners, have been successful in seriously degrading ISIS capabilities in Syria and Iraq.'' When ISIS was at the peak of its power in 2015, it controlled vast territory in Iraq and Syria, which it used to launch attacks in the Middle East and beyond. Those terrorists ruled with medieval brutality. We all remember the graphic videos of ISIS fighters beheading journalists and innocent civilians. These monsters drew thousands of volunteers to join their ranks in Iraq and Syria and inspired terrorist attacks around the world. Our U.S. military, working with a global coalition and local forces on the ground, helped to dismantle and destroy this vicious caliphate. I am proud that our men and women in uniform answered the call to fight this menace, which threatened the United States and the world. Even though ISIS no longer controls significant territory, there are still tens of thousands of hardened terrorist fighters in Iraq and Syria who are hell-bent on reestablishing their terror state. In fact, in the last quarter of 2022, ISIS claimed 72 attacks in Iraq and Syria, including several IED attacks. Thankfully, our small deployment of U.S. servicemembers is remarkably effective at working with local partner forces to achieve results and ensure the enduring and complete defeat of ISIS. Otherwise, these numbers would be much worse. In 2022, we were involved in 108 partner and 14 unilateral operations, killing 466 ISIS operatives and detaining 215 others. None of us want our soldiers overseas and in harm's way any longer than is absolutely necessary. I understand that the gentleman from Florida has introduced this resolution in good faith and is well intentioned, and he did it in response to a February 17 operation to kill an ISIS leader, in which four U.S. servicemembers were wounded. Any injured or killed servicemember is a tragedy. We are eternally grateful for the sacrifice made by our men and women in uniform and their families and never take them for granted. It is our responsibility as Members of Congress to reassess, on an ongoing basis, whether their deployments and the risk they involve are necessary. In doing that, we must recall President Obama's disastrous decision to prematurely withdraw our troops from Iraq in 2011. A few short years later, American troops returned to fight the deadly ISIS caliphate, which grew out of the al-Qaida presence that had not been defeated. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, General Milley, was in Syria just days ago to see our troops and assess the state of our mission. He went there to figure out what value this mission holds for our security. He said: ``Unless you support and devote the correct amount of resources to it, things will get worse,'' and, ``If you completely ignore and turn your back, then you are setting the conditions for a resurgence.'' That is why I strongly oppose this resolution directing the removal of United States Armed Forces from Syria, and I urge my colleagues to do the same. If we withdraw our troops from Syria now, we could see a resurgence of ISIS or another lethal successor in a short time. Withdrawal of this legal, authorized U.S. troop deployment must be based on the total defeat of ISIS. Let me be clear: Congress' power to declare war is one of our most solemn Article I responsibilities. I understand why some in this Chamber are uncomfortable with using a 22-year-old force authorization for current operations. I believe that we should be working together, in a bipartisan manner, to have an updated replacement to this AUMF to address the current threat environment, while also keeping Congress engaged with our constitutional responsibilities. But this resolution does not work to that end. I believe it would call for an artificial withdrawal and it would be a win for the ISIS terrorists committed to our destruction. The bottom line is: The premise upon this resolution--as the Parliamentarian doesn't make fact-based determinations--the premise of this whole thing is that there is no authorization for troops to be in Syria today. It is just not accurate. In fact, it is wrong. In 2014, the ISIS threat was addressed under the Presidential authority of the 2001 AUMF. I remember being in the White House with President Trump addressing this crisis, as well, about what to do about Syria, and whether we believe our U.S. troops should remain, in a very small footprint of 900 soldiers, in Syria. At that time, President Trump made the decision that, under the 2001 AUMF, to keep these troops in country, and I believe that was the correct decision, and I stand by that. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in this opposition, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Montana (Mr. Zinke).

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the order of the House of today, I call up the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 21) directing the President, pursuant to section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution, to remove the United States Armed Forces from Syria and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include any extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, let me just say to my colleague, who serves with me on the Foreign Affairs Committee, we are a lot in agreement. I think the 2001 AUMF is outdated, and it should have been sunsetted. Congress has a constitutional responsibility to address this. Now, as chairman, that is my intention, and I hope to work with the gentleman on this. But the point is, this is a privileged resolution under the War Powers Act 5(c), section (c), that basically says if U.S. forces are engaged in hostilities without authorization, such forces shall be removed by the President, if directed by a congressional concurrent resolution. We have authorization here, and it is the 2001 AUMF. We may not like that. We can debate whether we need to update this thing, and I think we do. The ranking member and I have had these discussions, as well. But that is really the centerpiece of what we are talking about on this privileged resolution. So when this is all said and done, I hope we can perhaps work on updating this outdated authorized use of military force to what is the modern-day threat. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Lawler).

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, let me say, it has been a good debate. There is nothing more important in this body than issues of war and peace and what we have been talking about today. I was a counterterrorism Federal prosecutor after 9/11 and the chairman of the Homeland Security Committee when ISIS and the caliphate were at their strength with external operations and, yes, the southern border and the threat that that poses. We can talk about the merits some more, and I appreciate this discussion. But at the heart of this under the War Powers Resolution privilege is, and I am quoting directly: `` . . . that United States Armed Forces are engaged in hostilities . . . without a declaration of war or specific statutory authorization, such forces shall be removed by the President if the Congress so directs. . . . `' The authority is there, and if you look under the AUMF of 2001 `` . . . to prevent any future acts of international terrorism. . . . `' I want to close with what President Trump said. I was a part of this decision with him on June 9, 2020. He said: Since October 7, 2001, United States Armed Forces have conducted counterterrorism operations against al-Qaida. Since August of 2014, they have targeted the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, otherwise known as ISIS, formerly known as al- Qaida in Iraq. These ongoing operations have been successful in seriously degrading ISIS capabilities in Syria and Iraq. If we want to start having a debate without repealing and replacing the 2001 AUMF, then I would just argue to my colleagues that that would be the productive route to fix this issue of whether the United States should be present in the Middle East at all. And to close, our Afghanistan hearing, what a mess we have left behind and what a threat that has become, as well. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Missouri (Mrs. Wagner), the vice chair of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and another eyewitness to this act of aggression as the balloon traveled across her State, the State of Missouri.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations.