Michael McCaul

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Waltz), a U.S. Army veteran and decorated Special Forces officer with 23 years of service, including combat tours in Afghanistan and the Middle East.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Riggleman), a veteran of the United States Air Force, who served in Operation Allied Force, Operation Enduring Freedom, and multiple counterterrorism activities over the past two decades. We thank him for his service.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Thornberry), the lead Republican on the House Armed Services Committee.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock).

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this dangerous amendment. I would like to refresh the memory of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle. The Iranian regime orchestrated over a dozen attacks against Americans in Iraq over the last 3 months, killing a U.S. citizen and wounding four U.S. servicemembers. They also hit the Embassy of the United States, ordering a fiery attack on the U.S. Embassy and launched a ballistic missile attack on the United States Forces. Honestly, Mr. Speaker, I don't know what more the President needs in terms of authorization to respond in self-defense given these events. The President has made it abundantly clear that he is not starting a war with Iran. He has repeatedly shown restraint after Iran's provocations and deescalated when others would not. When forced by Iran's dangerous escalations, the President has targeted limited military action to defend Americans overseas, using his Article II constitutional authority. This included the strike in Baghdad against Soleimani, Iran's mastermind of terror, who was responsible for killing more than 600 Americans and wounding thousands more. He has blood on his hands. But my colleagues cannot accept the fact that the President acted time and again with restraint in these matters. They are so blinded by their contempt for this President that they are seeking to tie his hands. They would rather risk putting Americans in the Middle East in harm's way by an Iranian regime with a 40-year history of deadly aggression against us. This amendment takes legitimate options off the table for the executive branch. In doing so, it shows America divided in the face of mounting Iranian threats, making our Nation less safe. Make no mistake, Iran and others are watching as the Democrats needlessly divide us. We all agree that, under Article I of the Constitution, only Congress possesses the authority to declare war, but this amendment goes much further than prohibiting an unauthorized war. This amendment uses Congress' power of the purse to preclude any use of force whatsoever against Iran unless it is previously authorized by Congress or provoked by an attack on the territory or the Armed Forces of the United States. Think about what that means. What can our military do if Iran attacks American civilians or diplomats or commercial shipping overseas? Under this reckless amendment, the answer is absolutely nothing. The United States military cannot fire a single shot until after the successful completion of a bicameral legislative process that enacts law authorizing the use of force. How many Americans would be dead by then? We need Iran and its terrorist proxies to think twice about attacking Americans, our friends, and our own interests, not enabling them like this amendment does. Further, this is an unprecedented attempt to limit the powers claimed by every Commander in Chief, both Democrat and Republican, since the War Powers Resolution was enacted over President Nixon's veto in 1973. This misguided amendment is actually far more restrictive than the War Powers Resolution itself, which recognizes the use of our Armed Forces for up to 60 days without legislative authorization in situations of war. This is absolutely not the time to play politics with our national security. Iran's aggression is not going to go away anytime soon. I would like to quote from a July 8 letter from the Department of Defense when this same proposal was considered as an amendment to the Defense Authorization bill. ``The Department strongly opposes this amendment. . . . If U.S. citizens, diplomatic facilities in the region, or other important national interests are threatened or attacked, we must be able to respond promptly and in an appropriate fashion.'' That letter was sent 5 months before the attack on the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad. The concerns expressed in the letter are even more urgent today, given the many attacks on Americans in Iraq in recent days. Bottom line, this measure emboldens our adversary by tying the President's hands on Iran. Mr. Speaker, therefore, I oppose this legislation, which I believe is politics at its worst. It is dangerous. It ties our Commander in Chief's hands. It emboldens our enemy, the largest state sponsor of terror, the Islamic Republic of Iran. And I urge my colleagues to do the same. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, let me first commend the Congressman from Massachusetts and his great work on this issue. He has been a really strong fighter for democracy and freedom-loving peoples around the world, whether it be the Hong Kong Democracy Act or the Tibetan people and their persecution in China. I thank Chairman McGovern so much, from the bottom of my heart. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Yoho), the Republican leader of the Asia, the Pacific, and Nonproliferation Subcommittee.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 4331, the Tibetan Policy and Support Act. The Chinese Communist Party's, or CCP's, crusade against faith is the greatest threat to religious freedom in the world today. This bill reminds us that the religious persecution didn't begin under Chairman Xi. The CCP has always hated and feared religion. Since China invaded Tibet in 1950, the CCP has tried to dismantle Tibetan Buddhism. In 1995, Chinese authorities kidnapped the second highest Tibetan faith leader and replaced him with a fraud. The Chinese Communist Party wants to ensure Tibetan leaders are chosen according to their political agenda, not according to Tibetan Buddhist religious practices. This bill states that the United States will not accept the CCP's destruction of Tibetan Buddhism, we will not accept fraudulent religious leaders appointed by Beijing, and we will not accept the CCP's control of deeply spiritual beliefs. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this important measure, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Again, I want to thank Chairman McGovern for strengthening U.S. support for Tibet at this critical moment. As the Tibetan community prepares for the Dalai Lama's succession, we must rein in the Communist Party's attempts to destroy the autonomy of Tibetan Buddhism. I also want to thank the gentleman from Minnesota, and Speaker Pelosi for her strong support for human rights and religious liberties. The gentlewoman stood on the floor when we debated the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act. That is what we do as Americans: We defend freedom and we defend democracy. This Nation was formed upon the idea of religious freedom and religious liberty. Under the Communist Party of China's rule, religion really doesn't exist. In fact, it almost prohibits religious freedom. It persecutes religious freedom. It kills religious freedom. The Dalai Lama himself was exiled to India where he is today. The Communist Party of China is brutally murdering and oppressing the Tibetan people; oppressing religious freedom and liberty, oppressing the Uighurs where they sit in camps, as I speak, with no voice, and, yes, they suppress the Christian community as well. So, again, I want to thank my friends on the other side of the aisle, and I thank Speaker Pelosi so much for supporting this legislation as we stood together to support Hong Kong and the people of Hong Kong. We spoke earlier today about supporting the people of Iran against theocracy and oppression, and we support the Tibetan people in their effort to exercise their religious freedom and liberty. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of my bill, the Global Hope Act. I am proud to have introduced this bill with my good friend, Chairman Eliot Engel. I thank the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Phillips) for his strong support and his personal story. I also thank the co-chair of the Childhood Cancer Caucus, Jackie Speier, for her tireless work with me in the caucus to help these children. I have been a tireless advocate for these children with cancer since I first came to Congress. In 2010, I helped found the Childhood Cancer Caucus really to give a voice to patients, advocates, and the children. This endeavor is deeply personal for me, as well. Growing up in elementary school, my best friend passed away from leukemia. Back then, it was a death sentence. Since founding the caucus, we have been very successful. Congress passed bipartisan legislation to improve cancer treatment options, boost research opportunities, and address health issues of the nearly 500,000 long-term childhood cancer survivors. Today, childhood cancer is largely treatable with an 80 percent, 5- year survival rate in the United States. Unfortunately, in developing countries, the opposite is true. Children diagnosed with cancer in developing countries have an 80 percent mortality rate. Madam Speaker, in sub-Saharan Africa, the mortality rate of children diagnosed with cancer is as high as 90 percent. This says nothing of the tens of thousands of cases that are believed to go undiagnosed every year. I truly believe that a child's birthplace should not determine their fate from cancer. That is why I introduced the Global Hope Act. My bill authorizes the Secretary of State to pursue public-private partnerships, increase access to treatment options, train health professionals, and, ultimately, improve care for children with cancer in developing countries. These partnerships will leverage decades of U.S. investments to strengthen health infrastructure and build the capacity of health ministries. This legislation does not take away funds from other critical global health interventions and infectious disease efforts. Rather, these public-private partnerships will build on existing programs to improve childhood cancer survival rates. Organizations such as Texas Children's Hospital and St. Jude, private sector partners such as Bristol-Myers Squibb and Teva, and nonprofits such as ACCESS are already starting this important work and are now seeing results in Botswana and other nations. These efforts are also supported by the World Health Organization's Global Childhood Cancer Initiative. Launched in 2018, the WHO aims to build political support and institutional capacity to treat childhood cancer in developing countries. The initiative set a goal of saving an additional 1 million lives by 2030. For the past two decades, the United States has been a global leader in funding health programs around the world, and I am proud to support this lifesaving work. Most recently, we passed a resolution affirming the U.S. commitment to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria and secured robust funding in the fiscal year 2020 appropriations bill. Our work to fight HIV/AIDS and eradicate other infectious diseases is far from over. But there is a critical opportunity to build on the successes of these global health programs and integrate projects aimed at improving childhood cancer care and available treatment options. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this important, lifesaving measure, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, let me thank my dear friend, Jackie Speier, for her leadership on this issue and as the co-chair of the caucus. I think we can prove that, in this toxic, partisan, difficult time in this Congress, we can work across the aisle, Republican and Democrat, but most importantly as Americans, to get good things done for not only the American people but for the world and save the children of the world. I think Congresswoman Speier is correct. We passed a lot of bills together that have saved lives, but I think this one probably is the most profound one. It is very difficult to pass a bill in the Congress, much less get it signed into law, but when you pass a bill and see it saving lives, that is perhaps the most remarkable and gratifying experience I have personally had in my eight terms in Congress. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman so much for her friendship. Madam Speaker, in closing, I remember being in Texas Children's Hospital in September 2018 to hear from the President of Botswana about the project Global HOPE initiative inspired by Baylor College of Medicine and their early work against HIV/AIDS and the epidemic in Africa. Global HOPE is starting to deliver childhood cancer care in sub-Saharan Africa, as I speak. At the event, when I met the President of Botswana, where the Global HOPE Act was recently constructed in a new pediatric facility in Botswana, which I will be visiting next month with my little, childhood cancer survivor, Sadie Keller. It is starting to train a new generation of Botswanan oncologists. What I was most impressed by was when he told me about the legacy of PEPFAR and what we did as a Nation. He said: PEPFAR saved a generation of my people from extinction--from ``extinction.'' It is my hope that this bill saves a generation of children from this dreaded disease. I believe that childhood cancer can be the next successful Global HOPE initiative that will save lives. Madam Speaker, I want to thank, particularly, Dr. Poplack, who was the chief oncologist at Texas Children's. He is the one who is responsible for this initiative. We are taking their initiative and turning it into law in the Congress. I will be there next month to commemorate International Children's Cancer Day. Madam Speaker, I do want to reference, too, my little childhood cancer fighter and survivor, Sadie Keller. She came into my office, and there are a lot of lobbyists in this town, but the children had no voice. They had no power. That is why Jackie and I formed the Childhood Cancer Caucus, to give them a voice. When she entered my office--she is 7 years old here--in her pink dress, I knew I had met somebody very special. I canceled my calendar, my schedule for the rest of the day, and I took her on a tour of the Capitol. Here we are looking--we had no idea they were even taking pictures-- but I took her to the Rotunda in the Capitol. I remember we spun around and looked at the top of the Capitol. Then I took her out to the Speaker's balcony, one of the most beautiful views in this Capitol building. Looking out on the horizon toward the future, seeing the ominous dark clouds, but also a ray of sunshine. The sunshine that is coming in, the sunshine that little Sadie has brought to my life, the sunshine that we are trying to bring to all these children out there who have gone through some really tough experiences. I have met many of them, like the Congressman from Minnesota's daughter, and it is very heartbreaking to see them in the hospitals. Some survive, and some don't. But this effort will take it to the next step, to take our fight against this dreaded disease. We have done so much to help children in the United States. The FDA's approval of CAR T, which takes your own immune system and attacks your own cancer through your own T cells, rather than injecting chemo--which is really a derivative of World War I mustard gas, which has been banned from the battlefield, which kills the cancer just before it kills you. You can imagine the survivorship issues with these children, because they have the rest of their lives, if they survive, to deal with. So, I want to thank all those friends of mine on the other side of the aisle for helping me move this forward. This is a momentous day for our fight against childhood cancer. It is a momentous day to take it global and take the fight globally. I look forward to this bill's passage in the Senate and it being signed into law. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. We have heard some really powerful testimony about the rights and the role of women throughout the world, and I think back to my own time as a counterterrorism Federal prosecutor, to chairman of the Homeland Security Committee, and now my role on the Foreign Affairs Committee. Where women are oppressed, democracy and freedom is oppressed. Where extremism exists, the rights of women are denied. I also want to thank you, Madam Speaker, Ms. Frankel, for your leadership in bringing this bill to the floor. It is a national security issue. I really view it that way because, where women are empowered, we don't have extremism. Chairman Engel and I will be at the Canadian Embassy this night talking about the Global Fragility Act and the ONE Campaign and Bono's efforts to stabilize the world, stabilize this whole region from extremism. What we found, whether it was Boko Haram taking 270 Catholic grade school girls hostage, to the Taliban raining down on educated women or women trying to get an education, to the story of Ms. Yousafzai, to killing women in the streets, it is absolutely unacceptable. I am proud today that we stand as Americans and not as partisans standing for the rights of young women. I have four daughters myself, and they live in freedom, and they know education is important. But women around the world deserve this right. Regardless of where you are born, women and girls around the world deserve this right. We have seen it from Afghanistan, to the Sahel, to Pakistan and, really, all over the world. I think the number, 130 million. I love the quote that the biggest threat to extremism is a girl with a book. That is what we are going to change. Madam Speaker, thank you for your boldness and your courage and leadership in bringing this to the floor, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Indiana (Mrs. Brooks), who is the lead Republican cosponsor of this bill.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Keeping Girls in School Act. I want to thank Representative Frankel and Representative Brooks for their leadership on this legislation. The United States has been a global leader in funding programs to support women and girls from around the world. We recognize the importance of empowering women to succeed, and that starts with receiving an education. This legislation codifies the existing U.S. strategy to empower adolescent girls, which coordinates efforts between the Department of State, USAID, the Millennium Challenge Corporation, the Peace Corps, and PEPFAR to ensure that our development assistance programs are addressing barriers to girls' attendance in schools. It also supports efforts to ensure girls receive a quality secondary education and have the support necessary to stay in school. We know that when women and girls are educated and supported, they are more likely to invest in their families and in their communities. Last year, I was honored to travel to Cote d'Ivoire to launch the Women's Global Development and Prosperity Initiative alongside Ivanka Trump and a Senate delegation. W-GDP seeks to reach 50 million women in the developing world by 2025 through efforts to empower and enable women to be entrepreneurs and productive members of the workforce. I was also proud to be a cosponsor of the Women's Entrepreneurship and Economic Empowerment Act which was signed into law last year. We must continue our bipartisan efforts to ensure United States' support for women and girls around the world is strong. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the Keeping Girls in School Act, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, yesterday in this Chamber we honored the life of a dear friend of mine, a colleague I came into the Congress with in 2005, Michael Fitzpatrick, and it was quite an honor to know him and to call him my friend. With that, I want to yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzpatrick), his brother and a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Waltz), a distinguished member of the United States military who served our country so well overseas in some very dangerous places.

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Madam Speaker, I met with a group of Iranian Americans just this last weekend, and I talked to them about their friends in Iran who are fighting this oppression. I saw the video, the internet feed that they are able to get out of country. One of the problems has been they shut down the internet. They control the internet in Iran because it was built with security in mind, first. It is very difficult to get communications both inside and outside of Iran, but we are working on those technologies today, Madam Speaker, so that these people can communicate with the outside world. They are being held hostage themselves by the Ayatollah, who held our Embassy officials hostage in 1979. They are listening to our voices here in the Congress, and they are shooting out texts and emails, and we are finding ways to get them to communicate. There are 80 million people in Iran, once a great empire, the Persian empire that brought us so many great things; and now, under this oppressive theocracy, the majority of these people do not support their own oppressive, brutal killing regime. The Islamic Republic of Iran, in my judgment, their days are limited, and it is time for the people of Iran to take back their country. And when I say this to the people of Iran, know that the American people stand with the people of Iran. Know that this House stands with the people of Iran and that this Congress and President stand with the people of Iran. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson), the ranking member on the Subcommittee for the Middle East, North Africa, and International Terrorism.

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock).

Mr. McCAUL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Iranian people and our condemnation of the Iranian regime's crackdown on legitimate protests. I want to first thank Congressman Deutch for bringing this important legislation, introducing this resolution. And I am proud to be a cosponsor of it. Twice in the past 3 months, the Iranian people have bravely raised their voices to protest the conduct of the despotic Iranian regime. And both times, these peaceful, popular demonstrations have been met with utter violence. In November, protestors across Iran voiced their anger at an abrupt increase in gasoline prices. This soon broadened to voicing their anger at the regime as a whole. The Islamic Republic of Iran responded with brutal force. Security thugs opened fire on unarmed protestors. The regime cut off the internet in an attempt to silence the voice of the people and suppress the evidence of the security forces' bloodshed. Despite the regime's efforts, the world still knows about their cruelty. We have all seen the videos of security forces shooting innocent people on the streets. The regime killed as many as 1,500 people, by far the largest and most violent crackdown since the 1979 revolution. Just a few weeks later, the Iranian people were once again furious with their government. This time, it was because the regime shot down a commercial airliner, killing 176 innocent people, many of whom were Iranian. Even worse, the regime did not admit to having done so for 3 days. They intentionally lied to their own people and to the world. Once again, security forces fired on peaceful protestors. The broad frustration with this cruel, lying regime is evident. An Iranian Olympic medalist announced she was defecting because of ``hypocrisy, lies, injustice, and flattery.'' Iran's State TV anchor resigned, saying, ``It was very hard for me to believe the killing of my own countrymen. I apologize for lying to you on television for the last 13 years.'' With this resolution, we declare that the House of Representatives stands with the people of Iran demanding accountability from their leaders. I thank the President for loudly and clearly supporting the rights of the Iranian people. The President has urged the regime not to use violence against their own people. He has also worked to hold the Iranian regime accountable for its cruelty. The administration has actively sought information about the perpetrators of violence through its tip line. Using those tips, the administration has sanctioned those with blood on their hands, such as the IRGC commander who oversaw a massacre in November, killing as many as 148 people. I want to thank the administration for taking concrete action to support the people of Iran. This resolution is our opportunity in the Congress to show the same support. It is an important step, but we can and must do more. Our next course of action should be to pass my bill that holds the Iranian officials accountable for serious human rights abuses. So let's stand together as Americans and keep the process and pressure up on this dangerous regime. And let me just say, I have talked to many Iranians throughout this country, and the people of Iran are watching this Chamber. They are watching what we say here. Our voices do matter in Iran and to the Iranian people who are in the United States. So I want to again thank Congressman Deutch for bringing this important resolution that stands up for the people of Iran. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, I am strongly in favor of exercising our Article I authorities for matters as grave as war and peace, but the fact is, we are not at war with Iran. The President is not trying to start a war with Iran. I met with the President earlier today. He told me that if this resolution passes, it will take all of his power to negotiate with Iran off the table. That is the worst thing that we could do. Yesterday, he called for making a deal that allows for Iran to thrive and prosper. The President is making the choice to move toward deescalation. The premise of this resolution is flawed because we are not engaged in hostilities with Iran. The President is not trying to start hostilities with Iran. Despite this public proclamation by our President, my colleagues are trying to claim that the President still wants to go to war. I deeply regret that my colleagues are not serious enough about exercising our Article I authorities to pursue regular order on such a serious question. We have had no hearings in the House Foreign Affairs Committee since these events transpired. There was no Foreign Affairs Committee markup of this legislation. I received the text of this legislation only 2 hours before the Rules Committee meeting last night on a War Powers Resolution. Debating issues of war and peace is perhaps our most important responsibility as Members of Congress, and, yet, this legislation dropped last night without committee consideration as required by the War Powers Resolution. If my colleagues were as serious about Article I as they say they are, then this would be a joint resolution with the force of law. Instead, it is a House concurrent resolution that will never go to the President's desk. Let me translate what that means to the American people listening today. Today, we are voting on a press release, a press statement. This is a political statement for a leftwing domestic audience. But they are not the only ones watching, Mr. Speaker. Iran is watching, and its proxies are watching. What they see is a divided America that does not fully support the ability of our Commander in Chief to respond to imminent threats to Americans. Churchill warned against appeasement when the dark clouds of fascism and the Third Reich swept in, in my father's war. Weakness invites aggression, he said. President Reagan said: ``Peace through strength.'' I believe in these ideals and these axioms. Last May, it was reported that Soleimani met with Iraqi militias in Baghdad and told them to ``prepare for proxy war.'' Without last week's strike, Soleimani would still be waging that proxy war, a war that he was escalating. An American was killed less than 2 weeks ago, and four American soldiers were injured. Our Embassy in Baghdad was attacked under Soleimani's orders. What more do we need? What more evidence do we need? Let's talk about the facts. He is a designated terrorist under the Obama administration. Importantly, the President told me today that Soleimani was planning to blow up our Embassy. I need no further proof, evidence, or intelligence than that from the President of the United States. What if the President had not acted? Let's assume that. By the way, some on the other side of the aisle were criticizing him for not responding after our Embassy was attacked. What if he did not act. What if Soleimani had made it back to Tehran to meet with the Ayatollah to give the green light to carry out the plot to attack our soldiers and diplomats in Iraq? What if the Americans were killed? What if they killed our soldiers and diplomats? What if they successfully stormed our American Embassy and held our marines and diplomats hostage, like they did in 1979 when this whole reign of terror started with Jimmy Carter in the White House? How would the critics of the President respond then if we had done nothing? How would the American people respond? How would the Gold Star Mothers respond? No, this President did the right thing to take out this threat that killed so many Americans. I have been to too many funerals, as many of us in this Chamber have, and many of those soldiers were killed at the bloody hands of Soleimani. As many Americans whose families still grieve today, we grieve for them. Since 1979, Iran has presided over a reign of terror in the region. For over two decades, Soleimani has been the mastermind of terror, and the world is safer today without him. Mr. Speaker, let me conclude by saying that now is not the time to divide this Nation and play into the propaganda of Iran. Now is not the time to tie our Commander in Chief's hands. Now is the time to support our men and women in uniform. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to oppose this resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.