Gwen Moore

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow, the House is going to take up and, hopefully, pass legislation that I have introduced to honor a Wisconsin hero and one of my she-roes, Vel R. Phillips. The bill would designate a post office in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in her honor. Vel was the first of so many things: the first African American and the first woman to become an alderman in the city of Milwaukee; the first African American woman to graduate from the University of Wisconsin-Madison Law School; the first African American judge in Milwaukee County; the first and only African American to win election statewide in Wisconsin. But her life and contributions cannot simply be summed up by merely adding up her many firsts. Such an approach gives short shrift of her local and national impact. For you see, Mr. Speaker, she was a soldier for social justice in the national movement for desegregation in housing in the open housing movement. I first met Vel when I was 16 years old, and she was the judge in an oratorical contest. That encounter has made a lifelong impact on me. Vel passed away earlier this year in her 90s, but her legacy of love, service, and commitment lives on.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I missed Roll Call votes 386 and 387. Had I been present, I would have voted NO on the Previous Question in order to allow the House to take up and debate the Child Care for Working Families Act. I would have voted NO on the closed rule for debate on H.R. 6691.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Thompson, and, indeed, it is my pleasure to join him in cosponsoring the reauthorization of the Family Violence Prevention and Services Act of 2018. Mr. Speaker, I am so very, very pleased that this is a piece of bipartisan legislation introduced by Glenn Thompson, Elise Stefanik, and Lisa Blunt Rochester. Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, we have found the need to stick together in a bipartisan manner because violence against women and children, unfortunately, is not a partisan issue. It is not an issue that is relegated to one race of people and to one economic class. It is pervasive, and it is a detriment to our entire American community. But fortunately, Mr. Speaker, since 1984, Congress has passed the Family Violence Prevention and Services Act as the primary Federal funding source to support emergency shelters and related assistance for victims of domestic violence and their families. We have updated it based on best practices that we have seen, and the monies are available to community-driven solutions and a network of programs and services dedicated to responding to domestic violence across the country. This reauthorization would follow current authorization levels for fiscal years 2019 through 2023. FVPSA, is, of course, at the heart of the Nation's response to domestic violence, ensuring, Mr. Speaker, that these shelters and programs are able to keep their lights on and their doors open to serve more than 1.3 million victims of domestic violence and their children every year. Again, it serves nearly 1,600 community-based programs through State- formula grants. Not only do they serve shelters, the hotline, and crisis intervention, but they also provide legal assistance and police services as well. It is a multistate strategy, and we are very proud of its effectiveness. In fact, the National Institute of Justice funded a multistate study, and it shows conclusively that the Nation's domestic violence programs address not only the most urgent safety needs of victims to protect themselves and their children, but it also asserts that, if this funding did not exist, the consequences for the victims would be dire, including homelessness; serious losses, as in mothers losing custody of their children; and continued abuse. As Mr. Thompson has pointed out, the abuse is not simply confined to physical abuse, but the emotional abuse and economic abuse as well, and even, sadly, death of some of these women. Each year, the National Network to End Domestic Violence releases a report called ``Domestic Violence Counts: A 24-hour National Census of Domestic Violence Services.'' Sadly, it reports that in just 1 day last year, 2017, 72,245 victims of domestic violence were happily receiving services. But you know what, Mr. Speaker? Another 11,441 requests for services were left unmet because of the lack of funding and resources. So we do a pretty good job with this program, but there are always, always, always a dearth of resources. I appreciate Mr. Thompson providing me with the time, and I have examples, if time will allow, for me to just share some of the stories, just to give some face, Mr. Thompson, to some of the people who are served by the local shelters, programs, coalition, funding for Tribal governments to provide essential services to survivors. In the State of Washington, we have Inez, who was 14 years old and the only survivor of a fire that killed her entire family. She was taken in by relatives, only to be raped by her uncle at age 15, as so- called ``payment for her care.'' She gave birth to a son, Manuel, who was never allowed to call her ``Mother.'' At 16, she met Tomas, thinking this would be an escape for her and Manuel. He promised her a life of love and security but, in reality, that security meant a locked closet where she and Manuel were routinely starved and sexually assaulted. When her second son, Miguel, was born, Inez decided that she just had to get a way before she and her two sons were further victimized. Inez learned of the domestic violence hotline from women she had worked with in the orchards, and a coworker called and helped Inez and her children go to a local YWCA shelter. She lived there for 2 years to get back on her feet while she gained her U visa and rebuilt her life. Inez now has her green card and a home of her own, and her boys are thriving in school and preschool. You know, there are many, many stories that I can go on with. I just want to say that the #MeToo movement has given all of these survivors a renewed hope and courage to come forward to tell their stories. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Thompson so much for his time, for his stewardship over this important legislation, and I urge my colleagues to stand with these survivors by cosponsoring H.R. 6014, the FVPSA Reauthorization Act, and to push for the passage of this bipartisan legislation in this 115th Congress.

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, if I just might add, Mr. Thompson, it is because of us. I mean, as legislators, we get a bum rap sometimes. We don't know Inez necessarily, but it is because of us and this funding that there is someone on the other end of that telephone who can answer the call. It is because of the work and this authorization that there is a place for Inez to go. This did not always exist before 1984. And while we can't end every single act of violence, we do deserve the credit for creating the space and the opportunity for these victims to be able to come forward and, when they gain the courage, to leave these domestically violent situations. The most dangerous moment for any of these women is that point in time when they decide to do something about their situation, and that is the point in which there has just got to be a resource there.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my thoughts on H.R. 184, the Protect Medical Innovation Act of 2017. I recognize concerns regarding the implications of an excise tax on medical devices for the consumer. However, this bill is a clear effort by the House Majority to continue taking a sledgehammer to the Affordable Care Act and pander to corporate interests. H.R. 184 is neither good policy nor good messaging. Americans need thoughtful legislation that will improve upon the Affordable Care Act, lower healthcare costs and insurance premiums, expand access to care, and improve the quality of care they receive. Instead, the House Majority brought H.R. 184 to the Floor, without providing for the cost of eliminating the tax, increasing the deficit by $20 billion dollars over 10 years, all to benefit major corporations. As we've seen them do before after the passage of their Tax Scam, Republicans would then cynically use the rising deficits as an excuse to target Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security. Therefore, I do not believe it is prudent to repeal this tax, especially without a plan to offset the cost. I encourage the Majority to make an earnest effort to improve the state of our healthcare systems. I'd gladly join them in working to produce legislation that strengthens the Affordable Care Act by protecting preexisting conditions, expanding access to critical health services, increasing insurance coverage enrollment, decreasing costs and premiums, and improving the quality of treatment all Americans receive. H.R. 184 accomplishes none of these.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent and missed rollcall Votes 373 and 374 earlier today. I would have voted ``yes'' on rollcall Vote 373, extending the authorization for the National Flood Insurance Program, and ``yes'' on rollcall 374.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent on July 23, 2018 and missed Roll Call Votes 366 and 367. Had I been present, I would have voted YES on both roll calls.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably absent on rollcall Votes 368, 369, 370, 371 and 372. I would have voted ``no'' on all five rollcall votes.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, standing under the revered E Pluribus Unum, I ardently plea for unanimous consent to amend the rules to make in order the Quigley amendment to restore desperately needed funds to prevent the pernicious and nefarious Russian interference in our elections.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, let me thank the committee for supporting me in my very important amendments last evening, and I have another very important amendment that is before the committee here today. Mr. Chair, I urge support for my amendment that would prevent the administration from dismantling the EPA's Great Lakes Advisory Board. I am so pleased that this bill has again rejected the President's proposal to gut the GLRI, and this amendment would prevent them from dismantling the advisory board. Mr. Chairman, this is a critical matter for anyone who drinks water. The Great Lakes provide drinking water to some 40 million people. Let me say that again. Forty million people depend on this resource for one of life's basic requirements, water, not to mention anglers and recreation. As an old African proverb goes, water has no enemies. So, hopefully, the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative is something that we are going to recognize as having played a critical role in protecting and restoring one of America's greatest national treasures, a life- sustaining element, water. Just to mention, not to bore people with a lot of statistics, but the Great Lakes contain about 21 percent of the world's surface freshwater and more than 80 percent, 85 percent, of the freshwater in North America. This is indispensable. As critical as this funding is, it is also important that the EPA receive advice and input from local stakeholders regarding priorities under that program. The Great Lakes Advisory Board provides such advice. EPA established the board in 2013 to provide independent advice to the EPA administration in its capacity as chair of the Federal Great Lakes Interagency Task Force. Some of the past activities of the advisory board have been providing the EPA with recommendations regarding what are the most significant stressors and needs for the Great Lakes ecosystem; providing the EPA with recommendations on ways to ensure effective public input into the Great Lakes action plan process; and providing advice on whether the GLRI should invest in efforts to understand long-term, future threats and communicate them to the Great Lakes community for action. In light of reports of efforts to undermine the board, on a bipartisan basis, I joined colleagues in writing to the EPA earlier this year to make clear that we support the establishment and maintenance of the board. My amendment would put teeth behind this letter and make it clear to the administration what congressional intent is regarding this important advisory board. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chair, I want to thank the gentleman from California. He is a very effective leader on this issue. I appreciate him. An effective Great Lakes Advisory Board is vital to ensuring that the GLRI remains successful and impactful today and in the years to come. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to rise today to offer an amendment to increase resources available to help address a scourge that is occurring in so many of our communities: lead poisoning. My district is facing its challenges like so many in our country, and the Federal Government must do its part by ensuring that we provide the resources to address this scourge. Two of the most prominent vectors are old housing and old water infrastructure, lateral lead pipes. My amendment would attempt to address just one of the sources of lead, old lateral lead pipes, while recognizing the need to address housing when the appropriate funding bill comes to the floor. Mr. Chairman, we know that children throughout America are at risk of a major public health crisis given aging drinking water infrastructure and housing stock. In my district alone, there are tens of thousands of lead service lines that pose a threat to the public health of children. We have heard so much about Flint, Michigan, but I can tell you that lead poisoning in my district mirrors that of Flint, Michigan. I mean, Mr. Chairman, there just are no safe levels of lead for children. As noted in a recent report by The Pew Charitable Trusts: ``In the absence of lead, hundreds of thousands of children would be more likely to realize their full potential thanks to higher grade point averages, a better chance of earning high school diplomas, and graduating from college, and a reduced likelihood of becoming teen parents or becoming convicted of crimes.'' Yet lead exposure remains a serious threat for far too many kids and their families in our country. The only way to remove lead pipes as a source of lead contamination is to completely remove them. That is the goal that I joined with my former and dearly loved colleague, the late great Louise Slaughter, in writing to urge the EPA in March of this year to update its lead and copper rule to require the full replacement of lead service lines. But both public utilities and private homeowners are hard pressed to finance this needed work. It is my understanding that the average cost can be somewhere between $6,000 to $8,000 to replace such lines, which is an unimaginable sum for many of the households that our constituents live in. My amendment would provide funding for one of the newest tools that Congress created in the 2016 WRDA bill to help communities address lead pipes. This program provides grants for lead reduction projects that help reduce the concentration of lead in drinking water by, among other uses, providing assistance to low-income homeowners to replace lead service lines. Recognizing the need, Congress authorized the program at $60 million per year; yet it received only $10 million in the fiscal year 2018 omnibus appropriations bill. While I would like to get closer to the authorized level, my amendment is modest and pragmatic and would simply continue funding for this program at the fiscal year 2018 level. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for his stewardship and for his recognition of the importance of this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, on July 16th, I missed Roll Call votes No. 329 and 330. Had I been present, I would have voted YEA on both bills to designate post offices in honor of members of the military.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chair, the intent of the amendment is to reserve funds for the Smithsonian to do an exhibit in conjunction with local groups and organizations focused on celebrating the United Nations International Decade for People of African Descent. I am so proud to offer this amendment. Mr. Chair, January 1, 2015, through December 21, 2024, has been designated as the United Nations International Decade for People of African Descent, with the theme, ``People of African Descent: recognition, justice, and development'' by the United Nations General Assembly. The population comprising the African diaspora is expansive, spanning across the globe from the Americas and the Caribbean, to Asia and Europe, with persons of African descent having a historic presence on every continent. Around 200 million people identifying themselves as being of African descent live in the Americas. The goal of this initiative is for the United Nations and its member states, among others, to take advantage of the auspicious period of history by undertaking activities in the spirit of recognition, justice, and development for people of African descent around the globe. Among the goals of this international initiative is to underscore the important endowments made by people of African descent to our world societies and to promote a greater knowledge of and respect for the diverse heritage, culture, and contributions of people of African descent to the development of societies. Now, in this country, Mr. Chairman, the Smithsonian is uniquely positioned to celebrate the launch of this International Decade at the national level here in this country by creating temporary and maybe permanent exhibits that can help promote the cultural and artistic goals of the International Decade and to create an effective exhibit or series of exhibits across its museums on the contributions of African descendants in the United States, where Black history is inextricably and integrally woven since this country's founding and even before. Yes, Mr. Chairman, Africans explored these shores long before Columbus and archeological findings here do prove. The Smithsonian has a history of undertaking efforts to commemorate and tell the story of the impact of African descendants on African American history, politics, culture, and society, including the opening of the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture. The Smithsonian has a wealth of artifacts and holds the resources to put together a well-regarded national showcase to weave together a compelling and concise study and story of some of the most notable contributions across sectors of African descendants. Likewise, it can work with local organizations to borrow or make available artifacts, documents, and relics related to telling the story in a way that no other institution in our country can. Simply put, the Smithsonian has the right mix of expertise, archives, and artifacts to help tell the story as well as the ability to work with local groups throughout our Nation that are guardians of some of these narratives but may not have the resources. With these additional resources, it is hoped that the Smithsonian will partner with other State and local institutions to help create a story reflective of the U.N. International Decade for People of African Descent and promoting the history and heritage of people of African descent and their impact on our country here. In an era of xenophobia and rising intolerance, now, more than ever, we need to join in helping to publicly recognize the culture, history, and heritage of people of African descent and their impact on the Nation and the world and have the International Decade for People of African Descent be more than an empty rhetorical platitude to African Americans on this shore. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chair, I thank my colleague, because we will turn the light on the contributions of Africans on this continent during this decade. I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I missed Roll Call votes No. 327 and No. 328. I would have voted YEA on Roll Call 327 related to a motion to recommit H.R. 50 and NO on Roll Call 328 related to final passage of H.R. 50.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, on June 25, I missed Roll Call votes 289 and 290. Had I been present, I would have voted YES on Roll Call 289 regarding the Blue Water Navy Vietnam Veterans Act of 2018 and YES on Roll Call 290 related to H.R. 5783.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, had I been present, I would have voted YEA on Roll Call No. 295

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Chairman, the legislation before us today makes nonprofit organizations eligible for Federal Government vouchers to house people in recovery for drug addiction. My amendment simply makes Tribal housing authorities also eligible to apply and receive the vouchers. I, like the gentlewoman from California, am concerned that this bill, without additional funding, however well-intended, really robs Peter to pay Paul, and it would cannibalize our local housing authorities of funds and prioritize seeking housing solutions for those individuals with addiction problems over other individuals who are victims of domestic violence, who are low-income families who have been waiting in line and need a subsidy in order to make ends meet, and other homeless populations. Again, I think this is a laudable goal, but I am concerned about this bill not having any appropriations connected to it. But, Mr. Chairman, if we, in fact, are going to take this approach, I am sure we can all agree that Tribal housing authorities should also be eligible. Indian Country has been devastated by drug addiction, and Tribes from across the Nation have struggled to keep pace with treating their addicted population and all the tertiary problems associated with addiction, including housing problems. The reality is that nonprofits are not really operating in Indian Country now, and the unique geographic and cultural challenges make it very unlikely that any nonprofit will actually be able to serve Indian Country even if the program is successful in other areas. Indian Tribes are making do. There are some success stories, like the Potawatomi in Milwaukee, but the need is so overwhelming. So as we provide aid to our States, I strongly believe that our sacred trust obligations to Indian Country make it necessary for us to include our Tribes in this legislation. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. MOORE

Ms. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, as you mentioned, the Poor People's Campaign was a national call for a moral revival. What we are doing here now: We are reengaging the Poor People's Campaign for the nonviolent economic reform movement that the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King was organizing when he was assassinated in 1968. This resurgence is being called the most extensive wave of nonviolent direct action in our Nation's history. What this resurgence recognizes is that Dr. King was right, that the trifecta of racism, poverty, and militarism are interconnected. Today they are trapping more than 140 million Americans in poverty and low wealth, and many of them are children and veterans. Mr. Speaker, I would like to talk to you about one of Dr. King's triple evils, militarism. I want to talk about it because we have a total volunteer Army now. We don't have the draft. So the young people who are being recruited into our military today are young people, often from low-income households, who are seeking an opportunity, and they are being seduced into the military with promises of technical training, bonuses, and college. I would like to share with you a letter from one of those people, Mr. Brock McIntosh of Illinois. He says: This way of injecting the poisonous drugs of hate into veins of people, normally humane, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. I would like to tell you all about the precise moment I realized that there was poison in me. I am the child of a nurse and a factory worker in the heartland of Illinois, the family of blue collar and service workers. At the height of the Iraq war, military recruiters at my high school attracted me with signup bonuses and college assistance that some saw as their ticket out. For me, I hoped it was my ticket up, providing opportunities that I once felt were out of reach. Two years later, when I was 20 years old, I was standing over the body of a 16-year-old Afghan boy. A roadside bomb he was building prematurely detonated. He was covered in shrapnel and burns and now lay sedated after having one of his hands amputated by our medics. His other hand had the callused roughness of a farmer or a shepherd. As he lay there with a peaceful expression, I studied the details of his face and caught myself rooting for him: ``If this boy knew me,'' I thought, ``he wouldn't want to kill me.'' And here I am, I am supposed to want to kill him, and I feel bad that I wanted him to live. Now, that is the poisoned mind. That is the militarized mind. And all the opportunities afforded me by the military can't repay the cost of war on my soul. It is poor folks who carry the burden of war for the elites who send them. A working-class boy from Illinois, sent halfway around the world to kill a young farmer--how did we get here? How did this crazy war economy come to be? First, there is the demand. A society that feels perpetually threatened perpetually prepares for war, even in the time of peace. To do this requires a military industrial complex, a vast war economy whose charters, profits, stocks, and jobs depend on permanent militarization and whose fortune prospers most in times of war. Secondly, there is the supply. A Nation that wants to attract volunteers to its military and care for veterans provides opportunities that will lure recruits who are predominantly working-class folks with limited opportunities. We need a Poor People's Campaign to amplify the voices like this, of regular folks, above the lobby of a militarized industry, a poisoned economy, to demand jobs in industries other than war-making, to demand opportunities for working- class folks that don't require killing other working-class folks. We need a Poor People's Campaign to demand justice for people of color, killed by militarized police forces, a poisoned law enforcement. We need a Poor People's Campaign to transform a militarized politic, a poisoned Congress, and a poisoned White House that proves their toughness with chest beating and unites their base with war drumming. War always has a way of distracting our attention and perverting our priorities. We need a Poor People's Campaign to organize for racial, economic, and ecological justice, to force these issues to the front and rectify our Nation's agenda.