Jerrold Nadler

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman an additional 1 minute.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. I will end this debate by reiterating the point I made at the beginning: This legislation would do nothing to enhance protections or the quality of healthcare if an infant is born after an attempted abortion. It has always been against the law to intentionally kill or harm a newborn infant, whatever the circumstances of its birth. It has always been against the law not to afford such an infant appropriate medical care. The bill does nothing new to protect infants. The bill, however, is not harmless. Rather, if enacted, it could place the lives and health of newborn infants at risk. The bill directly interferes with a doctor's medical judgment and dictates a medical standard of care, namely, immediate transport to a hospital, that may not be appropriate in the particular circumstances. That is why a broad coalition of healthcare provider groups, joined by a wide range of additional health, civil rights, and women's rights groups, strongly opposes this bill. We should listen to these healthcare professionals. We should support keeping babies alive, which is what the Republicans say they want to do, but yet, they have this legislation that would endanger babies' lives by dictating a standard of care that may not be appropriate in certain situations. We should listen to these healthcare professionals. This legislation is just another step in the Republicans' plan to criminalize abortion nationwide. The House must reject this seriously flawed bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this resolution, which appears designed to launch a dangerous and unprecedented attack on our law enforcement agencies. Last week, Americans across the country watched the Republican Party melt down the moment it encountered its first test. For days, the extremist wing of the party held the rest of their caucus hostage as they demanded a steep price for their support. Today, we have the first of their many demands on display, an open-ended investigation into whatever conspiracy theories may be headlining the rightwing echo chamber at the moment, with unchecked authority to undermine ongoing criminal and intelligence investigations. For example, the select committee can use its expansive authorities to protect Donald Trump, those who perpetrated fake elector schemes to overturn the 2020 Presidential election, insurrectionists facing trials for their crimes, and other domestic terrorists. It aims to undermine the safeguards of our democracy and to embolden MAGA extremists who would rather see our institutions fail than to see Democrats and President Biden succeed. Make no mistake, the destroy democracy subcommittee will enable the House Republicans to interfere with the free operation of businesses they do not like, to inhibit the fight against domestic terrorism, and to settle political scores on behalf of Donald Trump. The Judiciary Committee has serious work to do. But rather than trying to solve the problems of the American people, this new subcommittee will expend untold time and money undermining our Nation's law enforcement agencies, our justice system and our intelligence community, all for a political stunt catering to the extremist wing of the Republican Party. Mr. Speaker, I oppose this resolution, and I encourage my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Senate Amendment to H.R. 2617--Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2023, which includes my bill, the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act. The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act will make a positive difference in the lives of hundreds of thousands of pregnant and postpartum workers every year by ensuring the availability of reasonable accommodations for those pregnant workers who need them. Far too many workers are forced to choose between the health of their pregnancies and their jobs when they are denied a reasonable accommodation at work--like a stool to sit on or an extra bathroom break. When pregnant women are denied accommodations, they face health risks including miscarriage and premature births, according to the March of Dimes. Studies have shown an increased risk of miscarriage and preterm birth as a result of heavy lifting, extended hours, or prolonged periods of sitting or standing. Courts have interpreted the Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978 narrowly and allowed employers to refuse to accommodate workers with medical needs arising out of pregnancy even when they routinely accommodate other physical limitations. By requiring pregnant employees to identify a nonpregnant employee who received the same accommodation they need, courts have placed pregnancy accommodations out of reach for most workers. In addition, while the Americans with Disabilities Act requires employers to make reasonable accommodations for employees with disabilities, courts have consistently held that a normally progressing pregnancy is not a disability. As a result, pregnant workers are still being routinely asked to choose between their paycheck and a healthy pregnancy. Those who continue to work without necessary accommodations, because they can't afford not to work, risk a range of health complications that can and do routinely endanger workers and their pregnancies. After bipartisan negotiation in the Senate, the Cassidy-Casey Pregnant Workers Fairness Act Amendment (S. Amdt. 6558 to H.R. 2617) contains a narrow rule of construction that states, ``This Act is subject to the applicability to religious employment set forth in Sec 702(a) of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act:'' It thus references Title VII's existing religious exemption. By affirming the continued applicability of 702(a), the rule of construction allows religious institutions to continue to prefer coreligionists in the pregnancy accommodation context. As a rule of construction, it differs from the Foxx amendment that was proposed and defeated by the House of Representatives, which changed the definition of those employers covered by the Act and thus removed certain employers from the reach of the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act entirely. Section 702(a) of Title VII reads, ``This subchapter shall not apply to an employer with respect to the employment of aliens outside any State, or to a religious corporation, association, educational institution, or society with respect to the employment of individuals of a particular religion to perform work connected with the carrying on by such corporation, association, educational institution, or society of its activities.'' Section 702 (a) of Title VII applies only to religious institutions--which has long been understood as meaning non-profit religious institutions and not all non-profits. The exemption provides an exception from Title VII's prohibition of employment discrimination on the basis of religion. As the 6th Circuit explained, the exemption allows religious employers to ``choose to employ members of their own religion without fear of being charged with religious discrimination.'' Boyd v. Harding Acad. of Memphis, Inc., 88 F.3d 410,413 (6th Cir. 1996). It is a narrow exemption from a religious antidiscrimination rule for a specific purpose. Properly read, the rule of construction thus means that religious institutions can continue to prefer coreligionists in making pregnancy accommodations. For example, if a religious employer were choosing between making an available role related to ``religious employment'' available to a pregnant worker as a light duty assignment or hiring a co-religionist for that role, it could do the latter without running afoul of the PWFA. Further, Section 7 of PWFA, which states, ``Nothing in this Act shall be construed to invalidate or limit the powers, remedies, and procedures under any Federal law or Jaw of any State or political subdivision of any State or jurisdiction that provides greater or equal protection for individuals affected by pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions,'' makes clear that no reading of the rule of construction can be understood to undermine rights otherwise protected under law for pregnant workers. The Pregnant Workers Fairness Act aligns with Title VII in providing protections and reasonable accommodations for ``pregnancy, childbirth, and related medical conditions'', like lactation. The bill has overwhelming bipartisan support--it passed the House of Representatives in 2021 on a vote of 315-101 and has been endorsed by a broad and diverse set of stakeholders, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, leading businesses, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops and other religious organizations, and over 200 women's rights, worker's rights, maternal health, and racial justice organizations. 73 Senators voted to add the Act to H.R. 2617 yesterday. I urge my colleagues to vote Yay on Senate Amendment to H.R. 2617-- Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2023.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of S. 3946, the Abolish Human Trafficking Reauthorization Act, which reauthorizes crucial programs that help combat human trafficking. Human trafficking is a multibillion-dollar criminal industry that exists in cities, suburbs, and rural towns, and denies freedom to nearly 25 million people around the world. Our inability to see the harms of human trafficking allows it to persist and leaves victims vulnerable, sometimes even as they think they have found those who will help them escape. S. 3946 would reauthorize and extend many critical programs through 2027 that are vital to the fight to end this form of modern-day slavery. The Trafficking Victims Protection Act, or TVPA, is a crucial law that provides the legal framework for the United States to combat, monitor, and prosecute human trafficking crimes, while also providing key services to victims of trafficking. S. 3946 would reauthorize key TVPA programs through 2027 that fund restorative services for victim and law enforcement antitrafficking operations and training. This legislation would also establish confidentiality protections for victims; prioritize cybersecurity enforcement; provide funding to States that identify, respond to, and prevent trafficking within their foster care systems; assist victims who have had their documentation stolen; improve data collection; support forced labor investigations; and authorize funding for the Department of Health and Human Services and the Department of Homeland Security. Lastly, this reauthorization would extend the life of the National Sexual Assault Hotline and provide permanent authorization of the Department of Justice's Domestic Trafficking Victims' Fund, which is financed through fines paid by convicted traffickers and sexual predators. Too often we think that human trafficking is something that happens elsewhere in other cities and other countries, but human trafficking touches every community, every city, and every suburb. That is why we must continue to do all that we can to raise awareness, provide hope, provide support to victims and survivors, and to ensure that there is accountability for those who commit this terrible crime. This legislation does just that. This bipartisan legislation is supported by a broad coalition of advocates for victims and survivors of trafficking and sexual abuse, law enforcement, and prosecutors. Madam Speaker, I thank Senators Cornyn and Klobuchar for introducing this important legislation. I urge all my colleagues to support it, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 3946) to reauthorize the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2017, and for other purposes.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on S. 3946.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, S. 3946 provides vital resources to identify and protect victims and survivors of human trafficking, prevent human trafficking, and further victimization of survivors, and seek out and hold accountable those who dare to commit this heinous offense. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 4240) to amend section 2441 of title 18, United States Code, to broaden the scope of individuals subject to prosecution for war crimes.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on S. 4240.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, in the shadow of the Second World War, we joined with other nations to sign the four Geneva Conventions, fulfilling the promise of the Nuremberg trials to ensure that war criminals and perpetrators of crimes against humanity could and would be held accountable for their actions. Today, with passage of the Justice for Victims of War Crimes Act, we will close a dangerous loophole that has allowed this promise to ring hollow for some. Unfortunately, under current law, the United States can only prosecute people who have engaged in violations of international humanitarian law in cases where the alleged perpetrator or victim is a U.S. national or a member of the U.S. Armed Forces. As a result, even if a foreign national war criminal is located in the U.S., they cannot be prosecuted for their war crimes committed against other foreign nationals. Americans pride themselves on belonging to a country that presents itself to the world as a beacon of justice, a home for the persecuted, and an enforcer of peace, but because of this gap in our laws, the United States has become a safe haven for perpetrators of war crimes in international conflicts. This missing piece in our criminal laws constricts our ability to hold individuals accountable in conflicts arising around the world. For example, Russian oligarchs have found refuge in the United States and will continue to do so until the Justice for Victims of War Crimes Act becomes law. This legislation fixes a loophole in the 1996 War Crimes Act by permitting U.S. authorities to prosecute foreign nationals who commit war crimes and who are then found in the United States. It also expands the statute of limitations in some cases since war criminals are often not discovered hiding in the United States until many years--sometimes decades--after their crimes. Passage of the Justice for Victims of War Crimes Act will demonstrate to the people of Ukraine, to our allies abroad, and to war criminals around the world that the United States will not allow those who commit atrocities to evade justice on our shores. I thank my colleagues, Senator Grassley, Senator Durbin, Congressman Cicilline, and Congresswoman Spartz, for their hard work in bringing this legislation to the floor. Madam Speaker, I urge all Members to support it, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I urge support for the bill for the reasons I stated in my opening statement, and I urge support for the bill. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 3949) to reauthorize the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, and for other purposes.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on S. 3949.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of S. 3949, the Trafficking Victims Prevention and Protection Reauthorization Act of 2022, which would reauthorize the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, which expired in September of last year. This legislation would also extend and update programs for human trafficking survivors while increasing the funding authorization to reflect current spending levels through 2027. Human trafficking continues to be one of the most important challenges of our time. More than 20 years after we first passed the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, traffickers continued to find new ways to exploit 25 million people around the world while generating more than $150 billion annually. The TVPA serves as the foundation for the United States' countertrafficking efforts and contains a multitude of authorizations for the programs that support this crucial work. It is, therefore, critical that we reauthorize this legislation. S. 3949 would help prevent human trafficking, promote services to trafficking victims and survivors, encourage Federal coordination on data collection and crime reporting, and promote justice for trafficking survivors. The bill would improve training of Federal law enforcement personnel by ensuring anti-trafficking trainings are included in all staff trainings for Federal departments and executive agencies. It would also establish a pilot program to which underserved communities in the United States may apply for funding to develop and implement treatment models and support services for youth at high risk of being trafficked. The bill would also facilitate investigations into potential human trafficking cases by strengthening statutes and penalties for trafficking offenses. In addition, it would include the Survivors' Bill of Rights, which encourages States to adopt the same protections for survivors of State sex crimes that already exist at the Federal level. Lastly, we know that trafficking victims are of all ages, genders, ethnicities, nationalities, and sexual orientations. However, some vulnerable individuals, including minors in foster care or involved in the juvenile justice system, are more likely to be targeted and victimized. To encourage State agencies to work together to keep these at-risk youth safe and off the streets, S. 3949 would make grants to State child welfare and juvenile justice agencies to collaborate in the collection of data on youth who are involved in both systems or dual- status youth, and encourage better cooperation between State agencies that oversee juvenile justice and child welfare programs. The United States has built one of the strongest anti-trafficking responses in the world, yet the fight is not over. We can and must continue to improve and strengthen our anti-trafficking response. That is why I thank Senators Feinstein and Grassley for introducing S. 3949, legislation necessary to end all forms of human trafficking and modern-day slavery. Madam Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, for the reasons I stated in my opening statement, I urge my colleagues to support the bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on S. 4926.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, parliamentary inquiry.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, how many people are necessary to stand up to get a roll call vote?

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, S. 4926, the Respect for Child Survivors Act is bipartisan legislation that responds to the testimony of Olympian McKayla Maroney, who bravely shared her story with Congress, alongside her fellow gymnasts, Simone Biles, Maggie Nichols, and Aly Raisman. They told Congress about the abuse they faced at the hands of Larry Nassar, and the failures of so many people to stop that abuse sooner. Maroney testified that she was interviewed by an FBI agent in 2015. She testified that she spoke to the agent over the phone for nearly 3 hours, recounting numerous molestations and answering every question, trusting that sharing this information would lead to action and to protecting other young women. ``I began crying at the memory over the phone, and there was just dead silence,'' Maroney testified. She said, ``I was so shocked at the agent's silence and disregard for my trauma.'' Unfortunately, it was not until 17 months later that the agent even documented the interview. Unsurprisingly, it did not accurately describe Maroney's account of the abuse that she experienced. The Respect for Child Survivors Act seeks to ensure that no one will experience what McKayla Maroney experienced when she trusted the FBI with her most personal traumatic memories. This legislation requires the FBI to use multidisciplinary teams of experts when investigating cases of child sexual abuse, the production of child sexual abuse material, and child trafficking. These experts must receive training on special victims' crimes, including child sexual abuse, and they must provide trauma-informed care. The use of these multidisciplinary teams would prevent the re-traumatization of victims who come forward seeking justice. The bill also requires the director of the FBI to annually report to the Attorney General about any interview of a victim reporting child sexual abuse material or child trafficking that took place without the use of a multidisciplinary approach or a trained forensic interviewer. The bill also encourages the FBI to work with multidisciplinary teams at existing Children's Advocacy Centers, as established by the Victims of Child Abuse Act. The bill ensures that the FBI gives Children's Advocacy Center personnel access to critical case information so victims can get the medical, mental health, and advocacy services they need. Finally, the bill requires that child sexual abuse and child trafficking cases are reviewed by a multidisciplinary team at regularly scheduled times so that the team can share information about case progress, address any investigative or prosecutorial barriers, and ensure that victims receive support and needed treatment. This provision would ensure that none of these serious cases is neglected and that children are not endangered by a failure to investigate. Mr. Speaker, I thank Senators Cornyn, Coons, Grassley, and Klobuchar for introducing this important legislation in the Senate. I thank Congressmen Costa and Gonzales for championing it in the House. I hope my colleagues will join me in supporting this bipartisan, bicameral legislation. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), a member of the Judiciary Committee.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, this legislation is endorsed by the Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network; the National District Attorneys Association; Army of Survivors; and the National Children's Alliance. We must do better in helping survivors seek justice. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Garcia), the sponsor of the bill and a member of the Judiciary Committee.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), a member of the Judiciary Committee.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, this legislation makes a modest but important technical change to the immigration laws that would improve the efficiency of our agencies and of a critical domestic industry. Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members to support it, and I yield back the balance of my time.