Jerrold Nadler

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, the Improving Access to Our Courts Act would amend title 28 of the United States Code to provide an additional place for holding court in the Western District of Texas and in the Western District of Washington. These additional courthouses are needed to better serve the 12.2 million people who call these two districts home. Both districts are comprised of wide areas of land. The Western District of Washington takes up half of Washington State and the Western District of Texas covers the western 68 counties of the State, which is over 92,000 square miles and is so large that it is in two separate time zones. Consequently, the citizens of these two districts often need to travel for hours to access the courthouse doors. On paper, our basic rights do not change depending on where we live, yet in practice that is exactly what is happening. It makes no sense that just because someone lives in a more rural, expansive district, they should incur dramatically increased travel time and administrative costs to seek justice. Adding courthouses is a small step in the right direction toward making the judicial system accessible to all Americans no matter where they live. The Judicial Conference has recommended the addition of these two courthouses, a recommendation that grew even more urgent after the Western District of Washington's Bellingham facility had part of its roof collapse. This country cannot have a flourishing justice system when its buildings are falling apart, its staff are underpaid, and there is a perpetual shortage of judges to fairly administer the laws. This bill will not fix all of these problems, but it will take a small step to help millions of Americans gain equal access to justice, and I think it is a step worth taking. We previously passed the House version of this legislation, and I look forward to once again voting in favor of this important legislation, this time to send it to President Biden's desk. Finally, I thank Representatives Tony Gonzales, Rick Larsen, and Suzan DelBene in the House and Senators Cornyn, Murray, Cruz, and Cantwell in the Senate for working on a bipartisan basis to introduce this legislation to improve the lives of the residents of Texas and Washington. Mr. Speaker, this legislation makes a modest but important change to help improve access to justice for millions of Americans. I thank the sponsors, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, no.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentlewoman from Vermont (Ms. Balint).

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Johnson).

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, the dishonesty that we have just heard is illustrated by what Mr. Jordan just said, his selective quote from Mr. Hur's report. He said: ``Our investigation uncovered evidence that President Biden willfully retained and disclosed classified materials after his vice- presidency when he was a private citizen.'' The report does say that, but he neglects a sentence a paragraph later: ``However, for the reasons summarized below, we conclude that the evidence does not establish Mr. Biden's guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.'' That is deceptive. Secondly, as the majority well knows, the President asserted executive privilege in this matter. Maybe that was proper, maybe not, but the way to contest executive privilege is not by a contempt resolution. It is by going to court and letting the court decide whether the exercise of executive privilege is warranted or not. For that reason also, this resolution fails. Mr. Speaker, the Judiciary Committee, under Republican control, has spent the last 18 months and 20 million taxpayer dollars in a desperate search to find something, anything, that they can use to damage President Biden and to protect Donald Trump. Other committees have gotten into the act as well, spending untold taxpayer money not to benefit the American people, not to feed hungry children, not to address our housing crisis, and not to improve our healthcare system, but on a single-minded quest to follow every rightwing conspiracy theory in the vain hope that it might lead to some evidence of wrongdoing. What exactly have they delivered to the American people on their investment? Nothing. No evidence that the conspiracies are true, no indictments, no impeachment, no wins of any significance. The Republican leadership knows that if they don't come up with something to show for the millions of dollars they have spent, the MAGA political base may stay home next November. They are scrambling in a desperate attempt to look like they have accomplished something. They were fervently hoping that Special Counsel Hur would indict President Biden for mishandling classified documents so that they could attack President Biden and misdirect the American people away from Donald Trump's treacherous handling of classified information. However, the special counsel cleared Mr. Biden of wrongdoing for reasons that have nothing to do with Mr. Hur's gratuitous and widely contradicted comments about the President's memory. What do our Republican friends do when an investigation turns up short? Simply put, they engage in fantasy. That is what they are doing here today. Unable to come up with any wrongdoing by the President, they have now trained their sights on the Attorney General. They accuse him of withholding key evidence, but the Attorney General has substantially complied with their every request. Sometimes he has been too responsive, in my opinion, given the obvious bad faith of the MAGA majority. The DOJ has produced 92,000 pages of documents since Republicans took control of the House last year and has made dozens of witnesses available for interviews, hearings, and briefings. That is more pages of documents and more witnesses than the Trump Justice Department produced to Congress in 4 years. Just last week, the Attorney General himself spent more than 5 hours testifying before the Judiciary Committee. With respect to the subpoena at issue in this contempt resolution, the Department turned over all the information Republicans asked for. There has been no obstruction, only cooperation. In reality, the Attorney General and DOJ have been fully responsive to Congress in every way that might be material to their long-dead impeachment inquiry. All that remains are audio files for which the President has asserted executive privilege. In a letter to Chairmen Jordan and Comer, the Department of Justice noted that producing the audio recordings would ``raise an unacceptable risk of undermining the Department's ability to conduct . . . high-profile criminal investigations; in particular, investigations where the voluntary cooperation of the White House officials is exceedingly important.'' The chairmen claim that they need those records to understand the pauses, pace, and tone of the conversation. This is absurd and clearly pretextual. In any event, it does not outweigh the extensive concerns expressed by the President and the Department. Moreover, with respect to the recording at issue in this report, a complete certified transcript has already been provided to both committees, and no credible allegation has been made that these transcripts have been altered in any material way. The only thing that has not been introduced is the recording itself, something that in the wrong hands can be easily manipulated. That is not an idle concern. Deepfakes and misleadingly edited videos and recordings have proliferated in recent years. Last year, a witness testifying in a closed-door deposition told us that she was the victim of a manipulated video made by a third party but shared widely by the Republicans on the Judiciary Committee, who refused to take down the video even after it was abundantly clear that it was manipulated. That video contributed to a flood of death threats against the witness. This isn't really about a policy disagreement with the DOJ. This is about feeding the MAGA base after 18 months of investigations that have produced failure after failure. Like most of the bills House Republicans have pushed on purely partisan lines, this contempt resolution will do very little other than smear the reputation of Merrick Garland, who will remain a good and decent public servant no matter what Republicans say about him today. This resolution may boost Donald Trump's spirits before his sentencing, but it will almost certainly not convince the Department of Justice to produce the one remaining file in question. Like the broader impeachment effort before it, this contempt resolution will have been a partisan stunt, destined to fail from the very start. As I said before, if they were really interested in getting this recording, they would contest the assertion of executive privilege in court, not bring a contempt resolution against the Attorney General. The American people actually need us to do important work. I am tired of these games, and so are the American people. I urge my colleagues to oppose this measure, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Raskin), the distinguished ranking member of the Oversight and Accountability Committee.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from Tennessee.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff).

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from California.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman just attacked Special Counsel Smith. This dangerous attempt to demonize anybody who would hold Donald Trump accountable for his actions is despicable and it is a full-out assault on the basic tenets of our democracy. I want to remind my colleagues that these types of actions have consequences. They affect the lives of many men and women who have dedicated themselves to public service and upholding the rule of law. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a June 11, 2024, article from The Washington Post by the Honorable Merrick Garland titled: ``Unfounded attacks on the Justice Department must end.'' [June 11, 2024] Unfounded Attacks on the Justice Department Must End (By Merrick Garland) Merrick Garland is attorney general of the United States. Last week, a California man was convicted of threatening to bomb an FBI field office where hundreds of agents and other employees work. In one of his threats to the FBI, the man wrote: ``I can go on a mass murder spree. In fact, it would be very explainable by your actions.'' These heinous threats of violence have become routine in an environment in which the Justice Department is under attack like never before. In recent weeks, we have seen an escalation of attacks that go far beyond public scrutiny, criticism, and legitimate and necessary oversight of our work. They are baseless, personal and dangerous. These attacks come in the form of threats to defund particular department investigations, most recently the special counsel's prosecution of the former president. They come in the form of conspiracy theories crafted and spread for the purpose of undermining public trust in the judicial process itself. Those include false claims that a case brought by a local district attorney and resolved by a jury verdict in a state trial was somehow controlled by the Justice Department. They come in the form of dangerous falsehoods about the FBI's law enforcement operations that increase the risks faced by our agents. They come in the form of efforts to bully and intimidate our career public servants by repeatedly and publicly singling them out. They come in the form of false claims that the department is politicizing its work to somehow influence the outcome of an election. Such claims are often made by those who are themselves attempting to politicize the department's work to influence the outcome of an election. And media reports indicate there is an ongoing effort to ramp up these attacks against the Justice Department, its work and its employees. We will not be intimidated by these attacks. But it is absurd and dangerous that public servants, many of whom risk their lives every day, are being threatened for simply doing their jobs and adhering to the principles that have long guided the Justice Department's work. In my first job at the Justice Department some 45 years ago, I worked on what would become the department's first edition of the Principles of Federal Prosecution. That set of rules for prosecutors enshrined what every department employee lives by every single day: an unwavering commitment to the fair and impartial application of our laws. That commitment has been sustained by dedicated career professionals who serve across administrations of both political parties. The Justice Department makes decisions about criminal investigations based only on the facts and the law. We do not investigate people because of their last name, their political affiliation, the size of their bank account, where they come from or what they look like. We investigate and prosecute violations of federal law--nothing more, nothing less. We do this not only because of the principles that have long guided our work, but also because we know that our democracy cannot survive without a justice system that ensures the equal protection of law for all its citizens. The Justice Department will continue to uphold its obligation under the Constitution to fiercely defend the right of all Americans to peacefully express opinions, beliefs and ideas. Disagreements about politics are good for our democracy. They are normal. But using conspiracy theories, falsehoods, violence and threats of violence to affect political outcomes is not normal. The short-term political benefits of those tactics will never make up for the long-term cost to our country. Continued unfounded attacks against the Justice Department's employees are dangerous for people's safety. They are dangerous for our democracy. This must stop.

Mr. NADLER. It is absurd and dangerous that public servants, many of whom risk their lives every day, are being threatened for simply doing their jobs and adhering to the principles that have long guided the Justice Department's work. I would also remind my friends on the other side of the aisle that the conviction of Mr. Trump was in a State court in New York having nothing to do with the Federal Government. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Swalwell).

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from California.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Dean).

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Vermont.

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly).

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, House Republicans have spent the last 18 months in a futile effort to dig up dirt on President Biden, which has culminated in their epic failure of an impeachment inquiry. This resolution is nothing more than a desperate attempt to save face with the MAGA- sphere. They seek to hold the Attorney General in contempt even though he has already turned over all the underlying information they requested in their subpoena. This resolution will not change that fact, but facts have never been the animating force behind their investigations. It is a show, and apparently, the show must go on even though the script hasn't turned out the way they wanted. Nevertheless, the reviews are in, and it is a flop, so I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this resolution and to put an end to this farce. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the life and legacy of Paul Albert Mider, a dedicated public servant and beloved family man who passed away at the age of 77 on February 20, 2024. A stalwart public servant and cherished family man, Paul's journey in public service began after he answered the call to serve our nation by enlisting in the United States Air Force during the Vietnam War, where he excelled as an Aeromedical Specialist in North Dakota and Canada. Upon completing his military service, Paul relocated to Washington, D.C., and embarked on a career as a psychiatric technician, dedicating himself to those grappling with mental health and substance abuse challenges. His pursuit of knowledge continued at the University of Maryland, where he obtained his undergraduate degree, followed by further studies at New Yolk University and Fielding Graduate University. A relentless commitment to service defined Paul's professional life. He contributed significantly to the Veterans Administration's substance abuse programs and was a trailblazer in identifying Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder among Vietnam War veterans. His expertise also brought him to the New York City Fire Department, where he was instrumental in establishing their Counseling Unit, providing essential support to firefighters during and following the catastrophic events of September 11, 2001. In addition to his work with the VA and FDNY, Paul held various academic and clinical positions, directed the substance abuse division at the Long Island Jewish-Hillside Medical Center, and taught at numerous universities. He maintained a successful private practice focusing on substance abuse, anxiety, mood disorders, and family therapy. Paul's generosity extended to pro bono work in immigration hardship cases, assisting many in securing asylum and navigating the complex immigration system. Even in retirement, he continued contributing to his community as a board member at Girling Home Health in Austin, Texas. Paul's unwavering dedication to his family--including his beloved wife Barbara and sons Michael and Nicholas--and his profound passion for helping others serve as a testament to his exceptional character. As we honor Paul's memory today, let us remember how his life's work and compassionate spirit profoundly impacted countless lives, leaving a legacy of love, service, and integrity. He will be sorely missed, but his contributions to mental health, veteran support, and community service will resonate for generations.

Mr. NADLER

Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution recognizing Jewish American Heritage Month and the important contributions that Jewish Americans have made to our history, our society, and our culture. I thank Congresswoman Wasserman Schultz for introducing this resolution and for her passionate work to ensure that we in Congress and Americans around the country observe this annual celebration of the integral role Jewish Americans have played in shaping our Nation. Congress first marked Jewish American Heritage Month in 2005, but, of course, Jewish contributions to American society began centuries ago, even before the founding of the United States. In fact, the first group of Jews arrived in the United Colonies in 1654, when they fled the Portuguese Inquisition and found refuge in New Amsterdam, what we now call New York City, and they have flourished ever since. This small Jewish community of 23 people fleeing persecution has grown into more than 7 million people, and Jewish Americans have become part of the essential fabric of the United States. From the very founding of the country, Jews have been an integral part of the American story. Famously, in 1790, President George Washington wrote a letter to the Touro Synagogue in Newport, Rhode Island, in which he wrote: ``May the Children of the stock of Abraham, who dwell in this land, continue to merit and enjoy the good will of the other inhabitants; while everyone shall sit in safety under his own vine and fig tree, and there shall be none to make him afraid.'' Courageous Jews have also been key figures in American history. In 1855, Rabbi David Einhorn became the first rabbi of Har Sinai Congregation in Baltimore, the oldest Reform American Jewish synagogue. Unpopular in Baltimore at the time, Rabbi Einhorn passionately and vehemently wrote and spoke against slavery, decrying it as a moral evil. In 1861, after delivering a sermon denouncing slavery, a pro- slavery mob swelled and drove Rabbi Einhorn out of town. Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel, whose relationship with Reverend Martin Luther King has become one of the most famous interfaith partnerships in America, also spoke out courageously for civil rights. A professor at The Jewish Theological Seminary of America located in the Morningside Heights neighborhood of Manhattan, Rabbi Heschel had a vital and lasting contribution to religious discourse on civil rights. On March 21, 1965, Rabbi Heschel marched arm in arm with Dr. King in Selma, Alabama, a pivotal moment in the history of this country. As Rabbi Heschel's daughter, Professor Susannah Heschel, wrote: ``The photograph of Abraham Joshua Heschel walking arm in arm with Martin Luther King, Jr., in the front row of marchers at Selma has become an icon of American Jewish life, and of Black-Jewish relations. Reprinted in Jewish textbooks, synagogue bulletins, and in studies of ecumenical relations, the picture has come to symbolize the great moment of symbiosis of the two communities, Black and Jewish. . . .'' I am proud to represent a district of one of the largest Jewish communities in the United States. New York 12 is home to many historic Jewish institutions that represent the rich diversity of this community. This includes two historic synagogues in the Upper West Side of Manhattan: Congregation Shearith Israel, which was founded by those 23 Jews in 1654, as well as the first Reconstructionist synagogue, the Society for the Advancement of Judaism, at which the first bat mitzvah in the United States took place. As the most senior Jewish member of Congress, I am also keenly aware that as we celebrate the history and the contributions of Jewish Americans this year, Jewish American Heritage Month came on the backdrop of increased anti-Semitism in this country. Anti-Semitism is not a new phenomenon and has plagued Jewish communities around the world for millennia. Yet, we have recently experienced a dramatic uptick in anti-Semitism. The Anti-Defamation League's 2023 Audit of Anti-Semitic Incidents found a 140 percent increase from the 2022 audit and the highest number on record since the Anti-Defamation League began tracking it in 1979. The ADL also recorded a 135 percent increase of anti-Semitic incidents at K-12 schools and a 321 percent increase on college and university campuses compared to the same time the previous year, with most occurring after October 7. This harrowing uptick in anti-Semitic attacks is devastating and urgent. It demonstrates a necessity for us to redouble our efforts to combat this horrific hatred. Last year, I warmly welcomed the first-ever national strategy to counter anti-Semitism, which was developed by the Biden administration. This historic effort includes concrete steps that we can all take, including civil society, local government, Congress, and the executive branch to tangibly enact the priorities articulated in the strategy. This year, I believe we must all work to fully actualize and implement the national strategy, including passing the Countering Antisemitism Act championed by my friend Congresswoman Manning. Jewish American Heritage Month reminds us that as we continue to fight against anti-Semitism, we also celebrate the countless contributions made by Jewish Americans. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz), the chief sponsor of this resolution.

Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Madam Speaker, during Jewish American Heritage Month, we celebrated the rich history and many contributions of Jewish Americans. We also recognize that anti-Semitism continues to be a scourge in our society that we must continue to combat in all its forms. I thank the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz) for bringing forward this important resolution. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support it, and I yield back the balance of my time.