Major Owens

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to salute Miriam Braverman as a Great Point-of-Light for all Americans. Dr. Braverman was a great humanitarian as well as a Librarian specializing in literature for youth. She had a soul and mind that could absorb the essence of the entire sweep of our civilization. Her encyclopedic approach to the world produced insights which catapulted her into the moral leadership of her profession. ``Claims of respect for human life are rhetoric if librarians continue as merely neutral disseminators of information.'' Dr. Braverman clearly understood that the power of information was continually escalating. That our culture could experience a dangerous overload bloated with trivia was a major concern. She advocated a selectivity focused on human rights advocacy as a guide for the preparation and dissemination of materials for youth. In her dissertation she criticized a generation of librarians who were obviously preoccupied with shielding youth from matters related to sex while ignoring great amounts of violence in the literature targeted for boys. Miriam Braverman was an advocate in the classroom and a fighter on the street with the demonstrators against war and injustice. In Brownsville, one of New York's poorest communities, she inspired large numbers of young women to go on to college through her leadership of a Career and College Club. At the national level she was a leader in the movement which culminated in the American Library Association's condemnation of the war in Vietnam. Constantly she pushed for greater library involvement in the practical utilization of information and retrieval services. She was also an astute political observer and an enthusiastic advisor who supported many progressive candidates including the first campaign of Major Owens for the New York State Senate and the Major Owens for Congress campaigns. To block the triumph of evil she felt that participation in electoral politics was a necessary chore. Miriam Braverman, without hesitation, as a college professor rallied to assist her students with any problem, academic or personal. As a neighbor and friend she responded to any emergency. Loving the whole world and being concerned with mankind began with a single individual. In her honor the Progressive Librarian: A Journal for Critical Studies and Progressive Politics in Librarianship has established a Miriam Braverman Prize Essay Contest. Today I am joined by a band of dedicated followers as I salute Dr. Miriam Braverman as a Great Point-of-Light for all Americans.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, Judge Thomas Russell Jones was appropriately described as an activist, soldier, assemblyman, civil rights lawyer, and judge at a memorial service held in Brooklyn, NY, at the Plymouth Church of the Pilgrims on Tuesday, December 5, 2006. My personal recollections of Judge Jones compel me to describe him as a Great Point-of-Light for all Americans. He was a rare leader with a great gift for inspiring others. He was an extrovert, outgoing, always giving advice freely, always offering encouragement generously. It is not exaggerating to call Tom Jones the Father of the Brooklyn Empowerment Spirit. All aspiring candidates could look up to Tom Jones and his independent record and see a clear standard for their future performance. He broke ground and ran for the Assembly without the endorsement of the powerful Brooklyn political machine. As a result of the bold moves of Tom Jones, civil rights activists for the first time began to examine electoral politics as a possible effective instrument for change. To the picketing and the sit-ins we added voter registration and voter participation. Without Tom Jones and the pioneering Unity Democratic Club there would have been no successful election of Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm. His unblemished record of integrity and wisdom on the bench are outstanding recent memories. Both his judicial career and his political trailblazing are sparkling legacies which justify the citation of Judge Thomas Russell Jones as a Great Point-of-Light for the people of Brooklyn and for all Americans.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, in the past I have often had the delight of saluting my departing colleagues with a tribute in Rap poetry. At this point, however, circumstances have been reversed and I am departing. As I leave, it will be my pleasure to offer some brief portraits in words describing the very able women and men I leave behind. Today I would like to highlight three outstanding members--Eddie Bernice Johnson, Donald Payne, and Maxine Waters--who have served as President of the Congressional Black Caucus, CBC. The continually improving effectiveness of the CBC is due to the fact that it is able to benefit from the talent and know-how of a pool of very dedicated and competent leaders. They also have unique personalities that can be appreciated with a few light-hearted verses, see three attached RAP poems. Texas Mona Lisa Power and mystery In generous portions mated; Fair time she allots For any issue debated But her moods are rapidly rotated Her anger can be swiftly escalated; Mess with Eddie Bernice's pride And she'll quickly invite you outside. Once great goddess of reapportionment, Her lines drawn in stone would stay, Through ten years would never fray, Untouched by rustler Tom DeLay. Slow sly smile Magnetic style Great resource of charm and stealth But on the side also some Texas wealth. Struggle focused credo uniquely excited, Power and mystery tightly united, Beneath the strict no nonsense fashion Run deep wells of cosmic compassion. Special Envoy Payne Female agents fondly remember his name-- Tireless globetrotting fearless Don Payne. Stealth master across the globe Always on the probe; Quiet in his command But tightly holds leader's lives In the palm of his cool hand. When Donald says move Charles Taylor hops into the groove; Liberia from Jersey must learn To let rule from Newark Take its empire turn. Don travels With the proud and brave, Somalia he single-handedly Sought to save. Always on the probe Stealth master across the globe But at home he still holds power, Email orders cross Newark every hour; In each Jersey county A Payne relative rules, Most powerful political tools. Tireless globetrotting crafty Don Payne, Lady agents fondly remember his name. Mean Maxine Queen Maxine Can act hard and mean, She can fertilize Any Congressional Record page With unforgettable rage. Queen Maxine Can act hard and mean When the CIA deals dope But her career fills with tears When hungry African kids Are offered no help and no hope. Soft candy at the core But like nails when there's a need; With California flash And Southern mother wit She's a rare dynamite breed. With Hollywood skills She makes political thrills, One foot in the palace of influence The other planted on the street, Mistress of coalition magic She makes power methods meet. CIA drug selling she labeled a fact Iran Gate caught traitors in the act: To save Contras zealots were Selling weapons and flags Who could doubt they had Peddled drugs in little brown bags. Outrageously right Maxine makes moderates uptight; Radicals suspect her elegant style Cause she got arrested for Haiti Wearing expensive stuff; Never mind the clothes, Just a few weeks later Clinton told the Haitian dictators That the CBC had enough. Soft candy at the core But like nails when there's a need; With California flash And Southern mother wit She's a rare dynamite breed.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, Whereas, I have worked with Coran James in various activities for more than 10 years in education, political and social projects. In addition to her role as a community activist, she is a dedicated mother of a daughter who graduated from Spelman College. As an educator she recently retired from service as the principal of Freedom Academy High School in Brooklyn. Coran James went to Brazil in the Summer of 2005 as the recipient of the Fulbright Award Winning Principals Exchange Program. She was the host for the Brazilian principals in New York. Several of her students were also sponsored on an exchange program to Jordan in the Middle East after winning an award for technology. Whereas, Coran James, the community leader, is a member of the National Alliance of Black School Educators, NABSE; Association of Black School Educators of New York, ABENY; New York Urban League; NAACP; Net Generation of Youth-New York Metro Coordinator; YWCA; Central Brooklyn Martin Luther King, Jr. Commission and the 100 Women for Congressman Major R. Owens. Whereas, Coran James is a mentor for the Youth Congressional Award Program in Brooklyn. The Congress of the United States, through The Congressional Award Program, recognizes the initiative, achievement, and excellence of young persons who accomplish high goals in voluntary public service with the presentation of a Congressional Award by a member of Congress. Coran is a wonderful helper assisting Brooklyn youth to achieve personal goals in order to earn the Youth Congressional Award. Coran received the Congressman Major R. Owens' ``Youth Service Award for Outstanding Efforts in Developing Youth Leaders for the 21st Century,'' in September 2005. Whereas, Coran James has been a supporter of numerous education and civic organizations over the years and is a leader in the community. She exhibits a superior level of personal integrity, motivation, intelligence and emotional control. She works extremely well as a productive leader and team member, has excellent problem solving abilities and can relate to others in an effective manner. On the occasion of her retirement Tribute on Friday, November 17, 2006, I am pleased, on behalf of the constituents of the 11th Congressional District to salute Coran James as a Point of Light for all Americans.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. On election day, Mr. Speaker, there was one message that was sent that seems to be ignored, one very positive message. Six States had on their agenda referendums on the minimum wage. They wanted to raise the minimum wage at the State level. In all six States those provisions passed. The voters have sent us a message. I think they spoke in those six States for the sentiment right across the entire Nation. People are a little upset about our refusal to govern here, our refusal to raise the Federal minimum wage above the present level of $5.25 an hour. They want to see action. They are taking action at the State level. And I think one of the things that we should do here, one of the first things we should do when we return in December, is vote to raise the minimum wage. We ought to send that positive message. While there are debates and speculations on a number of other things that the voters said to us, while there is a great deal of debate about redeployment, about a pull-out of troops in Iraq, while there are still people who want to accuse us of cutting and running; all those things will be happening for a while, but it is a simple matter that we have not raised the minimum wage in 9 years. It is a very simple matter. The Members of Congress have enjoyed increases which amount to more than $30,000 over that same period. We have heard again and again what the consequences are about not raising the minimum wage. We know that a family on minimum wage is earning $10,200 a year. If they work every day, 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, they come out with a little more than $10,000 a year on the minimum wage. They say there are not many people still on the minimum wage, but the statistics show differently. The statistics show that families also depend on young people, who also go into the work force and are earning a minimum wage. They need to earn more also. We made a lot out of boasting about the fact that America has now reached the point of our population being 300 million. We have pointed out that we are the third largest nation in the world, and that is something to be proud of. I think it is. But let us take a look at that 300 million in terms of people who are able to be productive, people able to contribute something to society, people able to take care of themselves. That is the way I define the middle class. The middle class consists of people who can take care of themselves because they have the capacity to earn income to take care of themselves, and they also have the capacity to make some contributions to the larger society. We need a middle class. We need more middle class folks. It is said that the whole nation of Japan is middle class. They do not have a poverty class. I do not know whether it is true or not, but there is a whole lot to it in terms of income levels in Japan. All other nations still have problems with different stratifications in society. In the case of America, 300 million we are, but stop and think about the fact that, in China, with 1.2 billion people, in 2 or 3 years, they expect one-fourth of the Chinese to enter the middle class. They have a rapidly growing middle class. That means, in 2 or 3 years, China will have a middle class which is 300 million, as large as the entire population of the United States. And India has a similar population, and the dynamics of the economy at work in India are similar to those in China. They will have a middle class of 300 million people. Three hundred million people is about the number of the European common market also. Three hundred million people is the number of people of African descent across the world who speak English. So 300 million people, let us look at it in the perspective of, if we are going to maintain our leadership in the world in a competitive global environment, then we will need all 300 million of our Americans to become productive citizens. That means they ought to be brought into the middle class. The minimum wage is just a small step forward. You have to also improve education. You have to also take away the burden of having to pay for health care. All those things have to happen. But the simplest thing we can do, the thing we should do when we come back in December, is send a message to the American people that we are going to raise the minimum wage. We are going to move in that one small way toward the creation and the sustenance of a middle class, people who will be able to send their children to college and people who will be able to make a contribution to the global competition that we are going to find ourselves in. Unfortunately, recent reports by the Associated Press show that certain minorities are lagging behind. Latinos and blacks are lagging behind whites, and Asians are also lagging behind whites in terms of the income gap. The income gap is growing instead of shrinking. So we have work to do, and step one is let's pass the minimum wage as fast as possible. Let's move it up to $7.25 an hour. That is the least we can do before the end of the session.

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to take Mrs. McCarthy's time.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, in the past I have often had the delight of saluting my departing colleagues with a tribute in Rap poetry. At this point, however, circumstances have been reversed and I am departing. As I leave it will be my pleasure to offer some brief portraits in words describing the very able women and men I leave behind. I would like to begin with Jim Clyburn. I visited his State on two different occasions and I was impressed by the fact that everyone had very strong opinions about Jim. They either feared him or they admired him. That is one sign of true greatness. The composite opinion of Jim which emerged was one of a great conciliator, a leader with a keen understanding of the fact that politics is the art of compromise but the compromise must always be an honorable and productive one. A lighthearted summary of Jim's special assets is reflected in the following Rap poem. Mister Jim With a bounty of transportation bucks Freshman Clyburn showed he was clever; All the South Carolina clubhouse boys Danced Dixie up and down Cheering Mister Jim and diversity forever. Mister Jim Made Mister Charlie look cheap, Sowing his seeds of sunburned charm A lots more dollars Congressman Clyburn managed to reap. Before he agrees to negotiate Mister Jim dangles the right bait; From smoke filled rooms He emerges with fat surprises; Mister Jim Never despises compromises. Mister Jim rescued Bill Clinton's Black politics career; When affirmative action fumbling was about to end it Mister Jim talked to Bubba And convinced him to merely mend it. Mr. Jim can display Warm understanding affectionate appeal But the world is a better place Cause Mister Jim Knows how and when to deal.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I just want to associate myself with the remarks that I have heard made by my colleagues, and I particularly think that the point relating to the oil needs to be stressed more. The American people are way out there ahead of us. We must run to catch up with them and provide greater leadership. We must focus in more on the problem of oil. What is the problem with the negotiations on oil? Why can't we take a position that the distribution of oil should be guaranteed on a per capita basis of oil throughout Iraq, so the Iraqi citizens get the oil on the basis of where they live? Also, understand, I don't know why we are so surprised, but there are two major religions in conflict there, Sunni and Shiite. They have always been in conflict. We have handed over that region to the Shiites, and it is inevitable that Iran will dominate that region. It is inevitable now that Iran will become a dominant force in the whole Middle East. We have done that. We blundered. We should still take John Murtha's advice and get out, redeploy to the friendly nations, whatever we have to do, but we should not be stuck with more lives lost and more of our taxpayer money down the drain.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I was absent on Tuesday, September 12, 2006, due to the primary election in my Congressional District. Had I been present, I would have voted: ``yea'', to H.R. 5428--Joshua A. Terando Princeton Post Office Building Designation Act and ``yea'', to H. Res. 175--Recognizing the importance of establishing a national memorial at the World Trade Center site to commemorate and mourn the events of February 26, 1993, and September 11, 2001. I was also absent on Wednesday, September 13, 2006, due to unavoidable circumstances in my congressional district. Had I been present, I would have voted: ``no'', on H. Res. 996--Ordering the Previous Question; ``no'', to H.R. 4893--to amend section 20 of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act to restrict off-reservation gaming and ``yea'', to H. Res. 994--expressing the sense of the House of Representatives on the fifth anniversary of the terrorist attacks launched against the United States on September 11, 2001.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to salute a dynamic trailblazer who continues to set a productive pace for positive change within the ranks of the Nation's education leaders. Reginald Weaver is a magnificent Great Point-of-Light. He is both profound and practical in his pursuit of school improvement across the Nation for all children. In addition to protecting the interests of the largest organization of teachers, he is a tireless spokesman for education policy-making and the need to increase expenditures for the basics which support opportunities to learn: improved and new school facilities; teacher training and compensation; adequate school libraries; science laboratories; computer instruction; and other necessities. As a strong advocate for public education, Reginald Weaver was elected president of the 2.7 million-member National Education Association. He has traveled across the country as an ambassador for public education, stressing the association's mission to ensure that every child in America can attend a great public school right in his or her own neighborhood. In order to have great public schools, Mr. Weaver has outlined six areas that need to be addressed: parental involvement, high-quality school employees, high-quality classroom instruction, educators who give their best to every child, a high-quality teacher in every classroom, and fixing and funding the No Child Left Behind law. His NEA career started as a local president in Harvey, IL and eventually he became the president of the Illinois Education Association from 1981 to 1987; served on the NEA Executive Committee from 1989 to 1995 and as NEA vice president from 1996 to 2002. In addition, he serves on the executive board of the National Council for the Accreditation of Teacher Education and on the board of governors of the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. Among his many accomplishments, he was named to the Ebony 2004 100+ Most Influential Black Americans list and was featured in Who's Who, as well as in Who's Who in Black America. For his continuing leadership on the frontlines in the crusade for excellence in education, we salute Reginald Weaver as a Great Point-of- Light for all Americans.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to salute a premium leader for both the middle class and working families. Roger Toussaint is a truly unique Great Point-of-Light. In December 2005 he led New York City's first transit strike in 25 years in order to safeguard the pensions and healthcare for transit workers and future retirees. When all of the negotiations had been completed, the Governor of New York attempted to set a precedent by placing a cut in future pension benefits for new hires. It was the opening salvo for a campaign to cut pension benefits for all state and city employees. In an act of monumental significance for future workers Roger Toussaint rejected this deal with the words: ``I will not sell out the unborn.'' TWU Local 100 President Roger Toussaint was born in Trinidad in 1956. As a youth in Trinidad, he took part in the 1970 rebellion that targeted the vestiges of British colonial rule and challenged the oppressive conditions of workers, soldiers and small farmers. At the age of 17, Toussaint was arrested and expelled from school for writing slogans on school walls, including ``Free Education Means Free Books.'' In 1974 he came to New York. After a brief enrollment at Brooklyn College, during which he took part in the anticutbacks movement, he worked for several years as a welder prior to the closing of the Brooklyn Naval Yard. Toussaint was hired by the Transit Authority as a cleaner in 1984 and became a track worker in 1985. Toussaint became active on the job, joining with other track workers to publish ``On Track'' and to pursue a series of struggles against managerial arrogance and safety hazards. He did not seek a formal union position until 1994, when he was elected Chair of the 1,800-member Track Division. Already a thorn in the side of management and the incumbent union administration, Toussaint used the newly gained position to step up the struggle. In July of 1998, he was fired on the pretext of having been in an unauthorized vehicle during working hours, when the car in which he was a passenger was hit in an intersection and he suffered neck and back injuries. In fact, Toussaint was on official union business at the time, riding in a union car operated by a union official. A routine appeal of the firing was dismissed as untimely--the first such ruling in 60 years of Transit Authority (TA) discipline. The TA had Toussaint shadowed by private investigators who followed him to union meetings, to his son's nursery school, and even to disciplinary hearings where he defended fellow union members. Toussaint's firing became a rallying cry for union members who demanded his reinstatement. In the union election of 2000, Toussaint became the presidential candidate of New Directions, an umbrella group embracing the opposition to the incumbent regime. On taking office, Toussaint immediately took measures to reform the finances of the nearly bankrupt Local, including cutting his own salary by 25 percent. In March 2001 he led a successful strike at a Westchester bus company, obtaining landmark increases in wages and benefits for 700 union members. In 2002 he led the union through a difficult strike at three bus companies in Queens operating under city franchise, securing the failing health benefits for 1,500 members. At the end of that year, he led the union in winning a contract settlement that guaranteed threatened health benefits for 34,000 transit workers and their families and opened an array of new initiatives on such fronts as discipline, safety, training and childcare. In December 2003 he was reelected to a second term as President of TWU Local 100. As well as his duties at Local 100, Roger Toussaint is President of the Coalition of Metropolitan Transit Authority Unions and a New York City Employees' Retirement System Board Member. He has served on the NYC Central Labor Council and the Municipal Labor Committee. The father of five, Roger Toussaint lives in Crown Heights with his wife, Donna. For his exceptional vision and leadership courage we salute Roger Toussaint as a Great Point-of-Light for all Americans.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to add my sentiments to the words that have been spoken already. I associate myself with the remarks that have been made about Tom Manton. Tom Manton was a political leader in an adjacent county, the Borough of Queens. In the Borough of Brooklyn we had what we call a first-rate political machine, and in view of the fact that we have been discussing power-sharing and the Voting Rights Act, I remember dramatically seeing the difference between Brooklyn and Queens. As a leader in Queens, Tom Manton believed in power-sharing. Minorities did not have to fight to get what they deserved in Queens. Harmony was not established only after a big battle was waged and the spoils were settled. In Brooklyn we had to battle for everything. We had to fight all the way. Tom Manton was a political boss. He was the head of a machine. But he gave new meaning to the word machine and being a boss. A conciliator, a mediator, a guy who made things happen as he took this diverse, rapidly growing borough; rapidly growing in terms of diverse population, and he wove it altogether without bitter fights and without leaving a lot of blood in the aisles. So I take my hat off to Tom Manton and the kind of example he set. Several of my colleagues have said that Tom embodied ``the American dream.'' Yes, he did. But the totality of his achievements cannot be contained in even that sought-after tribute. This ordinary American with his extraordinary ability to appeal to the best parts of human nature gifted Ireland, the land of his ancestors, with a lasting peace by facilitating the Good Friday Accords. Throughout his life Tom encouraged political solutions to contentious issues--not violence, fear or isolation. Tom Manton fought hard for his constituents, often greasing the wheels of the bureaucracy to help them out. Elected officials and public leaders also received his invaluable support and guidance. He shared a workingman's outlook because he was a workingman: a policeman, a salesman, and Marine. He cared for the environment and recognized that protecting the air and water would protect communities. He was a thinker and a farsighted activist for a better world. In Tom's sensible hands, politics might be partisan, but could never be called ``dirty.'' In his capable hands, the New Yorkers who unfailingly voted him into Congress were confident of fair thoughtful representation. They knew--regardless of race, gender, or background-- they were welcome at any table where he presided. He had a beautiful vision of what a community should be, a party, a country, a world. He was a loyal friend to many and a much-loved family man. He will be missed, but his life and his contributions will not be forgotten.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, we have not an accidental shipwreck here. We have a deliberate shipwreck being set up. I am not the oldest person in this body tonight, but I have been here a long time and seen the great swindle of the savings and loans collapse. This is a swindle that will be even bigger. We have the full faith and credit somewhere behind the pension guaranty fund. It is not there, we are going to put it behind there, and it is the American taxpayers who are going to pay when this whole pension system collapses. I do not know what grand formula is in motion here and who the genius is, but the looting of America is going along very well, and this is one more step in that direction. It is going to be a huge, like an economic asteroid collapsing on the economy when this pension benefit guaranty fund collapses as the savings and loans did. We can't even get a figure as to how many billions of dollars were lost in the savings and loans. If you go looking for it, it is nebulous. But at least $1 trillion of taxpayer money has gone down the drain, and is still going, partially because it was funded with 30-year bonds. I watched while it unfolded. And the savings and loans criminals, really, were not punished. It was a great example of how you could steal millions and get away with it. Silverado Bank comes to mind, because we had relatives of the administration involved in that one, and on and on it goes, with Members of Congress on the boards, and all kinds of things that happened, and they got away with it. Now we have corporate America having mismanaged these pensions all this time, having looted them in many different ways. Enron certainly shows us how they can do that in quite a clear fashion. But there are many other different ways that the people in control have looted the pension funds, destroying them, and they are going to ask the American people to bail them out. That is what is most devastating about tonight.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, I just wanted to comment that I have a statement here called ``Black Colleges: Tiny But Still Jewels in the Crown,'' which I would like to submit also for the Record, which talks about the role that black colleges play in the larger need for an overall national mobilization for education. I again want to thank the gentlewoman from Texas, Ms. Eddie Bernice Johnson, and the other sponsors and cosponsors of this important bill, which in recognizing Historically Black Colleges and Universities will recognize the contribution that black colleges can make in general to higher education throughout America [From the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation Newsletter] Black Colleges: Tiny But Still Jewels in the Crown (By Major R. Owens) In 1986 Black colleges and universities faced a time of significant, almost desperate, financial turmoil. Several old schools had been shut down. Of the approximately four thousand such U.S. institutions of higher learning only abut 135 are Black founded and administered. After conducting a hearing in Atlanta University, where thirteen college presidents testified, the Owens' title IIIB amendment received support for both authorization and appropriation. Since 1986, with the support of both parties, the Congress has provided 3.9 billion dollars in direct aid to Black colleges. This is a wise investment for a small but vital sector in our much needed accelerated mobilization for education. Our nation must more fervently embrace its duty to the mission of indispensable leadership for our earth civilization. Education must be at the core of the comprehensive plan, strategy, mobilization which accomplishes this vital goal. Economic competitiveness, cultural creativity, governance genius, freedom of outlook, the determination to pursue happiness, stubbornness in philosophy and ideology, and the continuing commitment to the spiritual and moral belief that we are born to serve a purpose beyond day-to-day individual survival; these are objectives which cannot be achieved without a massive and ongoing dynamic emphasizing education. Military shock and awe can defend us from fanatics and guarantee that we never lose a violent war. Winning, prevailing in the effort to keep humankind moving more rapidly away from our savage animal roots toward a paradise on earth can be achieved only if we accept education as the heart and blood of our political and social body. Aspiring toward such a healthy national physique must make use of every organ and resource we possess. The brainpower in our inner cities and poor rural areas we can no longer allow to be wasted. Like the small veins in the heart or the tiny hormone producing glands in the throat, Black colleges have an unseen but critical role to play. The brainpower deposited among the uneducated poor and minorities is the great untapped human resource of America. To better recognize the need for this resource consider the following: A generally accepted barometer of degrees of global competitiveness is the size of a nation's ``middle class.'' Beyond mere income, ``middle class'' should be defined as the segment of society able to earn a decent living for themselves and also capable of contributing something of value to society. Those who are not in this class would be persons lacking the capacity to support themselves and even in extreme cases becoming dysfunctional threats to society. Of its 1.2 billion populace China is predicted to have one fourth or 300 million people in its middle class by the end of this decade. India will have the same number or more--and they speak English. Add the very potent middle classes of Russia, Japan and Europe and you will see an overwhelming imbalance against the potential middle class of the United States. These are the workers who will be our well-prepared competitors in the global market- place. These ``middle class'' citizens will challenge our present lead in hi-tech products and services. Consider the following: Our total population is only 300 million. To maintain a position of global competitiveness our entire populace must become ``middle class.'' Japan and Ireland have achieved this level. It is not an impossibility but a massive education mobilization must be mounted for the U.S. to catch up. And one great untapped brainpower resource is in the Black community. Black colleges and universities can be the catalysts for saving and developing this diamond mine. Republican and Democratic bi-partisan support for Black colleges over the last twenty years has paid off and this investment could yield far more profitable results if we expand it.

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Texas, the sponsor of the bill (Ms. Eddie Bernice Johnson).

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate the distinguished Member from Texas, Eddie Bernice Johnson, and all the cosponsors of this important legislation. I am quite pleased to be able to state, at this point, after my 23 years in Congress, I will be retiring at the end of this year, that my association with Historically Black Colleges and Universities is one of the most uplifting experiences of my career. I came in 1986, early, and I am proud of the fact that it was as a result of bipartisan support that the Historically Black Colleges and Universities were funded for the first time by the Federal Government. So this designation today is not empty ceremonial action. I am pleased to support the congressional acknowledgement of the importance of Historically Black Colleges and Universities, but Congress has already done something to help these institutions. There is great substance behind this designation. Historically, Black Colleges and Universities will have the benefit of, have the designation of September 10, 2006, as National Historically Black Colleges and Universities Week as a result of this legislation. But I just want to highlight some of the things that Congress has already done before I yield to the sponsor of the bill. HBCUs continue to serve, as you said before, a critical role in our Nation; and HBCUs have had the support of Congress over the last 20 years, since 1986. In 1986, Black Colleges and Universities faced a time of significant, almost desperate, financial turmoil. Several old schools had been shut down by 1986. Of the approximately 4,000 such institutions of higher learning in America, all the institutions of higher learning, only 135 both historic and predominantly black are black founded and administered, and at that time, only about 107 Historically Black Colleges existed. After conducting a hearing at Atlanta University, where 13 of these college presidents testified, the Owens title IIIB amendment received both authorization and appropriation in 1986. Since 1986, with the support of both parties, the Congress has provided $3.9 billion. I want to repeat: 3.9 billion has flowed as direct aid to black colleges. This is a wise investment for a small but vital sector of our much-needed accelerated mobilization for education. Later on, I will indicate some of the kinds of money that has been received by these colleges, one or two which would not still be in existence had they not had the Federal funding. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. OWENS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 3 minutes. Mr. Speaker, I will comment on Mr. Davis' comments about going to the University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff. Since 1986, the University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff has received $31 million from the title IIIB congressional funding, and I think that his story is a story of many of my generation. I was a child in a family of eight. Our father worked in a furniture factory as a laborer. He never made more than minimum wage, and I think the minimum wage at that time was less than $3. He was often laid off. We were very poor, and I had determined that I would never go to college. I was a lucky one. The Ford Foundation had an experiment at that time going where they would allow youngsters who had talent to take a test, and they could come out of college even from the 10th or 11th grade and get 2 years of college before they were eligible for the Korean War draft. The Korean War draft was under way at that time, and they were going to give bright youngsters a chance to get at least 2 years of college. I took the test, and I had all of my expenses paid to Morehouse College in Atlanta, Georgia. For the first 2 years, all of my expenses were paid, and I was on a partial scholarship for the second 2 years. But that was a pattern which was not experienced by most of my colleagues at college. They had to struggle much harder to maintain themselves. Tuition was kept very low. The entire regimen of the college understood the students were poor and was geared to many of the problems that we had financially at home and the problems we had coming from schools that often had not prepared us for college work. So it is just personal experience that is certainly very relevant here. I would like to note that at the time of the funding for the Historically Black Colleges title IIIB, I said that these few jewels in the crown all deserve to be preserved. The fact that there are only 135 Historically Black Colleges of 170 total black colleges in the United States right now, in a constellation of 4,000, they deserve to be preserved, and they serve a great purpose. Such schools before 1986 were welcome to apply for competitive higher education grants, but they had to compete with Harvard, Yale and 4,000 other institutions. There was no direct channel for Federal funding to this special category. The historic and unique struggle for the creation and maintenance of such schools was accorded no official recognition. Fortunately, we went to Atlanta and had a hearing. As a result of that hearing, 13 college presidents testified; and we won the support of the Education and Labor Committee members and later on the support of members of the Appropriations Committee. In that very same year, 1986, we authorized and had an appropriation which started the process of funding the Historically Black Colleges. I will submit for the Record a statement prepared for the National Association of Equal Opportunity in Higher Education along with my list of actual funding for each college. [Statement from National Association for Equal Opportunity In Higher Education] Our Champion: Congressman Major Owens Congressman Major Owens has been a tremendous champion for blacks in higher education and has served a distinguished 24- year congressional tenure. Elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1982 from New York's 11th Congressional District. Representative Owens is a member of the vitally necessary Education and the Workforce Committee, which guides all Federal involvement in education, job training, labor law, employee safety and pensions, programs for the aging and people with disabilities, and equal employment opportunities. As Chairman of the Subcommittee on Select Education and Civil Rights for six years, Representative Owens' record for passing legislation was second only in New York to Adam Clayton Powell. In 1986, Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) faced a time of significant financial turmoil. Several old schools had been forced to shut down. Of the approximately 4 thousand U.S. institutions of higher learning only 107 had been established specifically to educate Blacks and most were located in the South. ``These few jewels in the crown all deserve to be preserved,'' counseled Congressman Major Owens, the only graduate of an HBCU (Morehouse College, '56) on the Education and Labor Committee. While such schools were welcomed to apply for competitive higher education grants along with Harvard, Yale and the four thousand other institutions, there was no direct channel for Federal funding to this special category. The historic and unique struggle for the creation and maintenance of such schools was accorded no official recognition. When Congressman Owens offered Title IIIB as a modest but vital possible funding stream, the first obstacle encountered was a gross lack of familiarity in Washington. Fortunately, then Chairman of the Education and Labor Committee, Augustus Hawkins, was curious and supportive and agreed to allow Owens to hold a hearing in Atlanta, Georgia, at Atlanta University's Robert W. Woodruff Library. The first witness was then mayor of Atlanta, Andy Young. The presidents of thirteen other Southern Black colleges followed Mr. Young in testifying. Chairman Hawkins and other Education and Labor Committee members became enthusiastic converts following that historic session. Beyond the expectations of Congressman Owens there was a smooth passage of the authorizing legislation with five graduate schools added to the original list. As a major force on the Appropriations Committee, Congressman Lou Stokes obtained an immediate appropriation. Funds are disbursed on the basis of a formula and every HBCU is guaranteed an annual allocation. Since the passage of the legislation in 1986, HBCUs went from zero dollars in Federal funding to receiving a total of $3,988,099,314.00 billion dollars. In his year of retirement, Congressman Owens has worked diligently to introduce legislation that would afford Predominately Black Institutions similar support to other Title IIIA schools. Congressman Owens has been a stalwart guardian and advocate of predominately and historically black colleges and universities throughout his congressional tenure. He is the leader of the CBC's Braintrust on Education and in this regard has been and continues to be the opinion shaper on higher education issues impacting Black America. The entire Nation owes him a great deal of gratitude for keeping important issues regarding black colleges and blacks in higher education at the center of the national education policy debate. As Congressman Owens completes his final term, we commend and honor him for his tremendous contributions to the black higher education community. Thank you, Mr. Owens!

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I want to just note the fact that as Congresswoman Johnson mentioned, the Paul Quinn College is one of the oldest HBCUs in the country. Since 1996, they have received $15.753 million from title IIIB of the Higher Education Assistance Act, title IIIB, which funds HBCUs. Texas, in general, has received money for several colleges: Huston- Tillotson, which is relatively small; Prairie View A&M University received $38 million since 1986; St. Phillip's College has received $42 million since 1986. The largest of all rewards, I think, has been to the big Texas Southern University, which has received $47 million since 1986. This is not an empty resolution, as I said before. Congress can be proud of the fact that it has been involved in maintaining these colleges, which were financially strapped in 1986 and still struggle financially. I think Alabama receives the most aid of the colleges. They have a long list. Alabama State University, $37 million; Alabama A&M University, $35 million. Miles College, I would like to note, is one of the colleges that was almost about to go under. Because my office in 1986 and 1987 had many conversations with the administration of Miles College, and if there had not been a title IIIB funding, Miles College may not be here. They have received $21 million over the last 20 years. In Alabama, also, we have the smallest university that has received aid. I do not think they exist anymore. That is Selma University. They had received $3 million over the course of the funding period. Also, I think significant, in Florida the largest amount of money has been received by Florida A&M University; $59.268 million has been received. Georgia does very well with Albany State College, $31 million; Clark Atlanta University, $33 million. These are relatively small colleges that are known throughout the whole country. Morehouse College, $25 million; and Spelman College, $26 million. In Louisiana, as mentioned before, most of these colleges receiving aid from title IIIB were colleges affected by Katrina and the subsequent flood: Dillard University, over the years, has received $25.846 million; Grambling State University, $47.179 million; Southern University, $24 million; Southern University A&M College, $57 million; Southern University at New Orleans, $34 million; and Xavier University, $31 million. So I think we have certainly supported those colleges up to date, and they need extra help, as everybody knows, now. We also have Virginia, which has done very well: Hampton University, which had one of the largest private endowments, has still received $33 million; Norfolk State University, $44 million; and Virginia State University, $30 million. So we have an impressive record over the 20-year period of title IIIB funding for Historically Black Colleges and Universities. And I will submit this list for the Record. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis).

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, today I was unavoidably detained due to a scheduling conflict. Had I been present, I would have voted: ``yea'' to H.R. 5852--The 21st Century Emergency Communications Act of 2006 and ``yea'' to H.R. 4804--FHA Manufactured Housing Loan Modernization Act of 2006.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Madam Speaker, I would like to add my sentiments to the words that have been spoken already. I associate myself with the remarks that have been made about Tom Manton. Tom Manton was a political leader in an adjacent county, the Borough of Queens. In the Borough of Brooklyn we had what we call a first-rate political machine, and in view of the fact we have been discussing power-sharing and the Voting Rights Act, I remember dramatically seeing the difference between Brooklyn and Queens. As a leader in Queens, Tom Manton believed in power-sharing. Minorities did not have to fight to get what they deserved in Queens. Harmony was not established only after a big battle was waged and the spoils were settled. In Brooklyn we had to battle for everything. We had to fight all the way. Tom Manton was a political boss. He was head of a machine. But he gave new meaning to the word machine and being a boss. A conciliator, a mediator, a guy who made things happen as he took this diverse, rapidly growing borough, rapidly growing in terms of diverse population, he wove it altogether without bitter fights and without leaving a lot of blood in the aisles. So I take my hat off to Tom Manton and the kind of example he made. I can add very little to what my colleagues have already said. Argument for Raising the Minimum Wage Madam Speaker, I wanted to speak tonight about a subject we have been talking about for quite a while here, and that is raising the minimum wage. I also know that almost nothing new can be said about the need for an increase in the minimum wage. My colleagues have been on the floor for the last 2 weeks hammering away at the subject. The facts surrounding this gross injustice have been recited again and again. I am a cosponsor of a simple legislative vehicle which will raise the minimum wage from $5.15 to $7.15 an hour. Our ranking member of the Education and the Workforce Committee, George Miller, has already used every known legislative and publicity maneuver known to man to confront the majority Republicans with a need to place this issue on the floor for a vote. The 30-something Group has done a fantastic job with charts and graphs, making it crystal clear how ridiculous it is that we have not raised the minimum wage since 1997. I can't add much to that. Madam Speaker, I want to address this subject from a different perspective. I want to talk about the fact that the people earning minimum wage at the very bottom are the people that we need in this society. We need everybody to be in a position where they can rise in this society, and a decent income for a family is the beginning of the process of moving toward the middle class. ``Middle-class'' covers a whole lot of things, but I am going to oversimplify the matter and say it is generally felt what makes the world go around economically and politically is a middle class. Every nation needs a middle class. There has been a lot of talk about the fact that in China in the next 10 years, 25 percent of its population will be middle class. What is 25 percent of China's population of 1.2 billion? It is 300 million people that will be in the Chinese middle class. About the same number of people will move into the middle class in India in 10 years, 300 million. Now, what is the population of the United States? Our total population is 300 million. If we are going to compete with China and India, the middle class is a competitive class. That is the educated class. That is the people that have technical proficiency to compete with us in the high-tech area. They are doing it and will do more of it. In addition to China and India, you have Russia and a number of other places in Europe that will have middle-class folks to be in that competitive arena. We need every American to be competitive. We have only got 300 million. Our goal should be to make every American a part of the middle class, because middle class, as I said before, means the productive class, the people who can make a contribution toward our society, who can take care of themselves and help take care of various functions in our society. At every level we need excellence, better educated people. I am talking about from the guy who pours the concrete to the engineer who designs the tunnels and bridges. We need competence, we need people who are constantly raising the level and moving toward excellence. Blunders in our society internally may destroy us faster than any outside enemy, blunders by people who are not competent, blunders because we run out of talent, because we run out of people who know what they are doing, or we run out of a competitive situation where there are enough people in a given area to be able to chastise, examine, criticize and keep other people in line. We had such a major blunder in the building of the levees in New Orleans. Madam Speaker, I will submit an article for the Record from the New York Times by Paul Krugman entitled ``Black and Blue,'' which is in regards to the minimum wage. [From the New York Times, July 24, 2006] Black and Blue (By Paul Krugman) According to the White House transcript, here's how it went last week, when President Bush addressed the N.A.A.C.P. for the first time: THE PRESIDENT: ``I understand that many African-Americans distrust my political party.'' AUDIENCE: ``Yes! (Applause.)'' But Mr. Bush didn't talk about why African-Americans don't trust his party, and black districts are always blue on election maps. So let me fill in the blanks. First, G.O.P. policies consistently help those who are already doing extremely well, not those lagging behind--a group that includes the vast majority of African-Americans. And both the relative and absolute economic status of blacks, after improving substantially during the Clinton years, have worsened since 2000. The G.O.P. obsession with helping the haves and have-mores, and lack of concern for everyone else, was evident even in Mr. Bush's speech to the N.A.A.C.P. Mr. Bush never mentioned, wages, which have been falling behind inflation for most workers. And he certainly didn't mention the minimum wage, which disproportionately affects African-American workers, and which he has allowed to fall to its lowest real level since 1955. Mr. Bush also never used the word ``poverty,'' a condition that afflicts almost one in four blacks. But he found time to call for repeal of the estate tax, even though African-Americans are more than a thousand times as likely to live below the poverty line as they are to be rich enough to leave a taxable estate. Economic issues alone, then, partially explain African- American disdain for the G.O.P. But even more important is the way Republicans win elections. The problem with policies that favor the economic elite is that by themselves they're not a winning electoral strategy, because there aren't enough elite voters. So how did the Republicans rise to their current position of political dominance? It's hard to deny that barely concealed appeals to racism, which drove a wedge between blacks and relatively poor whites who share the same economic interests, played a crucial role. Don't forget that in 1980, the sainted Ronald Reagan began his presidential campaign with a speech on states' rights in Philadelphia, Miss., where three civil rights workers were murdered in 1964. These days the racist appeals have been toned down; Trent Lott was demoted, though not drummed out of the party, when he declared that if Strom Thurmond's segregationist presidential campaign had succeeded ``we wouldn't have had all these problems.'' Meanwhile, the G.O.P. has found other ways to, obscure its economic elitism. The Bush administration has proved utterly incompetent in fighting terrorists, but it has skillfully exploited the terrorist threat for domestic political gain. And there are also the ``values'' issues: abortion, stem cells, gay marriage. But the nasty racial roots of the G.O.P.'s triumph live on in public policy and election strategy. A revelatory article in yesterday's Boston Globe described how the Bush administration has politicized the Justice Department's civil rights division, ``filling the permanent ranks with lawyers who have strong conservative credentials but little experience in civil rights.'' Not surprisingly, there has been a shift in priorities: ``The division is bringing fewer voting rights and employment cases involving systematic discrimination against African- Americans, and more alleging reverse discrimination against whites and religious discrimination against Christians.'' Above all, there's the continuing effort of the G.O.P. to suppress black voting. The Supreme Court probably wouldn't have been able to put Mr. Bush in the White House in 2000 if the administration of his brother, the governor of Florida, hadn't misidentified large numbers of African-Americans as felons ineligible to vote. In 2004, Ohio's Republican secretary of state tried to impose a ludicrous rule on the paper weight of voter registration applications; last year, Georgia Republicans tried to impose an onerous ``voter ID'' rule. In each case, the obvious intent was to disenfranchise blacks. And if the Republicans hold on to the House this fall, it will probably only be because of a redistricting plan in Texas that a panel of Justice Department lawyers unanimously concluded violated the Voting Rights Act--only to be overruled by their politically appointed superiors. So yes, African-Americans distrust Mr. Bush's party--with good reason.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, I was absent on Monday July 17, 2006 due to unavoidable circumstances in my Congressional District. Had I been present, I would have voted: ``yea'' to H.R. 3085--To amend the National Trails System Act to update the feasibility and suitability study originally prepared for the Trail of Tears National Historic Trail and provide for the inclusion of new trail segments, land components, and campgrounds associated with that trail, and for other purposes; ``yea'' to H.R. 3496--National Capital Transportation Amendments Act of 2005 and ``yea'' to H.R. 3729--Federal Judiciary Emergency Tolling Act of 2005.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, the Voting Rights Act is just one great step forward toward the movement of our Nation toward a more perfect Union. This is a creation of Lyndon Johnson, a politician, a President of unparalleled practical genius, who fashioned this to bring to the table those people who had serious grievances. We gave the world constitutional democracy. It is a great leap forward for civilization. We can continue to lead civilization by improving on this model. Half the democracies of the world, by the way, right now, do have provisions in their constitutions for representation of minorities. We have spent $9 billion, at least $9 billion, some of you can correct me if it is more, $9 billion in Kosovo, and Kosovo is still struggling under a mandate to provide a constitution which guarantees representation to the minority Serbs. Albanians are the majority there now, and the Serbs need to be represented. In Iran, they have a provision which allows for the representation of Armenians and Jews. In Burundi, the Tutsi minority is guaranteed 40 percent of the seats in parliament. Across the world, these provisions are made because they are practical provisions. They bring people to the table and involve them in the process. The only way we are going to solve the problem in Iraq is to make certain we have something similar to a Voting Rights Act to guarantee representation for all the minorities in Iraq.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, power sharing and the Voting Rights Act will be on the agenda tomorrow. The United States Voting Rights Act, launched and guided by President Lyndon Johnson, was a front line cutting-edge innovation in constitutional democratic government. The turmoil and conflict of the civil rights struggle was brought to a high level, successful, peaceful conclusion with the passage of the Voting Rights Act. We could hold up to the world a new refinement in democratic governance. That was in 1967. Today in 2006 we should take note of the fact that the Government of Norway has established a new frontline for democratic inclusiveness. Last January Norway passed a law mandating that 40 percent of the board members of all major corporations, private and public, must be women. This is a far-reaching and bold action; however, it reflects a mushrooming trend toward the goal of a fair and productive inclusiveness of all citizens in vital decision-making processes. Norway is at one extreme, but there is a great deal between Norway and our Voting Rights Act. As we consider reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act, we should look beyond our borders. A serious examination of the struggle for democracy across the globe reveals that our American constitutional democracy is not the final realization of the most perfect governance structure that can be achieved. In fact, it may be that our American democracy is now being eclipsed by more a sophisticated set of mutations of constitutional democracy. Our way, born in 1776, may within a few decades appear to be a crude, outdated approach to the rule of law with justice for all. As of this date, one-third of the world's democratic governments have some form of mandates or incentives for promoting ethnic minority or gender representation. Norway, with its 40 percent mandate for female board representation on private company boards, may be way out there ahead of other governments; nevertheless, many others recognize the need to move out beyond the slow processes of tradition and the prevailing power arrangements. Denmark and Germany elect minorities in their respective countries into regional and national Parliaments. In Iran ethnic minorities such as Armenians and Jews have seats allocated for them in Parliament. The Pakistan Government has provided for special representation for minorities and women in Parliament. Burundi guarantees 40 percent of the Parliament and Cabinet positions to the Tutsi minority and half the positions in the army. Advised by the United Nations, the Kosovo Parliament will be chosen by direct elections with special arrangements for Serb and other minority groups to be represented. Billions of United States dollars have been spent in Kosovo to achieve this outcome. In Iraq the United States advisers are insisting on an all-inclusive government with the dominant majority Shiites sharing power with the minority groups such as the Sunnis and the Kurds. Our Voting Rights Act, which we are about to renew and extend, is very much in harmony with an escalating international consensus which emphasizes the fact that power sharing promotes good government and peace. Shortsighted efforts to dilute the provisions of the Voting Rights Act must be defeated. This act goes as far as our Constitution will allow us in order to create opportunities for minority representation. However, beyond the law the time has come for each of the political parties to adopt platforms and positions which further enhance the highly desirable goal of power sharing. Beyond opportunity for minority representation, the Republican Party and the Democratic Party should assume positions and take actions to discourage and remove any roadblocks to the greatest possible amounts of power sharing at all levels of government. There is bipartisan agreement that Kosovo, Rwanda, and Iraq must have power sharing. At home we can offer no less to our minorities. The Voting Rights Act is our successful weapon of mass construction, mass democratic construction. We must support the renewal of the Voting Rights Act.

Mr. OWENS

Mr. OWENS. Mr. Speaker, the fact that we have not had a minimum wage increase over such a long period of time, over $5.15 an hour, when we should be at $9 an hour, is reflective of the fact that our government, the decision-makers, this Congress, this administration are hostile towards poor people. We are hostile towards poor people. We have contempt for poor people. I have reams of statistics here which show the validity of increasing the minimum wage and how we are holding people in poverty, but I don't want to address those statistics except to say just one blunt fact: minimum-wage employees, working 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, earn $10,000. That is $10,700 per year. That is $6,000 below the Federal poverty guidelines of $16,600 for a family of three. If you work 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, you come in at that level. Now, we have, as a government and as an administration, we have had Alan Greenspan for ages, under Democratic administrations and Republican administrations, Alan Greenspan has come to Congress several times and testified he doesn't believe in a minimum wage. We shouldn't have a minimum wage. He's a disciple of Ayn Rand, who says government should not get involved in anything except defense. Only defense. Roll out the troops to defend the rich. Roll out the troops to defend our property. What happens is that the people who are from the working families, those that we have most contempt for and refuse to adjust our economic society so that they have a way to earn a decent living, those are the people who go off to fight. And I have statistics that in war after war, World Ward I, World War II, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the largest number of the casualties came out of the big cities of America, the slums, the people who were poorest, the working families. The same thing is true in Iraq. Let the rich go first in times of war. They are the ones that have the most to defend. Ayn Rand and Greenspan feel we should do nothing to help to force our government to protect the welfare of the poor. But those poor are to go off and defend the wealthy. The New York Stock Exchange has the most to lose if the government were to collapse. If we didn't have soldiers fighting and protecting the Nation, the rich and those who have contempt for the poor would have the most to lose. So I want the moral issue here to come forward, and let us look at it in the face and let the American people out there ask their Congressman, ask their President, Why do you want to hold people in a state of near chattel slavery? Why are you looking at the rest of the world and saying, well, they have low wages and China is way down there and we have to compete with China. If you compete with China, you end up having prisoners, prisoners manufacturing goods, and prisoners will be the basic labor force. We don't want to go in that direction. In America, everybody should have a chance to share in the prosperity that is possible here. Certainly those men and women who go off to fight our wars and who are very much a part of our society deserve to be recognized and protected and regulated, their economic lives, regulated in a way which gives them a chance to make it. All they want is a chance to survive and prosper like all other Americans. A minimum wage increase will allow us to do that.