Donald Payne

Mr. PAYNE

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt), a member of the Committee on Education and the Workforce, but in his other life he was a nuclear physicist and a person who certainly knows the danger of weapons of mass destruction.

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Snyder), a member of the Committee on Armed Services and a person who has personally gone in harm's way in the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, so he knows the devastation of war.

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Serrano), a member of the Committee on Appropriations and a fighter for human rights. (Mr. SERRANO asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Washington State (Mr. McDermott), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means, a former Foreign Service employee of the U.S. government, and a person who recently returned from Iraq to ask questions firsthand.

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Sanchez), a member of the Committee on Armed Services.

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky), a member of the Committee on Financial Services and the Committee on Government Reform, a person who speaks for truth and justice and has the courage of her convictions.

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks), a new, strong voice on the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), a member of the Committee on Financial Services and the Committee on the Judiciary. But, more importantly, for many decades she has been a strong voice for women, for those who have no voice.

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I would like to make a short statement that I am not so sure that the attempt to avoid war, the attempt to avoid death and destruction, the attempt to use as a last resort the horrific weapons of destruction and death that we have in our arsenals, weapons, smart weapons, weapons 10 times more accurate and deadly than we used 10 years ago, is necessarily appeasement. I think that we should use every deliberate ounce of strength in our bodies to avoid death and destruction, and to avoid that I think is stretching it when that is considered appeasement. I yield 5 minutes, Mr. Speaker, to the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Mrs. Clayton), a person who serves on the Committee on Agriculture and whose strong voice we will miss as this is the last term she will be serving in this august body. She has made a strong mark for the great State of North Carolina.

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran), a member of the Committee on Appropriations and one who is a strong voice for our Federal employees.

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. PAYNE

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), a leader in peace and humanitarian issues.

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer), a leader in environmental affairs and a member of the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Wisconsin (Ms. Baldwin), a member of the Committee on the Judiciary and the Committee on the Budget. (Ms. BALDWIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. DeFazio), a member of the Committee on Resources and the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure, and a real leader in our delegation.

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means. (Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking Democrat on the Committee on Appropriations.

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure for me to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), the leader in our party and the ranking Democratic member of the Committee on Ways and Means. (Mr. Rangel asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee).

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey), a leader in the Committee on Education and the Workforce and a leader in progressive ideas.

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Colorado (Ms DeGette), a leader in the Democratic Caucus and a member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt), a great addition to the Committee on International Relations with his extensive background.

Mr. PAYNE

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Sudan Peace Act. In June 2001, the House passed H.R. 2052, the Sudan Peace Act, 422-2 with a capital market sanctions provision. If passed by the Senate, the legislation would have denied foreign oil companies currently in Sudan access to our capital markets. Unfortunately, the some Senators opposed to this provision stalled the process, effectively preventing action on the bill. We had to act to salvage this important legislation. Left with no choice, we decided to drop the capital market sanction provision in exchange for other punitive measures and increased funding for the needy in Sudan. This was not an easy decision for many of us and for those in the Sudan coalition, who fought hard for several years to pass this legislation. We concluded that it was important to have something that is meaningful and constructive than nothing at all. H.R. 5531 is a compromise legislation accepted by all those concerned. H.R. 5531: Condemns the Government of Sudan for its wanton disregard for human rights, including the enslaving of its people and use of food as a weapon; Authorizes $100 million for each fiscal year 2003, 2004, and 2005. These funds will help prepare the people of Sudan for peace, provide much needed support in education, health care, and communication infrastructure; Calls for immediate and sweeping reform of Operation Lifeline Sudan, the United Nations-led humanitarian operation. The OLS has been consistently manipulated and undermined by the NIF regime; and Directs the President to certify in six months, after the enactment of this Act, whether the NIF government is negotiating in good faith. If the President certifies that the Government is NOT negotiating in good faith, then the President shall impose a series of sanctions, including: Downgrading of diplomatic relations, An arms embargo resolution at the United Nations Security Council, and Measures to deny use of oil revenues. Mr. Speaker, let me be very clear. The intent of Congress and this legislation is to put pressure on the government of Sudan to negotiate in good faith and conclude a just peace within six months. The Congress expects that if there is no peace agreement within six months of this Act and that the SPLM is not negotiating in bad faith, we expect the President to impose the sanctions outlined in this legislation. It is not our intent to simply become recipients of incomplete, inconsistent, and vague certification by the President. Mr. Speaker, for almost four decades, Sudan has been the scene of intermittent conflict. Of course, many have heard by now the number of people killed in the Sudan conflict. But how many people have really paid careful attention to these numbers. An estimated two million people have died from war-related causes and famine in southern Sudan, and four million have been displaced. Why these many people have to die? Could we have done something to prevent the massive loss of life in Sudan. Indeed, the answer is a resounding yes. But we chose to ignore it or engage marginally. We are the largest provider of humanitarian assistance in Sudan, yet many continue to die. In 1998 alone, an estimated 100,000 people died due to government refusal to allow United Nations relief aid from going into the country. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, some have written and others have talked about this tragedy as either a religious conflict or tribal conflict. The Sudanese conflict, Africa's longest-running civil war, is deeper and more complicated than the claims of political leaders and some observers. Religion, indeed, is a major factor because of the Islamic fundamentalist agenda of the current government, dominated by the northern-based National Islamic Front (NIF) government. Southerners, who are Christian and animist, reject the Islamization of the country and favor a secular arrangement. Social and economic disparities are also major contributing factors to the Sudanese conflict. But this regime is not merely opposed by Christians or southerners. The NIF regime is a minority government led by extremist clique in Khartoum. Muslim leaders have also been victims of the NIF over the years and are clearly opposed by the majority of northerners inside and outside the country. The National Democratic Alliance, a coalition of northern and southern opposition groups, has been actively challenging NIF's hold to power since it ousted the democratically elected civilian government in June 1989. In fact, the NIF came to power precisely to abort a peace agreement between the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and the major northern parties in 1989. Mr. Speaker, it is unfortunate, but a sad reality that Slavery has reemerged with a vengeance in Sudan, and this inhuman practice is directly tied to the civil war in Southern Sudan that has raged intermittently for over forty years. The enslavement of innocent Southern Sudanese civilians has intensified since the National Islamic Front usurped power in 1989. It is now being condoned, if not orchestrated, by the NIF government and perpetrated by its Arab militia allies. The international community has done little, if anything, to prevent this abhorrent practice. Mr. Speaker, the war in Sudan is certainly a major factor contributing to the increase in slavery in Sudan. The war is essentially one of Southern resistance against domination and assimilation by the National Islamic Front government. With religion as an aggravating factor, the war has become a genocidal zero-sum conflict. At the core of this problem is a conflict of identities in which the assimilation or elimination of the non-Arab and non-Muslim population has increasingly become the objective of the Government. The prevalence of slavery in Sudan constitutes a serious challenge not only to the Sudanese themselves, but also to the international community. Let Us Remember the Victims The innocent civilians are the victims in this war. Just the other day, the NIF government declared a jihad, intensifying its aerial bombardment of the south. Who are those being bombed, of course, the children and the helpless. According to the report by U.S. Committee for Refugees, the government bombed civilian targets 167 times in 2000 alone. Mr. Speaker, we are well aware of the number of people killed, maimed, displaced, and enslaved. Yet, we, as members of the international community have failed to do the right thing: End the suffering. Over the years, I have visited Sudan a number of times. In all these visits, I, like many others, promised to do all I can to end their suffering. I must say with all sincerity that I can no longer see these innocent civilians and promise to end their suffering. I must admit, despite all our efforts, we failed the people of Sudan as we did when a million people got massacred in Rwanda in 1994. We cannot say we did not know. As I speak here before you, more people will die, dozens will be forcefully displaced, and many others will be enslaved. Just imagine, waking up one morning and you lose everything you have--your property, dignity, family, and most important--your freedom. Mr. Speaker, we cannot afford to wait any longer. The people of south Sudan have become an endangered species--a few years from now, there will be one left except the barren land. In the past several weeks, government forces burned, looted, and destroyed a number of villages, displacing tens of thousands of civilians. Those who beat the drum of reconciliation must remember the sacrifices paid by the millions of Sudanese. There can be no peace if it is not a just and lasting peace. Indeed, ending the war must be a priority. But we must address the root causes of the war if we are to achieve a lasting peace. H.R. 5531 is a token measure to address these problems. I urge my colleagues to vote for this measure.

Mr. PAYNE

Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I join with my colleagues in expressing profound sorrow over the loss this weekend of our esteemed colleague, Congresswoman Patsy Mink of Hawaii. While her passing saddens me immensely, I find myself reflecting this evening not so much on the loss of a respected colleague and dear friend but rather on the remarkable life of Patsy Mink, one of the most courageous and inspiring women I have ever known. I had the great privilege of serving on the Committee on Education and the Workforce with Congresswoman Mink, whose political journey began in 1956 in the U.S. territory of Hawaii, where she was elected to the Territorial House of Representatives. She had originally intended to become a medical doctor, but in 1948 few opportunities existed for women wishing to pursue a career in medicine. Patsy Mink applied to twenty medical schools, and was rejected by all of them--not because of her academic record, which was highly commendable, but rather because of her gender. She did not abandon her dream of a challenging and meaningful career, however, she simply shifted her focus. She decided to pursue a career in law instead, and was accepted by the University of Chicago School of Law. Upon finishing her legal education in Chicago, she returned to Hawaii, where she became the first Asian American woman to practice law in the territory. In 1965, Patsy Mink became the first woman of color elected to the U.S. House of Representatives. She would go on to serve twelve two year terms in Congress. During her time in office, Congresswoman Mink fought tirelessly for those issues she cared about so passionately: the environment, poverty, civil rights and, most notably, education and equality for women. In fact, she was a pioneer in the struggle for the equitable treatment of women in education, authoring the Women's Educational Equity Act. Additionally, Congresswoman Mink worked to increase funding for research on diseases primarily affecting women and to expand opportunities for women to become physicians. Unquestionably, however, her greatest accomplishment came with the passage of Title IX of the federal education act in 1972, which she co-authored. Congresswoman Mink played an instrumental role in the passage of this groundbreaking legislation, which prohibits gender discrimination by federally funded institutions. This law has become the vehicle by which girls and woman have achieved greater opportunities in the professions and, most notably, athletics. I know that I am not alone when I say that I will sorely miss the extraordinary Patsy Mink, an admirable woman who bravely challenged the status quo--tirelessly fighting for progressive legislation which has transformed not only her home state of Hawaii but also the entire nation.

Mr. PAYNE

Mr. PAYNE. Madam Speaker, let me thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), who has really done such an outstanding job not only in his work in Ireland in general but in human rights throughout the world. Many people are much better off because of his interests, his compassion, and his tenacity in seeing that those who have the least voice in the world are heard. Let me thank the ambassador for bringing forth this resolution. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to have the opportunity to have visited both Ireland and Northern Ireland on several occasions. Taking satisfaction that the peace process is moving forward, I would like to reiterate my support for the goals of the U.S.-Ireland summit, this summit designed to bring together senior-level corporate government and academic leaders for discussion on economic competitiveness, consider important issues in the areas of information and communications technology, biotechnology, and financial services in the United States and European markets. The emphasis of the summit on new public and private sector opportunities, market development, joint ventures, and economic growth between businesses in the U.S., Ireland, and Northern Ireland is truly commendable. I solute its promotion of peace and shared governance under the terms of the Good Friday agreement of 1998. As well, I support the emphasis it places on private sector leadership and in its leadership. It is important for the United States to maintain close ties with all people of Ireland in supporting mutual peace, justice, and prosperity. There has been, however, an apparent oversight in the resolution, I believe, that I would like to address at this time. The resolution failed to mention the tireless effort of special envoy Senator George Mitchell, who negotiated the Good Friday agreement. Neither did it remark on the dedication and commitment of former President Clinton in bringing the peace process in Northern Ireland to a successful conclusion. So I would just like to highlight that and bring attention to my colleagues of the establishment of the William J. Clinton International Peace Center in Enniskillen, Ireland, and that Ms. Steller O'Leary and others who have been working so much for advocating peace are involved in this and we look forward to having Members of our Congress visit that. I trust that the present administration will continue this important effort so that the reconciliation process does not falter. So I ask that my colleagues join me in honoring Senator Mitchell and President Clinton for their crucial role that they played in bringing peace to Northern Ireland.