Tom Price

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I am now pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson), a senior member of the Armed Services Committee.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire as how much time remains on each side?

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I am now pleased to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Hunter), a member of the Armed Services Committee and a gentleman who has served this country in the armed services.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chair, I move that the Committee do now rise.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I also want to address this issue of morality. We have had a number of folks on the other side of the aisle talk about the morality of a budget. And budgeting is priorities, it is a moral document; there is no doubt about it. In the earlier debate, a number of folks on the other side talked about this notion that moral documents, moral issues, are raised in budgets. And I agree, there is no doubt about it. Budgets say what kind of people we are. They say what kind of people we want to be. So I want to ask this question, Mr. Chairman: What is the morality of trapping disadvantaged people in a web of welfare programs that discourage self-sufficiency and instead shackle them to government dependency? What is the morality of that? What is the morality of keeping retirees in a health care coverage program that is going bankrupt, becoming insolvent, not according to my numbers, according to the trustees of the program itself, and that can't keep its promises if its so-called providers keep blocking reform? What is the morality of that? What is the morality, Mr. Chairman, of forcing low-income people into a second-rate health care program in which many can't get appointments with doctors and those doctors are grossly under-reimbursed by the government? What is the morality of that? What is the morality, Mr. Chairman, of stifling medical innovation, preventing new treatments from reaching patients because of ever- expanding Washington bureaucracy and red tape? Where is the morality in that kind of program? What is the morality of tying college students to years of crippling debt because of a government-run student loan program that drives up tuitions? I hear my friends on the other side talk about how difficult it is for students, and it is. Mr. Chairman, it is difficult because of the student loan program that they put in place when they were in the majority that doesn't give students access to low interest rate loans. Where is the morality of that? Where is the morality of heaping trillions of dollars of debt onto future generations to finance today's government spending because today's policymakers refuse to stop outspending our tax revenue? Where is the morality in that, Mr. Chairman? And these are only a few examples of the regrettable consequences of well-intentioned, government-sponsored compassion. Our Republican budget aims to break that pattern. We aim to respect the American people and talk to them about the seriousness of the challenges that we face, but provide positive alternatives, real solutions with real results. That is what they are longing for, real leadership in this town. Our budget isn't about cutting programs, it is about improving and saving them to ensure a sustainable safety net for those who need it, while encouraging and helping others sustain themselves, the most truly compassionate thing one can do for another. That is the morality of our Republican budget. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I am amused by my colleague's interpretation of what happened with student loans. It is an interesting rewriting of history. What the translation is is that the Federal Government now controls the vast majority of student loans, controls and dictates interest on those loans. So the money that the students are paying out there in interest on those loans, where is it going? It is going to the Federal Government when, in fact, those students could actually get loans at a lower rate, but that is now precluded. So our friends have a proclivity for rewriting history. Their plan, by the way; that was their plan to put the Federal Government in charge of student loans. The gentleman says, What has changed in a year? Well, a lot has changed, Mr. Chairman: Russian aggression in Eastern Europe, ISIS, Chinese making more noise. Look, I admit that funding the defense for our country in this way, $613 billion--$523 billion in the base budget and $90 billion in the global war on terror fund--is not ideal. Why are we doing that? The President so far has refused to lay out a path to change the law, which it takes in order to put it in the base defense budget, which is why we in our budget responsibly, proactively, honestly lay forth the path to be able to get that done. Our friends know that if the President's number were included in the budget, as soon as the next year begins, boom, right back down to $523 billion. He can talk about the number he has got all he wants, but the law of the land brings it right back down to $523 billion unless the law is changed. We look forward to working with our colleagues, we look forward to working with the administration, so that we can actually do so in a way that modifies the base defense budget. I hope that that is able to happen, I hope that that is able to happen. I am now pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart), a very active member of the Appropriations Committee and of the Budget Committee.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I would like to put a little more meat on the bones, if you will, of this issue of discretionary spending and of mandatory spending because it really is the locus of the problem that we have, and I think our friends on the other side of the aisle would agree. When you look at history, over the last 50 years or so--the red on this is mandatory spending, and the blue is discretionary spending-- back in 1962, mandatory spending was about a third of our Federal budget, and discretionary spending was about two-thirds. Over the last 50 years, what has happened is that that has flipped, and mandatory spending has become two-thirds or even more of Federal spending, and discretionary spending has become about a third. Now, why is that important? All of the things that we say that we care about outside of Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security, basically, are in this blue area. Defense is in the blue area, as are transportation, energy, education, research. All of the things we say that we want to protect are in the blue area. This is what our Appropriations Committee deals with. The automatic spending--the mandatory programs--are crowding out, as you see, Mr. Chairman, the discretionary spending. The challenge to my colleagues is to recognize this problem, to recognize what needs to be done. What needs to be done is that the mandatory programs need to be addressed. You can't bury your head in the sand and say it doesn't make any difference. We spend about $3.6 trillion a year on the entire Federal budget. About $2.6 trillion--ballpark figures of $2.5 trillion, $2.6 trillion--is of basically three things, which is Medicare and Medicaid, Social Security, and interest on the debt, which has been talked about and that we aren't able to do anything about. We can't change it. When you think about the Federal Government, everything else is about $1 trillion a year: education, energy, legislative branch, judiciary, court system, transportation, research, defense. Everything else in the Federal Government, with the exception of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security, is about $1 trillion. Now, Mr. Chairman, people out there across this great Nation know that, for 4 out of the last 6 years, Washington--this country--has run a deficit of greater than $1 trillion each year, which means that you could do away with the entire Federal Government--the entire thing, everything--with the exception of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security, and you wouldn't even balance the budget. That is the challenge. Very shortly, mandatory spending is going to consume the entire Federal budget. We have got a problem that we have got to deal with. If we don't, what happens is that we are no longer going to be able to pass off to our kids and our grandkids the kind of opportunity for them to realize their dreams. That is what we need to do, Mr. Chairman. We need to recognize the problems, and we need to recognize the challenges, and that is what our budget does. It recognizes that mandatory spending can't continue on the path that it is on. Sadly, in that mandatory spending, those programs are actually going broke: Medicare, insolvent by 2033; Social Security, insolvent by 2034. What our budget does is responsibly, positively, honestly say to the American people that we recognize that challenge. It is reckless for us not to recognize and address that challenge, so we do in our budget put forward positive solutions to those challenges so that we can, as a percentage of the amount of spending in the Federal Government, narrow the amount of money spent on mandatory programs so that we have more moneys available for the kinds of things that everybody on this House floor and everybody in this Chamber wants to do. We want to make certain that we have the greatest opportunity for the next generation, but that light is getting dim unless we address the challenges that we face. That is why it is so important to adopt a positive budget, an honest budget, a sincere budget, a budget that recognizes these challenges but that puts in place positive solutions. I appreciate the conversations and the discussions of my friends on the other side of the aisle, but it is absolutely vital that we, as Representatives of the people, come together and solve these challenges that we have from a financial standpoint so that we can pass on to our kids and our grandkids the greatest nation the world has ever known. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. I would say to my friend that I am prepared to close, so I am happy to have the gentleman close.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time. In closing, we have heard a lot of conversation this afternoon about the budget; a lot of hyperbole, a lot of misinformation, I would suggest. I suspect that those out there watching, if they are looking at this, have said to their spouses: hide the kids and pets, dear; they are talking about the budget. Let me set the record straight on a couple of items. Some folks on the other side have talked about the research budget is being decimated. Table one in the budget report has a line item for general science, space, and technology. That is research and innovation--for 2016, $28.381 billion; in going to 2025, $34.488 billion; for the 10- year window, $313 billion to research and innovation. Chairman Ryan, early on in this conversation, in this debate, talked about all of the hyperbole on the other side and of the words ``slashing'' and ``cutting'' and ``decimating'' and ``destroying.'' Mr. Chairman, what the other side proposes, what the President proposes, is a growth in the budget of 5.1 percent on average. That is what gets you this amount of debt. It crowds out everything else that we want to do in our society. Our growth rate, 3.4 percent--3.4 percent. That is what gets you A Balanced Budget for a Stronger America. Now, my friend talks about the productivity in this country; and it is true, productivity is up, but let me talk about the growth. If they want to double down on the policies that we have had for the last 6 years, let's talk about what has happened. This is the Congressional Budget Office estimate of growth over the ensuing 10 years: in 2012, they predicted that the growth was going to average 3 percent; in 2013, 2.9 percent; in 2014, 2.5 percent; this year, 2.3 percent growth over the next 10 years. Now, what does that mean? What that means is that a full percent growth off the average growth rate over the last 40 years, and such a distinctive decrease in growth that jobs aren't going to be able to be created at the numbers that they need to be, that the economy doesn't get to be roaring at the way that it needs to be, that revenue into the Federal Government is diminished because the growth isn't projected to be what it ought to be. How much? Is it a little bit? If we--if, when, we are able to adopt the policies in our budget, A Balanced Budget for a Stronger America projection, we would suggest that we can return to the average growth rate of the last 40 years, 3.2, 3.3 percent. What that means is more jobs, more activity, more economic vitality out there. What that means is nearly $3 trillion, $3 trillion more to the Federal Government in terms of revenue just because of the increased activity in our economy. Imagine what we could do with those kinds of resources, to balance the budget, to get this economy going again, to allow the American people to realize their dreams in so many, many wonderful and vital ways. How do you do that? You do that with tax reform. You do that with tax reform. My friends on the other side of the aisle say: Well, no, you haven't identified what you are going to do. No, that is the responsibility of the Committee on Ways and Means. The budget lays out the pathway, and then the committees of jurisdiction go to work and accomplish that pathway, put in place the programs that would accomplish that pathway, A Balanced Budget for a Stronger America. I want to reiterate once again, remember, Mr. Chairman, that every dollar that is taken in taxes from the American people and every dollar that is borrowed is a dollar that can't be used to pay the rent, can't be used to buy a house, can't be used to buy a car, can't be used to send a kid to college, can't be used to expand or to begin a business. So what we need are positive solutions, real solutions, honest solutions, like we put forward in our budget. Highlights once again: We balance the budget in less than 10 years without raising taxes. Our budget decreases spending by over $5.5 trillion in the 10-year budget window--$5.5 trillion--instead of adding trillions of dollars of spending. We support a strong national defense; we have defined that, $613 billion combined with base defense spending and global war on terror spending. We repeal ObamaCare in its entirety, once again, as a physician, not just because it is harming the economy, but it is also harming the health of the American people. We secure economic opportunity for all citizens. We don't leave anybody behind. We recognize the imperative and the opportunity that is so necessary for folks. We do, however, believe that there are places where appropriate federalism ought to occur, where States and local communities can better respond to the needs of their citizens, whether it is in the area of health care, whether it is in the area of nutritional assistance, or whether it is in the area of education, something that so many State legislatures and so many Governors are talking about as we speak. We hold Washington accountable. We think it is important to have a right size of Washington, not an expanded Federal bureaucracy that continues to overreach and continues to affect adversely, in regulatory schemes, the lives of the American people. We cut waste and fraud and abuse all across the Federal Government, defining areas that need to be audited and where we need to find savings. The American people, the hardworking American people, they are sick and tired of the kind of waste in this government. We support rights of conscience for physicians all across this land, and we push back on the executive overreach. This is A Balanced Budget for a Stronger America. It will result in a greater efficiency, greater effectiveness, and greater accountability of this government. I urge my colleagues to support A Balanced Budget for a Stronger America. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to section 314(a) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, I hereby submit for printing in the Congressional Record revisions to the aggregate budget levels and committee allocations set forth pursuant to H. Con. Res. 25 as deemed in force by H. Res. 5. The revision is for new budget authority and outlays for provisions designated as disaster relief, pursuant to section 251(b)(2)(D) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, contained in H.R. 240, the Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act, 2015. A corresponding table is attached. This revision represents an adjustment for purposes of enforcing sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974. For purposes of such Act, these revised allocations and aggregates are to be considered as included in the levels of the budget resolution, pursuant to section 101 of H. Con. Res. 25, as adjusted.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to clause 2(a)(2) of House rule XI, I am submitting the rules of the Committee on the Budget for the 114th Congress. The rules were adopted earlier today during our Committee's organizational meeting. General Applicability Rule 1--Applicability of House Rules (a) Except as otherwise specified herein, the Rules of the House are the rules of the Committee so far as applicable, except that a motion to recess from day to day, or a motion to recess subject to the call of the Chair (within 24 hours), or a motion to dispense with the first reading (in full) of a bill or resolution, if printed copies are available, is a non-debatable motion of privilege in the Committee. A proposed investigative or oversight report shall be considered as read if it has been available to the members of the Committee for at least 24 hours (excluding Saturdays, Sundays, or legal holidays except when the House is in session on such day). (b) The Committee's rules shall be publicly available in electronic form and published in the Congressional Record not later than 30 days after the Chair of the Committee is elected in each odd-numbered year. Meetings Rule 2--Regular Meetings (a) The regular meeting day of the Committee shall be the second Wednesday of each month at 11 a.m., while the House is in session, if notice is given pursuant to paragraph (c) and paragraph (g)(3) of clause 2 of rule XI of House Rules. (b) Regular meetings shall be canceled when they conflict with meetings of either party's caucus or conference. (c) The Chair shall give written notice of the date, place, and subject matter of any Committee meeting, which may not commence earlier than the third day on which members have notice thereof, unless the Chair, with the concurrence of the Ranking Minority Member, or the Committee by majority vote with a quorum present for the transaction of business, determines there is good cause to begin the hearing sooner, in which case the Chair shall make the announcement at the earliest possible date. An announcement shall be published promptly in the Daily Digest and made publicly available in electronic form. Rule 3--Additional and Special Meetings (a) The Chair may call and convene additional meetings of the Committee as the Chair considers necessary or special meetings at the request of a majority of the members of the Committee in accordance with clause 2(c) of rule XI of House Rules. (b) In the absence of exceptional circumstances, the Chair shall provide public electronic notice of additional meetings to the office of each member at least 24 hours in advance while Congress is in session, and at least 3 days in advance when Congress is not in session. Rule 4--Open Business Meetings (a) Meetings and hearings of the Committee shall be called to order and presided over by the Chair or, in the Chair's absence, by the member designated by the Chair as the Vice Chair of the Committee, or by the Ranking majority member of the Committee present as Acting Chair. (b) Each meeting for the transaction of Committee business, including the markup of measures, shall be open to the public except when the Committee, in open session and with a quorum present, determines by roll call vote that all or part of the remainder of the meeting on that day shall be closed to the public in accordance with clause 2(g)(1) of rule XI of the House Rules. (c) No person, other than members of the Committee and such congressional staff and departmental representatives as the Committee may authorize, shall be present at any business or markup session which has been closed to the public. (d) Not later than 24 hours after commencing a meeting to consider a measure or matter, the Chair of the Committee shall cause the text of such measure or matter and any amendment adopted thereto to be made publicly available in electronic form. Rule 5--Quorums (a) A majority of the Committee shall constitute a quorum. No business shall be transacted and no measure or recommendation shall be reported unless a quorum is actually present. Rule 6--Recognition Any member, when recognized by the Chair, may address the Committee on any bill, motion, or other matter under consideration before the Committee. The time of such member shall be limited to 5 minutes until all members present have been afforded an opportunity to comment. Rule 7--Consideration of Business Measures or matters may be placed before the Committee, for its consideration, by the Chair or by a majority vote of the Committee members, a quorum being present. Rule 8--Availability of Legislation (a) The Committee shall consider no bill, joint resolution, or concurrent resolution unless copies of the measure have been made available to all Committee members at least 24 hours prior to the time at which such measure is to be considered. When considering concurrent resolutions on the budget, this requirement shall be satisfied by making available copies of the complete Chairman's mark (or such material as will provide the basis for Committee consideration). The provisions of this rule may be suspended with the concurrence of the Chair and Ranking Minority Member. (b) At least 24 hours prior to the commencement of a meeting for the markup of legislation, the Chair shall cause the text of such legislation to be made publicly available in electronic form. Rule 9--Procedure for Consideration of Budget Resolution (a) It shall be the policy of the Committee that the starting point for any deliberations on a concurrent resolution on the budget should be the estimated or actual levels for the fiscal year preceding the budget year. (b) In the consideration of a concurrent resolution on the budget, the Committee shall first proceed, unless otherwise determined by the Committee, to consider budget aggregates, functional categories, and other appropriate matters on a tentative basis, with the document before the Committee open to amendment. Subsequent amendments may be offered to aggregates, functional categories, or other appropriate matters, which have already been amended in their entirety. 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(d) In accordance with clause 2(e)(1)(B) of rule XI of the House Rules, a record of the vote of each Committee member on each recorded vote shall be available for public inspection at the offices of the Committee and also made publicly available in electronic form within 48 hours of such record vote, and, with respect to any roll call vote on any motion to amend or report, shall be included in the report of the Committee showing the total number of votes cast for and against and the names of those members voting for and against. 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(c) All Committee staff shall be entitled to equitable treatment, including comparable salaries, facilities, access to official Committee records, leave, and hours of work. (d) Notwithstanding paragraphs a, b, and c, staff shall be employed in compliance with House rules, the Employment and Accountability Act, the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, and any other applicable Federal statutes. Rule 20--Staff Supervision (a) Staff shall be under the general supervision and direction of the Chair, who shall establish and assign their duties and responsibilities, delegate such authority as he deems appropriate, fix and adjust staff salaries (in accordance with House Rule X, clause 9(c)) and job titles, and, at his discretion, arrange for their specialized training. (b) Staff assigned to the minority shall be under the general supervision and direction of the minority members of the Committee, who may delegate such authority, as they deem appropriate. Records Rule 21--Preparation and Maintenance of Committee Records (a) A substantially verbatim account of remarks actually made during the proceedings shall be made of all hearings and business meetings subject only to technical, grammatical, and typographical corrections. (b) The proceedings of the Committee shall be recorded in a journal, which shall among other things, include a record of the votes on any question on which a record vote is taken. (c) Members of the Committee shall correct and return transcripts of hearings as soon as practicable after receipt thereof, except that any changes shall be limited to technical, grammatical, and typographical corrections. (d) Any witness may examine the transcript of his own testimony and make grammatical, technical, and typographical corrections. (e) The Chair may order the printing of a hearing record without the corrections of any member or witness if he determines that such member or witness has been afforded a reasonable time for correction, and that further delay would seriously impede the Committee's responsibility for meeting its deadlines under the Congressional Budget Act of 1974. (f) Transcripts of hearings and meetings may be printed if the Chair decides it is appropriate, or if a majority of the members so request. Rule 22--Access to Committee Records (a)(1) The Chair shall promulgate regulations to provide for public inspection of roll call votes and to provide access by members to Committee records (in accordance with clause 2(e) of rule XI of the House Rules). (2) Access to classified testimony and information shall be limited to Members of Congress and to House Budget Committee staff and staff of the Office of Official Reporters who have appropriate security clearance. (3) Notice of the receipt of such information shall be sent to the Committee members. Such information shall be kept in the Committee safe, and shall be available to members in the Committee office. (b) The records of the Committee at the National Archives and Records Administration shall be made available for public use in accordance with rule VII of the House Rules. The Chair shall notify the Ranking Minority Member of any decision, pursuant to clause 3(b)(3) or clause 4(b) of the rule, to withhold a record otherwise available, and the matter shall be presented to the Committee for a determination on the written request of any member of the Committee. Oversight Rule 23--General Oversight (a) The Committee shall review and study, on a continuing basis, the application, administration, execution, and effectiveness of those laws, or parts of laws, the subject of which is within its jurisdiction. (b) The Committee is authorized at any time to conduct such investigations and studies as it may consider necessary or appropriate in the exercise of its responsibilities under clause (1)(d) of rule X of the House Rules, and, subject to the adoption of expense resolutions as required by clause 6 of rule X of the House Rules, to incur expenses (including travel expenses) in connection therewith. (c) Not later than February 15 of the first session of a Congress, the Committee shall meet in open session, with a quorum present, to adopt its oversight plans for that Congress for submission to the Committee on House Administration and the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform in accordance with the provisions of clause (2)(d) of rule X of the House Rules. Reports Rule 24--Availability Before Filing (a) Any report accompanying any bill or resolution ordered reported to the House by the Committee shall be available to all Committee members at least 36 hours prior to filing with the House. (b) No material change shall be made in any report made available to members pursuant to section (a) without the concurrence of the Ranking Minority Member or by a majority vote of the Committee. (c) Notwithstanding any other rule of the Committee, either or both subsections (a) and (b) may be waived by the Chair or with a majority vote by the Committee. Rule 25--Report on the Budget Resolution The report of the Committee to accompany a concurrent resolution on the budget shall include a comparison of the estimated or actual levels for the year preceding the budget year with the proposed spending and revenue levels for the budget year and each out year along with the appropriate percentage increase or decrease for each budget function and aggregate. The report shall include any roll call vote on any motion to amend or report any measure. Rule 26--Parliamentarian's Status Report and Section 302 Status Report (a)(1) In order to carry out its duty under sections 311 and 312 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 to advise the House of Representatives as to the current level of spending and revenues as compared to the levels set forth in the latest agreed-upon concurrent resolution on the budget, the Committee shall advise the Speaker on at least a monthly basis when the House is in session as to its estimate of the current level of spending and revenue. Such estimates shall be prepared by the staff of the Committee, transmitted to the Speaker in the form of a Parliamentarian's Status Report, and printed in the Congressional Record. (2) The Committee authorizes the Chair, in consultation with the Ranking Minority Member, to transmit to the Speaker the Parliamentarian's Status Report described above. (b)(1) In order to carry out its duty under sections 302 and 312 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 to advise the House of Representatives as to the current level of spending within the jurisdiction of Committees as compared to the appropriate allocations made pursuant to the Budget Act in conformity with the latest agreed-upon concurrent resolution on the budget, the Committee shall, as necessary, advise the Speaker as to its estimate of the current level of spending within the jurisdiction of appropriate Committees. Such estimates shall be prepared by the staff of the Committee and transmitted to the Speaker in the form of a Section 302 Status Report. (2) The Committee authorizes the Chair, in consultation with the Ranking Minority Member, to transmit to the Speaker the Section 302 Status Report described above. Rule 27--Activity report (a) After an adjournment sine die of the last regular session of a Congress or after December 15 of an even- numbered year, the chair of the Committee may file any time with the Clerk the Committee's activity report for that Congress pursuant to clause (1)(d)(1) of rule XI of the House Rules without the approval of the Committee, if a copy of the report has been available to each member of the Committee for at least seven calendar days and the report includes any supplemental, minority, or additional views submitted by a member of the Committee. (b) Such report shall include separate sections summarizing the legislative and oversight activities of the Committee; a summary of the actions taken and recommendations made; a summary of any additional oversight activities undertaken by the Committee, and any recommendations made or actions taken thereon; and a delineation of any hearings held. Miscellaneous Rule 28--Broadcasting of Meetings and Hearings (a) It shall be the policy of the Committee to give all news media access to open hearings of the Committee, subject to the requirements and limitations set forth in clause 4 of rule XI of the House Rules. (b) Whenever any Committee business meeting is open to the public, that meeting may be covered, in whole or in part, by television broadcast, radio broadcast, still photography, or by any of such methods of coverage, in accordance with clause 4 of rule XI of the House Rules. Rule 29--Appointment of Conferees (a) Majority party members recommended to the Speaker as conferees shall be recommended by the Chair subject to the approval of the majority party members of the Committee. (b) The Chair shall recommend such minority party members as conferees as shall be determined by the minority party; the recommended party representation shall be in approximately the same proportion as that in the Committee. Rule 30--Waivers When a reported bill or joint resolution, conference report, or anticipated floor amendment violates any provision of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the Chair may, if practical, consult with the Committee members on whether the Chair should recommend, in writing, that the Committee on Rules report a special rule that enforces the Act by not waiving the applicable points of order during the consideration of such measure.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the House voted on the Terrorism Risk Insurance Program Reauthorization Act of 2015, H.R. 26, and today, the House will consider the Save American Worker's Act of 2015, H.R. 30.

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia

Mr. TOM PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, in this resolution, we are establishing a new requirement in clause 8 of Rule XIII that the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) and the Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) incorporate into the official cost estimates required under section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (Budget Act) the macroeconomic effects of ``major legislation.'' Because this rule builds on the existing requirement for cost estimates, it does not apply to appropriations legislation. By including an analysis of how major legislation will affect the economy, this rule provides the House with a more comprehensive estimate than can be produced using only the traditional, conventional scoring methods which implicitly assume that legislation has no effect on the broader economy. In particular, this analysis is required to include the budgetary effects of changes in economic output, employment, the capital stock, and other macroeconomic variables resulting from major legislation. In addition, this rule requires a qualitative assessment of the long-term budgetary and macroeconomic effects of major legislation. Major legislation is defined as legislation causing an increase or decrease in revenues, outlays, or deficits in any fiscal year covered by the budget resolution equal to or greater than 0.25 percent of the projected gross domestic product for that year. In applying the 0.25 percent threshold, CBO and JCT are required to look at the gross budgetary effects of the legislation. In carrying out this requirement, the intent is that CBO and JCT review provisions in the bill that have a significant effect. Thus, the test is whether any provision in the legislation has a budgetary effect larger than the threshold, or if the absolute value of the sum of the provisions exceeds the threshold, rather than whether the legislation as a whole has such an effect when all of the provisions are netted out. Alternately, for legislation that may not have a large fiscal effect, but would still have significant economic impacts, the new rule empowers the House to designate ``major legislation.'' For all legislation other than purely revenue legislation, the rule authorizes the chair of the Budget Committee to designate ``major legislation.'' For purely revenue legislation (i.e., legislation that contains only provisions described in section 201(f) of the Budget Act), the rule authorizes the House Member serving as the chair or vice chair of JCT, to designate ``major legislation'' for purposes of this rule. The rule carefully preserves the existing division of labor between CBO and JCT, which requires close collaboration between these two non- partisan institutions. When major legislation involves both revenue and non-revenue provisions, CBO and JCT will need to work together to produce a single, integrated cost estimate for the legislation drawing on each agency's institutional responsibilities. The rule requires enhanced transparency around these budgetary estimates. Both CBO and JCT, as applicable, must provide together with their estimates a description of the critical assumptions and the source data underlying such estimates. It is important that CBO and JCT make this information available so that the public, academic, and other experts have an opportunity to review the analysis and pursue possible improvements in the methodologies used to develop these estimates. Distributional analyses of proposed tax changes that JCT provides as background information is another area where estimates could be improved by incorporating macroeconomic effects into these analyses. The preparation of cost estimates incorporating macroeconomic effects is frequently more complex and requires more time than the preparation of conventional cost estimates. Committees should therefore build in additional time to allow for the completion of the cost estimate. Both CBO and JCT should strive to promptly produce the estimates required by this rule. To the extent it is not practicable for CBO and JCT to produce the required estimates, the rule provides an accommodation in this instance. Two possible circumstances may arise when it is not feasible to produce the required analysis. First, committees and the House may be operating under tight deadlines and it is not possible for CBO or JCT to complete the analysis prior to the legislation's consideration. Second, while CBO and JCT have developed a great deal of expertise and experience in producing these analyses, there may be situations where it is not possible for CBO and JCT to produce the required analysis.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I thank the gentleman from Texas for his leadership on this package and his work throughout this Congress. Mr. Speaker, I am actually surprised--well, I am not surprised. I thought we might actually go a day without having the kind of hyperbole that we have grown used to from the other side of the aisle. I want to speak to the issue of macroeconomic analysis as the incoming chair of the Budget Committee. The other side has said this is a gamble, that we are gambling that the projections are going to be correct. Mr. Speaker, this is craziness. That is not so. In fact, all economic projections--static, dynamic--all of them have a level of uncertainty. We have heard that it is ``stacking the deck'' or that it is ``cooking the books'' in favor of tax cuts. Nonsense. Nonsense. It doesn't game the system at all. All we are trying to do is make certain that Members of Congress have more information upon which to be able to make decisions. That is the kind of commonsense things that our folks back home want. Scoring, which is what we are talking about here, the Congressional Budget Office works hard to try to determine what the effect is of the kind of policies that we adopt around here. They will tell you right now that now it is inaccurate. Now it is inaccurate. What we are trying to do is simply say that if a piece of legislation is going to have a large effect on the economy, that we include that effect in the official estimate. So if you think a bill is going to help or hurt the economy--help or hurt the economy--then they ought to tell us. They ought to let us know how many more jobs are going to be created, what kind of tax revenue up or down is going to occur. Is it going to harm jobs? The people who prepare our cost estimates, I tell you, they are the best in the business, and they have been working on this issue for years. Mr. Speaker, this may come as some surprise to our friends on the other side, but they already do this kind of analysis. They already do the macroeconomic analysis. It is just that we don't include it in our cost estimate because of the rules. And we should. That is why we are offering this change today. We don't predetermine the outcome. We simply make it so that the Congressional Budget Office is allowed, the scorekeepers are allowed, to have a more realistic score. It has come as no surprise, talking to economists from around the country over the past couple of weeks, over the past couple of months, and to a person they say economic scoring, the effects of legislation that we pass, it is an inaccurate science. It is hard to do. But what we want to do is to make certain that they have greater opportunity to get that scoring correct, to give us the kind of information so we can make wiser decisions. Mr. Speaker, this isn't about cooking the books or gaming the system. This is about trying to do the hard work of the American people, trying to get the policies that we adopt here in this Congress correct so that we can get the American people back to work and get this economy thriving again. I commend the gentleman from Texas for the work that he has done and urge adoption of the rules.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support the ABLE Act and its intent to promote greater independence and freedoms to disabled and handicapped Americans. However, I have great concerns with the policy that is being used to pay for this legislation because it would seek to further decrease Medicare reimbursement for physicians--an action that could threaten seniors' access to health care. Since the passage of the Medicare Modernization Act of 2003 and the creation of the sustainable growth rate (SGR) formula, Congress has passed 17 ``doc-fixes'' to prevent further cuts to physicians providing care for our seniors. Each year, the entire medical community must pick up the tab to prevent the disastrous cuts that would be implemented if the SGR was to take effect. The result? Medicare reimbursement for physicians has decreased by 17% when adjusted for inflation, while the cost of care continues to rise. In the most recent ``doc fix'' passed in March of this year, a controversial provision required the annual re-evaluation of codes matching 0.5% of total physician spending from 2017 through 2020. If this target is not met, the difference would be taken in the form of an across the board cut. The proposed offset included in the ABLE Act would shift these targets forward and compress them, requiring CMS to identify misvalued services equal to at least 1% of total physician spending in 2016, and 0.5% in 2017 and 2018. Moving the target to 2016 and frontloading it to require the identification of 1% of total physician spending in the first year would make it extremely difficult to meet the target. However, CMS has no intention of implementing this law. In the 2015 Medicare Fee Schedule Final Rule, CMS finalized a proposal to transition 10- and 90-day global period codes to 0-day global period codes in 2017, and 2018, respectively, yet CMS has not developed a methodology for how that transition will be made. This is a major overhaul of close to half of the currently existing CPT codes and will dramatically reform how physicians are paid. Because CMS has not yet developed a methodology for how this transition will occur, the nature of the impact is currently unknown, leading to further instability in physician payments. CMS notes in the Rule that due to the work necessary to make this change, they will not have resources to review certain other potentially misvalued services for the ``next several years'', almost certainly resulting in an across the board cut to all physicians caring for Medicare patients. This continuous pursuit by our Congress and CMS to re-evaluate codes within the physician fee schedule will be detrimental to the medical community and to ensuring access for our Medicare beneficiaries. A 1% cut may not sound like much, but when taken in conjunction with the combined maximum penalties for not meeting the PQRS, physician value- based payment modifier, and EHR programs, the total potential cut faced by physicians will be -9% in 2016, and -11.5% in 2017. This does not even take into account the cuts required by the unresolved SGR. Despite these concerns, I will support the ABLE Act today with the hope that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will recommit themselves in the new Congress to securing the Medicare program for all Americans.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to honor a constituent of the Sixth District of Georgia, Private First Class (retired) Dale Elbert Jones of the U.S. Army. Mr. Jones was born on November 2, 1914 to Callie Eudora Standcuff and James William Jones. He was raised in a log farmhouse in the foothills of the Ozark Mountains in northern Arkansas. Soon after graduating high school, Mr. Jones moved to Longview, TX, where a sister was living. He married Fairy Lee Pettey in 1939 and had one son. His electrical supply experience led him into a supervisor's position on the ``Big Inch Pipeline'' being constructed from Longview to Bayonne, NJ. The ``Big Inch'' was an emergency effort in support of World War II. As WWII progressed he was drafted into service by the United States Army. After completing basic training, Mr. Jones was sent to Germany and assigned to the 309th ``lightning'' Division of the 78th Infantry. He received three battle stars for combat participation in the Battle of the Bulge, Central Germany, and the Rhineland. He was awarded the Purple Heart after being seriously wounded in the Rhineland. After the war, Mr. Jones built a successful career as a Sales and Marketing executive and entrepreneur in the greater east Texas area. He ultimately founded his own sales and marketing company, TICO Paint & Chemical Company. He continued to work well into his late eighties. Mr. Jones currently resides in Marietta, GA, where his son Dale L. Jones also lives. He lives independently at the Parc at Piedmont, a senior residence community. He enjoys playing a game of cards, chess, and keeping up with current events. In a few weeks, Mr. Jones will be celebrating his 100th birthday. He looks forward to dancing at his party. He has lived a remarkable life in service to his family and our nation. I know I speak for the people of the Sixth District in showing sincere gratitude for all he has done for our country and wishing him the happiest of birthdays.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment made in order by the rule at the desk.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chair, I want to commend the chairman of the Appropriations Subcommittee for the work that he has done on this. This has been yeoman's work, a difficult task. We haven't done a Financial Services appropriations bill in a number of years, and so I want to commend the chairman for his leadership on this issue. My amendment deals with the Internal Revenue Service, and I know a lot of these amendments have addressed the issue. The Internal Revenue Service, Mr. Chairman, as you and the American people know, by law--by law--may not release any personal taxpayer information. It must be protected, and it is clear that what we have had over the past year or so is the revelation of a huge violation of the public trust that has occurred as it pertains to the IRS' lawful requirement to protect taxpayer information. Internal Revenue Code section 6103 is what this amendment deals with. It is a portion of the Code that is a taxpayer protection provision written to prevent unlawful disclosure of confidential taxpayer information. The recent actions of the IRS, whether it is the targeting of conservative social welfare groups or the unlawful disclosure of an organization's confidential tax return and donor list, are nothing less than chilling, Mr. Chairman. What the IRS has done is targeted conservative groups, allegedly to determine whether or not they ought to be granted tax-exempt status. In so doing, they have asked for those organizations' donor lists, the lists of hardworking Americans who have taken some of their resources and provided support for these organizations. Then the IRS took that donor list information, not only kept the organization from getting tax-exempt status, as would be appropriate, took that donor list information and released it to political enemies or political opponents of the organization, apparently for political purposes. This is outrageous activity, Mr. Chairman. This amendment is a very simple amendment that reminds the Internal Revenue Service that their primary responsibility is to serve the American taxpayer. Given the information that has come to light over the last year or so, I would suspect that every Member of this Congress should support holding the IRS accountable to the rule of law. The IRS has violated the trust of the American people, and it is imperative that this body hold the IRS accountable for their egregious actions. It is a simple amendment. It is a commonsense amendment. It is an amendment that is supported and responsive to our constituents, and I urge its adoption. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Crenshaw), the chairman.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I thank the chairman for his support, and I urge support of this amendment by all colleagues in the House. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to honor a constituent of the Sixth District of Georgia, Lieutenant Colonel (retired) Nicolette Wheeler of the U.S. Army. Following a successful career, LTC Wheeler retired from the Army and moved with her husband to Alpharetta, Georgia. In 1995, LTC Wheeler was hired by the Fulton County School System to be the Senior Army Instructor at Roswell High School. In 2001, she was appointed to move to Central Administration to lead all 8 programs as the Director of Army Instruction. Since being hired, LTC Wheeler has been recognized multiple times for her contributions to students and others: State Rifle Coach of the Year (2000), ``Service Above Self'' Award--Roswell Rotary (2001), JROTC Director of the Year--United States Army Cadet Command (2005), and State Outstanding Career and Technical Educator, JROTC Division (2009 and 2011). However, LTC Wheeler has been so much more than just a distinguished instructor and coordinator for the JROTC during her time in the Fulton County School System. Her students have always been her number one priority. She has been there to provide support and encouragement no matter if a student's ambition is an appointment to a service academy or passing an entrance exam to become a member of the United States Armed Forces. At the end of this current school year, LTC Wheeler will retire. This is a bittersweet moment for all those students, past and present, whose lives she has dedicated herself to bettering. She has inspired all who have had the opportunity to work with her. Her tireless work on behalf of our community and country, her quiet leadership, and her collaborative spirit has not gone unnoticed and are deeply appreciated. Therefore, it is on behalf of the people of the Sixth District that I want to thank LTC Nicolette Wheeler for her years of outstanding and exemplary service.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to honor a constituent of the Sixth District of Georgia, former Gunner's Mate Randolph (Randy) F. Jones. Born on June 3, 1924 in Phoenix City, Alabama, Randy was raised on a farm during the Great Depression. Due to the hard times, Randy and his family moved to Talbot County, Georgia, where his grandfather maintained a farm where corn, peanuts, sweet potatoes, soy beans and cotton were grown. Moving to Warm Springs, Georgia, in 1942, Randy soon got a job as a grocery clerk at the Warm Springs Foundation. Warm Springs is famous nationally as the location frequented by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt for his treatment for polio. His initial time at Warm Springs did not last long, as Randy enlisted in the Navy near the end of 1942 while the nation fought the Second World War. During this time, he served as a Gunner's Mate on the Destroyer U.S.S. Swanson. His tour of duty took him around the globe and included the Mediterranean, the Pacific and the Atlantic. Randy was discharged in 1946. After serving his nation, Randy returned to his job in Warm Springs. While there, he met the love of his life, Sarah Leverett. They were happily married for 46 years until she passed away in 1993. Randy has two children, seven grandchildren, and one great-grandson. Randy worked at the Warm Springs foundation for 47 years. During the time he was there, Randy worked as a grocery store clerk and manager, food buyer, chef, purchasing agent and even managed a golf course in his spare time. Additionally, he served on the county school board for 10 years. Currently residing at the Elmcroft of Roswell Senior Living Community, Randy has continued to attend to the needs of his friends and neighbors. For three years running, Randy has been voted by his peers as Valentine King. He currently is President of ``The Elmcroft Elder Statesman.'' On June 3 of this year, Randy will celebrate his 90th birthday. For all of his years of service to our community and nation, the people of Georgia's Sixth District sincerely thank him.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I want to commend the chairman of the committee for the great work he has done in bringing forward a positive, solutions-oriented budget. What we are hearing here is the same song, different verse. You would think that they would get tired of singing this song because it is so out of key: spends more, taxes more, borrows more, adds $4.3 trillion to the debt and never, ever comes to balance. Ever. The American people watching this and reading their newspapers about what the plan is in Washington, what the budget is in Washington, they recognize that the Democrats' plan is never, ever to balance; not something they can do in their homes. People have to balance their budgets. Not something they can do in their businesses; people have to balance budgets. So we hope that at some point in the future our friends on the other side of the aisle recognize that fiscal responsibility has something to do with the American dream. When we don't balance as a Nation, when our Federal budget doesn't balance, when we continue to add $4.3 trillion more to the debt than the Republican budget, what that means is we are robbing from future generations. We are telling them you are going to have to pay this; we are not responsible enough to pay it. You get to pay it. How does that sound to the young person out there who, by the way, is graduating from college and can't find a job in their sphere of interest because of this faltering economy. So what is the alternative? That is the good news, Mr. Chairman. There are positive solutions that we are offering. That is the Republican budget we are going to have a vote on just this morning, a positive budget that actually balances the budget over a period of 10 years. And it not only balances the budget, it gets us on a path to pay off the entire debt of the United States. Think about the wonderful dreams that can be realized by young people and others across this great land when we don't have any debt. Think of what happens when you finally pay off that car. What a great relief that is. When you are finally able to pay off your home, when you are finally able to pay off those debts, you remember, you wake the next morning and you feel freer and more excited. There is a greater opportunity to realize your dreams. Our budget recognizes that health care is indeed important, and that Medicare and Medicaid, not according to me or the Republican side but according to the actuaries in those programs, is going broke. Bankrupt. What does that mean? That means that seniors and individuals in the Medicaid program will no longer be able to receive the benefits, the services, the health care that we have promised them as a country. That is what that means. That is what this program does on the other side of the aisle. That is why in our budget we save and strengthen and secure Medicare and Medicaid. We do so by making certain that patients are in charge of health care, not the Federal Government. The Republican budget is the premier budget that is being offered today. I urge my colleagues to vote down the Democrat budget and vote for the Republican budget.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, the abbreviated remarks by my friend, the chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, belie the challenge before us with this budget. The Congressional Progressives, the far left in the House, don't disappoint with the budget that they bring to the floor today. What is the top line? Taxes, increasing taxes by $6.6 trillion over current policy; spending, increasing spending by $3.3 trillion dollars over current policy. What about that all-important issue of defense in a very dangerous world? A $7 billion increase--a $7 billion increase at a time when our Nation is seeing significant and increasing threats. Does it ever come into balance? Never--never does this budget come into balance. One would think that, given the challenges that we have from the debt--the $17 trillion-plus in debt--that this would be an irresponsible budget, and one would be correct in saying so. Let's look at some of the particulars here. Taxes, relative to the Republican budget, this alternative increases taxes by roughly $6.6 trillion over 10 years. This caucus budget contains trillions of dollars in new tax increases focused on penalizing those who are creating wealth and creating jobs in this country. This budget that is being proposed today would actually decrease the number of jobs available. These are tax policies that are motivated out of a notion of ``fairness,'' but a warped notion of fairness, where the Tax Code's primary purpose is to redistribute income and equalize outcome. These policies clearly end up hampering growth and job creation. What about spending? Mr. Chairman, this budget that is being proposed spends a whopping $8.4 trillion more than the Republican budget--$8.4 trillion, as if we had it growing on trees. It doubles down on the Obama administration's failed economic policies and stimulus program by calling for trillions of dollars of new domestic spending, borrowing more and more money from overseas, compromising our kids' and our grandkids' future. In the area of health--people look at the budget of the United States. They recognize that the biggest challenges that we have are in the area of health care spending, particularly Medicare and Medicaid, both of those programs going broke. Both of them going broke, bankrupt. What does that mean? It means that those programs, in a relatively short period of time, won't have the resources to be able to provide the services to seniors and those on Medicaid that have been promised to them, unless something is done. What does this budget do? It further increases the overreach of the Federal Government in the area of health care, putting the government in charge of health care, as opposed to individuals. It embraces a policy that would lead directly--directly--to completing the government takeover of health care. However, I do want to mention a bright light in this budget. The Progressive budget actually recognizes that the alternative, utilizing a block grant of Federal funding to the States, is a wise idea. We call it State flexibility, giving States greater flexibility with the use of resources; and I want to commend the Progressive Caucus for recognizing that that is a reasonable method of proceeding. What about job training? This budget expands the current broken Federal job training system by calling for more spending, despite the GAO's findings that dozens of Federal programs that already exist overlap and are duplicative. In fact, they harm the ability of jobs to be created. In January of 2011, the Government Accountability Office issued a report that found 47 overlapping Federal job training programs that spent approximately $18 billion in 2009. Does this budget do anything to decrease that duplication and redundant efforts? No, not a doggone thing. Then defense, as I mentioned at the beginning, Mr. Chairman, this substitute fails in the Federal Government's first responsibility, providing for the common defense. This substitute guts the defense budget by calling for $569 billion in cuts to the Pentagon, compared to the Republican budget. These are levels that would reduce military readiness and hollow out our forces. This is a very dangerous world, Mr. Chairman. You don't have to take my word for it. Listen to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Martin Dempsey, who recently testified: Our current security challenges are more formidable and complex than those we faced in downturns following war in Korea, Vietnam, and the cold war. There is no foreseeable ``peace dividend'' on our horizon. The security environment is increasingly competitive and dangerous. Mr. Chairman, I would suggest that decreasing the ability of our men and women standing in harm's way and defending our liberty and freedom at this time is an absolutely reckless and irresponsible move. I know that our colleagues in the House of Representatives recognize that it is important to have all sorts of alternatives being proposed. I commend the Progressive Caucus for proposing this alternative, but any review of this budget recognizes that it spends more than it should, it taxes more than it should, it expands the role of government more than it should, and it doesn't address the real challenges of the day in a way that brings about positive and real solutions. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I am pleased now to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rice), a member of the Budget Committee.