Tom Price

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment made in order under the rule.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, for over 60 years, the United States and Israel have forged a very unique relationship. A friendship built upon trust and shared sacrifice and common values. But our relations with Israel, as with a growing number of long-held alliances, seem to be negotiable with this administration. A stream of highly sensitive information continues to be leaked to the press--information that includes U.S. and Israeli military and intelligence operational capabilities, as well as classified negotiations between Israel and other countries. On March 20, The New York Times, citing senior administration officials, reported the conclusions of a classified war simulation conducted by the United States that analyzed an Israeli attack on Iranian nuclear facilities. On March 28, Foreign Policy magazine, quoting four senior diplomats and military intelligence officers, referred to a report that Israel would be granted access to air bases in Azerbaijan as part of an attack on Iran's nuclear facilities, a move clearly designed to undercut cooperation between Azerbaijan and Israel. Further degrading Israel's ability to defend itself, The Washington Post's David Ignatius on February 3 reported that Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta believes there's a strong likelihood that Israel will strike Iran in April, May, or June, which reportedly sent Iran's air defenses on high alert. The release of this classified information not only puts at risk fragile negotiations between countries but also the very lives of the men and women called upon to carry out this mission. I recently traveled to the Middle East, where we met with senior Israeli officials. Their number one concern was that for the first time in our long relationship, United States was releasing classified operational information and capabilities, willfully putting at risk the lives of Israeli people. Mr. Chairman, our actions are not the actions of a friend or an ally. A couple of weeks ago, I joined with 22 other Members of the House of Representatives and sent a letter to President Obama calling for an investigation into these leaks by senior administration and intelligence officials. We have yet to receive a response. Now it's no secret that this administration is seeking to dissuade Israel from launching an airstrike on Iranian nuclear facilities, but risking Israeli and American lives and undermining our alliance is unacceptable. The Israeli people should not have to question our support for their security. So I offer this amendment with Representative Pat Meehan and Representative Randy Hultgren. Our amendment calls for the Attorney General to investigate these leaks and bring those responsible to justice. Trust and cooperation are vital to securing a strong alliance and a future of peace. The persons responsible for this breach of faith should be held accountable, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I urge adoption of the amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I have an amendment made in order under the rule.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, as we have been hearing all night, earlier this year in a conversation between President Obama and the Russian President the microphone was left open inadvertently and the President pleaded for ``space'' and promised ``flexibility'' on the issue of missile defense after his reelection. And though this conversation was not intended for public consumption, the President's comments were clearly deliberate. The President believes in a world without nuclear weapons. That would indeed be wonderful. He also apparently believes that unilateral reduction of our capabilities will be met by others following suit and reducing their arsenals if only the U.S. gives up its nuclear weapons first. That's not reality, Mr. Chairman. Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has eliminated over 80 percent of its nuclear weapons arsenal. Yet instead of others following our lead, new nuclear weapon players, such as North Korea, have emerged. India and Pakistan tested their nuclear weapons in the 1990s. Following the ratification of the new START treaty with Russia, Moscow started the most extensive nuclear weapon modernization program since the end of the Cold War. President George W. Bush offered to cooperate with Russia on missile defense, believing there was a collective interest in defending against emerging threats from nations like Iran and North Korea. Such cooperation, however, has proven elusive, with Russia being less interested in cooperating against Iran than in degrading our missile defense capability. Clearly, countries have their own motives and security interests that are not necessarily derived from the United States' actions. President Obama seems resolved to push forward regardless, even if that means compromising our own missile defense capabilities. This is reckless and dangerous in today's world. Iran is getting ever closer to developing a nuclear weapon and consistently threatens Israel, openly calling for that Nation's destruction. In the wake of Kim Jong Il's death, North Korea continues to move forward with its latest test firing of a long- range missile. This amendment would ensure that without a treaty approved by the Senate or an authorization by an act of Congress, the President may not reduce our nuclear arsenal. Please join me in limiting the ``space'' and the ``flexibility'' that this President desires, further putting our Nation's security at risk. I urge support of the amendment, and reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, how much time remains?

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I yield myself 15 seconds. I find it curious that it would be unwise to require that the Senate concur in a reduction of the nuclear weapons arsenal or that an act of Congress be approved prior to that occurring. I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my friend, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Turner).

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, how much time is remaining?

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I am pleased to yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Forbes).

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to ask my colleagues to join me in recognizing the 150th anniversary or sesquicentennial of the Great Locomotive Chase. At 6 a.m. on April 12, 1862, a group of Union Raiders under the leadership of James Andrews captured the General locomotive in Big Shanty, now Kennesaw, Georgia. As the Andrews Raiders made their move, the passengers and crew of the General ate breakfast at the Lacy Hotel. The Union spies planned to travel north to Chattanooga, Tennessee, in an effort to cause damage to the Western & Atlantic Railroad by destroying telegraph wires and railroad track along the route. This section of rail served as a major supply line for the Confederate forces. During the breakfast stop, Confederate Conductor William Fuller saw the General depart northward without him, then he, Jeff Cain, and Anthony Murphy set off in pursuit of the locomotive on foot. Shortly the men borrowed a platform car and continued pursuit. Eventually the conductor and his men would board three separate steam locomotives due to the railroad tracks sabotaged by the Andrews Raiders. These locomotives included the Yonah, William R. Smith, and lastly the Texas. The chase ended two miles north of Ringgold, Georgia, as the Union Raiders ran low on fuel leaving the General and heading for the woods. The Raiders were captured by Confederate forces and jailed. Eight of the Raiders including Andrews and Sergeant John Scott, were hanged. Nineteen of the Union participants were awarded the Medal of Honor, several posthumously. Eventually this adventure became known as the Great Locomotive Chase and has become the subject of legend including a Walt Disney movie during the 1950s. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in commemorating the 150th anniversary or sesquicentennial of the Great Locomotive Chase and to wish the citizens of Northwest Georgia an educational and productive commemorative event.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that when the House adjourns today, it adjourn to meet at 11 a.m. tomorrow; when the House adjourns on that day, it adjourn to meet at 11 a.m. on Tuesday, April 3, 2012; when the House adjourns on that day, it adjourn to meet at 11 a.m. on Friday, April 6, 2012; when the House adjourns on that day, it adjourn to meet at 10 a.m. on Tuesday, April 10, 2012; when the House adjourns on that day, it adjourn to meet at 2 p.m. on Friday, April 13, 2012; and when the House adjourns on that day, it adjourn to meet at 2 p.m. on Monday, April 16, 2012.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I want to commend Mr. Ryan for standing up for the future of our country and for his dedication to fundamental American principles. Mr. Chairman, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Michael Mullen, said last year that the greatest threat to our national security--the greatest threat to our national security--was our debt. Now, there are clear differences--you've heard them here today--about how we should address that debt. Americans have a choice to make, and it is a choice that will determine the future of our great country. By ignoring the drivers of our debt, by ignoring Medicare and Medicaid and Social Security, the President's most recent budget proposal ensures a future of ever-increasing debt and doubt and decline. In fact, before the Budget Committee, Mr. Chairman, we had earlier this spring Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, who admitted of the administration that they don't ``have a definitive solution to our long-term problem. What we do know is we don't like yours.'' Now there is real leadership. The President's health care law, the current law of the land, cuts Medicare by more than $500 billion for more government programs. The President's health care law ends the Medicare guarantee and puts us on this red path over here, Mr. Chairman, increasing the amount of debt that gives the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff pause to say that the greatest threat is our debt. The President's health care law empowers the Independent Payment Advisory Board to effectively deny care to seniors. You've heard about it--15 unelected bureaucrats. None of them--none of them--can be actively practicing physicians. As a physician, I can tell you that gives me great pause. You heard the gentleman from New Jersey down here, saying that, in their program, if a doctor says that you need cardiac surgery, you get it. Well, on the contrary, Mr. Chairman. In fact, if a doctor says you need cardiac surgery and if the board of unelected bureaucrats says you don't get it, guess what? You don't get it. Then my friend from Maryland says, Oh, no. You can bring it to the floor of the House. You can bring it to Congress. You could have a review and vote on the floor of the House for your cardiac surgery. Hardly, Mr. Chairman. It just isn't going to happen. The fact of the matter is this unelected board is charged with finding $500 billion in reductions in payments to Medicare physicians. Consequently, what will happen is that it will essentially deny care to seniors. As a physician, I believe that the President's health care law threatens all of the principles that we hold dear: accessibility, affordability, quality, responsiveness, innovation, choices. Every single principle of health care is violated by the President's health care law. It destroys the doctor-patient relationship. Yet it's not just devastating to the future of our health. It's also devastating to the future of our economy, which is, again, what drives the chart. Where is the middle class, Mr. Chairman, on this chart? In the red. Where are the American Dreams of our kids and grandkids? In the red. So we are committed to the full repeal of the President's health care law, and today we advance bipartisan solutions to improve and to strengthen Medicare. Where the President and Democrats fail to act here in Washington, we will lead. Our plan has no changes for those in or near retirement. It allows choices, including the Medicare option, so that patients control their health decisions, not bureaucrats. When bureaucrats choose, patients lose. In the future, Americans, through a guaranteed system--read the bill, Mr. Chairman--will be able to select the health coverage that is right for them, not what Washington says they must have. Our solution is guaranteed, it's voluntary, and it's bipartisan--something our friends on the other side of the aisle simply cannot say. Our plan also includes commonsense tax reform--closing loopholes, lowering rates, broadening the base, helping job creators. It's a system that is more fair and more simple and that allows us to compete in the world because a vibrant and robust, growing economy is necessary to get us back on the right track, and the right track is the green path here, Mr. Chairman, that gets us to a balanced budget and paying off our debt. Now, we know that the Senate won't adopt our budget. Remember, they haven't done one in over 3 years. So the solution to the Senate and to the Presidential gridlock is with the American people. It's the people of this great country who will decide the direction that we take, not Washington. It's the people who will decide. We offer a positive budget, a positive plan, for both our health care and our economy. It's a path to prosperity, and I urge my colleagues to support it.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Madam Speaker, great communities are made up of wonderful people, and Atlanta is a great community. Monica Kaufman has been an integral champion in making Atlanta a great community. For nearly 40 years, she's been an anchor on WSB TV in Atlanta. Now, sadly, she's retiring. From her warm smile, to her anxiously anticipated hair style, to her passion and her warmth for our beloved metro Atlanta, we all love Monica Kaufman. What a great champion of goodwill, southern charm, and spirit she has been. And for all the wonderful work she's given to our region and our State and our Nation, Monica, we love you, and we wish you Godspeed in your future activities and your future happiness.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I claim time in opposition.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I claim the time in opposition.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Let me first begin by thanking the chairman of the Budget Committee, Congressman Ryan, who has put in an incredible amount of work, diligent work and commitment, in reforming our broken budget process. He and the entire committee staff have worked tirelessly to bring about more accountability and transparency to this process. I thank them for that. In fact, all Americans should thank them. Budget reforms would also not be in the spotlight were it not for the work of a number of Members, but there's one Member I would like to acknowledge specifically, and that's our conference chairman, Jeb Hensarling, who has been steadfast for many years championing the Family Budget Protection Act of 2007 and the Spending Deficit and Debt Control Act of 2009 that focused on reforming our broken budget process. Mr. Chairman, there is no question that our number one priority in this body must be enacting policies that help our economy create jobs. It is clear that the President's policies have failed and they are making the economy worse. Because the President clearly can't run on his record, he has denigrated into the process of division and envy politics in this country. Terribly distressing. House Republicans have a plan. We have got a jobs plan. It is a plan to put the American people back to work, and so we are delighted to be able to have an opportunity today to talk about one part of that plan. The economy is growing way too slowly, as you well know. Not nearly enough jobs are being created, which is one of the reasons that we introduced H.R. 3582, the Pro-Growth Budgeting Act, which as my colleague said, could be titled the dynamic scoring act. As you well know, the current model for the CBO determines the cost of legislative proposals by a static method that doesn't take into account macroeconomic factors like increasing revenue, reducing the deficit, paying down the debt, things that have economic consequences in our society. Economists from across the political spectrum agree that major legislation considered by Congress has significant effects on economic growth, and we ought to be looking at that consequence. While current law requires the Congressional Budget Office to provide Congress with information on the fiscal impact of all legislation that is reported from the committee, there is no requirement for analysis of the economic impact. This bill remedies that issue by requiring the Congressional Budget Office to provide macroeconomic analysis for all bills that have a budgetary impact--this is the threshold--a budgetary impact of more than 0.25 percent of the gross domestic product. That equals, Mr. Chairman, about $39 billion in 2012. This does not change the traditional CBO static scoring method at all. This analysis will be in addition to current law. It gives Members of Congress more information around which they are able to then make appropriate decisions. Mr. Chairman, it is important to remember that current policy is what has been utilized as a baseline for the administration, for the Simpson-Bowles Commission, for Domenici-Rivlin. All of those used current policy. This notion that we ought not be using current policy as a baseline is simply folly. In 2011, only six bills met the 0.25 percent GDP threshold, which means that the CBO ought not be overworked by having this opportunity to provide greater information to Members of Congress. Everybody knows that CBO scores in the past have been significantly inaccurate. The Medicare Modernization Act of 2003 is but one example. The CBO estimated that that would cost about $206 billion. In fact, it was $124 billion. Mr. Chairman, that is a huge difference. Past CBO macroeconomic work has shown that Federal deficits and tax rates do, in fact, impact the economy. CBO itself has said: ``The reduction in Federal borrowing that would result from smaller deficits would induce greater national saving and investment and thereby increase output and income.'' Mr. Chairman, more information from CBO will highlight the need to act positively on fiscal policy here in Congress. And maybe as importantly, this bill will also encourage pro-growth policy ideas from all of our colleagues that will help get our economy back on track, create jobs, and protect hardworking taxpayers. I urge my colleagues to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I'm pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hensarling), our conference chairman.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. It's curious to listen to my colleague talk about his concern about the debt when, in the last 4 years, the 4 years of this administration, we have the first 4 years in the history of this country where our debt has been greater than $1 trillion--over $5 trillion built up in debt by this administration. I also want to point out to my friend from Maryland, who talks about the wonderful impact of the stimulus bill and how it has created all sorts of jobs and increased GDP, as you well know, Mr. Chairman, as our Members and colleagues know, the Congressional Budget Office periodically updates the information that they provide as it relates to the estimates about what has occurred in the economy from policy here in Washington. The most recent update shows an 8 percent increase in the real GDP growth from the stimulus bill--now, that's down from 1.7 percent growth, and that is down from their estimate before--and a .4 percent reduction in the unemployment rate, which is down from a .8 percent reduction in the unemployment rate. So, Mr. Chairman, if we wait another quarter or two, we're going to see that, in fact, the real information is out, and that is that the stimulus bill had no effect or a detrimental effect on the economy. With that, I'm pleased to yield 2 minutes to my colleague from Georgia, Dr. Broun.

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I'm pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock).

Mr. PRICE of Georgia. I'm a bit amused, Mr. Chairman, by the tack that the other side is taking on this as they talk about gaming the system, if you will, with this piece of legislation. I would simply call my colleague's attention to the bill itself. The definition of macroeconomic impact analysis in the bill simply states: Estimate of changes of economic output, employment, capital stock, tax revenue, an estimate of revenue feedback expected as a result of the enactment of a proposal and the critical assumptions for how they got there. There isn't any qualitative assessment assigned to this. It's simply, give us more information, as the gentleman from California said. So it's a bit perplexing why, again, our colleagues on the other side don't want that additional information with which to make decisions, high-quality decisions here in Washington. With that, I'm pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Flores).