Mike Pompeo

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chair, on rollcall Nos. 565-568, I was unable to cast my vote in person due to a previously scheduled engagement. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea.''

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chairman, I am prepared to close. Mr. Chairman, this is an important amendment. We need to codify what we have known for years has been American policy under Democrat Presidents and Republican Presidents that we simply won't pay ransom to get Americans back. It is enormously important to our country. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment and the underlying bill. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Zeldin).

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chairman, my amendment, in short, prohibits ransom payments to any country. Although the American people consider this to be U.S. policy, given the administration's recent actions, we have to make this prohibition explicit. This amendment will support and strengthen the good work of Chairman Royce on H.R. 5931. Think about this timeline. The U.S. wires $400 million in cash from the Swiss National Bank and then physically transports it to another city to hand off to Iranian officials, all in 3 days, 3 days before Iran releases four American hostages. But it gets worse. Less than a week after this, the U.S. again sends hoards of cash to Iran. We only know this timeline thanks to multiple and persistent inquiries from myself and other Members of Congress. And yet there are so many details that we still don't know. For instance, on April 5, 2016, White House Spokesman Josh Earnest, in response to a reporter's question on whether the Obama administration misled Congress about the Iran deal, stated: ``I don't think there is any evidence to substantiate this claim . . . I think you should take a rather dim view of that suggestion because Congressman Pompeo . . . didn't approve this deal and he certainly didn't favor it.'' But of course my personal view of the JCPOA is irrelevant if the administration stonewalls Congress. The State Department has admitted that its payment of millions of dollars in pallets of cash to the Iranians would not have been made without the release of American hostages. The administration's selective noun use does not excuse criminality, nor does it explain away months of lying to the American people. Mr. Chairman, ransom payments put a price on the head of every American. This bill prohibits the United States Government from making a payment to secure the release of unjustly detained U.S. nationals or lawful residents. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent that amendment No. 3 printed in House Report 114-781 be modified in the form I have placed at the desk.

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chairman, the amendment that I have offered today places comprehensive sanctions on individuals who hold Americans hostage. This amendment will support and strengthen the good work of Chairman Royce on H.R. 5931. This week marks 1 year the Iranian Government has been holding hostage Nizar Zakka, a U.S. legal permanent resident and international Internet development expert. Mr. Zakka, this week, was sentenced to 10 years in prison and millions of dollars in fines. His only crime was to bring greater Internet access to the women of Iran. He joins two other Americans held hostage and one who is missing. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding time. Mr. Speaker, on behalf of the farmers and constituents in my district and across the country, I rise in support of S. 764 today. Over, now, what amounts to almost 3 years, Representatives and Senators from both parties have been diligently working on a solution to prevent a disastrous, statewide patchwork of food labeling laws from taking shape and causing chaos throughout our Nation's food supply chain. As the proud sponsor of H.R. 1599, the Safe and Accurate Food Labeling Act, which passed the House almost 1 year ago by a large bipartisan majority, I want to thank Senator Roberts and our friends in the Senate for building on our legislation and arriving at a solution to resolve this matter. It is not perfect; it is not exactly the bill that we passed over; but without this legislation, inconsistent State-level food labeling laws will lead to market disruptions and supply chain complications which are simply intolerable for our ranchers and our farmers and those attempting to feed the world. It would not only harm agriculture communities, but it would have resulted in higher prices at the grocery store for hardworking Kansans and people all across our country. I am extremely proud of the coalition that we have all built. Our committee, the Energy and Commerce Committee, the Agriculture Committee have worked hard to get to this day. From Coffeyville to Colby, Kansans need a workable solution, and this legislation will do that trick. We couldn't have gotten here without the massive support I have received from all across Kansas, people like Rich Felts, the president of the Kansas Farm Bureau, and Stacey Forshee, who came and helped me at the most difficult times in making this legislation work. She is a mother and a farmer from Cloud County, Kansas. Mick Rausch, a good friend and farmer in Sedgwick County and head of the Sedgwick County Farm Bureau. Max Tjaden and his wife, Anne, worked diligently to help make this legislation come into being. Kent Winter, Leslie Kauffman, Tom Tunnel, Philip Bradley, Matt Perrier, from the Kansas Livestock Association, Dennis Hupe, and Raylen Phelon, all were part of making this day occur. It will be better for Kansans; it will be better for Americans; and America will now have the capacity to use biotechnology to continue to feed that next billion people and solve the incredible hunger risk that faces our globe.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, my amendment would prohibit funds for the EPA's proposed Risk Management Plan rulemaking for the remainder of this year. This RMP is the EPA's program implementing section 112(r) of the 1990 Clean Air Act that requires facilities that use certain materials to develop a plan to prevent accidental releases. Safety is at the very core of the chemical industry, and industry stakeholders have worked cooperatively with the EPA to achieve a dramatic 60 percent reduction in accidental releases in the 20 years of the RMP program, to date. While the EPA has proposed several changes, many of the new regulations they have put forward are highly problematic and could actually lead to an increased likelihood of an incident. The EPA has raced ahead of the other agencies participating in the Federal interagency working group created to improve chemical safety and security, and it is no longer working in coordination with the other Federal agencies involved in this process. Yet the EPA is moving to finalize the rule, even though changes planned to OSHA's similar program, the process safety management program, are still in their early stages. This lack of coordination has the potential to create duplicative rules for individuals and companies struggling to comply with multiple Federal oversight programs. I urge Members to adopt my amendment. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. I thank the chairman for the gentleman's good work on policing and performing oversight on the JCPOA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of my bill, H.R. 5119, to prevent the United States purchase of heavy water from Iran. I want to start by pointing out the recent statements from the Department of State and the Department of Energy confirming that the United States was under no commitment to purchase heavy water from Iran nor is it committed to do so in the future. The Obama administration only acknowledged this fact last month as a result of a congressional inquiry from my office. This legislation is really very simple and as straightforward as you can get. H.R. 5119, the No 2H2O from Iran Act, would prohibit Federal funds from being used to purchase heavy water and also prohibit Federal funds from being used to issue licenses to purchase heavy water from Iran. Tomorrow marks the 1-year anniversary of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. This week, the House is taking a stand against Iran and the dangerous deal this Nation entered into--reflecting very much what I hear when I am back in Kansas. Americans know President Obama's unsigned and unratified political commitment with the Islamic Republic of Iran does not make them safer. Americans see Iran continue to test sophisticated ballistic missiles. They see Iran capture and humiliate American sailors. They see Iran hold Americans and other foreigners hostage. They see Iran fire rockets dangerously close to American aircraft carriers. While many constituents are back home watching us vote on this issue, the Iranian Ayatollah is watching this too. I know this because Iran is desperate. On Monday, it announced that it had received $8.6 million in exchange for 32 tons of Iranian heavy water that the Obama administration wanted to purchase back in April. Only then, only after the Iranians had chosen to reveal the status of this funding, shortly before this very vote, did the Obama administration come clean to the American public with some details of this sale. Mr. Speaker, must we always find out what is happening between the United States and Iran from the Iranians? Mr. Speaker, my bill will protect Americans and ensure the United States does not become an active partner in Iran's nuclear program and its terror regime. We cannot legitimize this nuclear proliferator. We have already done enough for the Islamic Republic of Iran. We need not act outside the requirements of the nuclear deal, no matter how much Iranian mullahs complain and no matter how much they threaten.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Speaker, on roll call no. 401, 402, 403, I was unable to cast my vote in person due to a previously scheduled engagement. Had I been present, I would have voted ``Yea.''

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Speaker, in May of 2012 the Kansas Honor Flight took its first group of the Greatest Generation to Washington, D.C. Now, four years later, almost 950 World War II and Korean War Veterans have been able to visit the nation's capital to see their memorials and honor friends who made the ultimate sacrifice. This month, on May 4th, the 35th Kansas Honor Flight touched down in Washington, D.C. These flights would not happen without amazing volunteers. The work Mike and Connie VanCampen have done to honor these veterans is an exceptional example of the admiration Kansans, and all Americans, have for the men and women who serve. The VanCampens are not alone in this effort. A network of dedicated patriots whose selfless sacrifice on behalf of fellow Kansans mirrors that of the veterans they serve has worked on arranging these flights. These volunteers include another husband and wife team, Lowell and Joyce Downey, whose devotion to our Kansas veterans is truly inspiring. In addition to volunteers, I would like to thank the family members that accompany these veterans to Washington. I have met many of these family members as they escort their hero around the World War II memorial. The pure joy and admiration on the faces of these family members as they experience the memorial for the first time reassures me that generations to come will understand and venerate the sacrifices of our nation's military members past and present. From the bottom of my heart I say thank you. Thank you for the long hours. Thank you for your dedication. Thank you Kansas Honor Flight.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the Nadler amendment as well. These are, in fact, the worst of the worst. The detainees that remain now, well under 100, are not cooks and bottle washers, but serious men who meant to do serious harm to the United States. I want to spend the time that I have talking about a particularly pernicious argument that has been made in favor of closing this facility. It is an argument that says that these men attacked America because of the existence of Guantanamo Bay. It is inaccurate, it is false, and the facts don't support that claim. Indeed, we have evidence, 34 translated messages from al Qaeda, from terrorists, talking about the reasons for their attacks, and only 7 times was Guantanamo Bay ever mentioned. It was mentioned in each case as a glancing issue. Iraq, Afghanistan, and even the Crusades were mentioned hundreds of times, but Guantanamo Bay is not the reason that they attacked America. I can tell you that we wrote a letter to the Director of National Intelligence, Mr. Clapper. He, too, confirmed that this is not a motivation for the attacks. We should remember that these attacks began well before the existence of Guantanamo Bay. The fact that Guantanamo Bay acts as an agent to promote terrorism is false and must be rejected, as must this amendment.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Speaker, on roll call no. 162 and 163, I was unable to cast my vote in person due to a previously scheduled engagement. Had I been present, I would have voted Yea.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Madam Speaker, last week, a gunman shot his way across south central Kansas, and then inside of Excel Industries in Hesston, Kansas, killed three people and injured over a dozen. It is impossible to make sense of such violence and suffering. Renee Benjamin, known by her friends for her ``infectious personality''; Joshua Higbee, a loving father who family and friends said ``would give the shirt off his back for you''; and Brian Sadowsky, a passionate Kansas City Royals fan who coworkers said stayed behind to help the wounded escape were simply doing their jobs taking care of themselves and families. The loss of these three innocent people is something that no one in Hesston or our larger community will ever forget. The lives of those who loved them are changed forever. I was not surprised to see so many people working side by side the day after the attack trying to mend what happened less than 24 hours before. Everywhere I went, there were helping hands. This is so typical of the people of Hesston and Harvey County that I know so well. Their actions amidst this tragedy are a true reflection of what the Scriptures tells us: ``Do not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good.'' There was remarkable power in the work of law enforcement officials and city leaders, including Harvey County Sheriff T. Walton and Hesston Mayor David Kauffman. Excel Industries, where the shootings took place, is blessed by the steady leadership of President Paul Mullet, who, along with his team, will lead the Excel Industries family through this tragedy. We remember, too, all the first responders, the Hesston Police Department, Harvey County Sheriff's Office, the FBI, and the Kansas Bureau of Investigation, all of whom acted heroically to save lives and secure the scene, and the leaders at Newton Medical Center, Wesley Medical Center, and Via Christi in Wichita, who cared for the injured. We can never thank them enough. The community has rallied around the words ``Hesston Strong.'' They have been, they are, and I know they will continue to be strong. May God bless the entire Hesston community. Madam Speaker, I ask that the House pause for a moment of silence in honor of those impacted by the tragic events in Hesston, Kansas.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Speaker, on roll call no. 46 and 47, I was unable to cast my vote in person due to a previously scheduled engagement. Had I been present, I would have voted Yea.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Speaker, during his visit this September, less than 20 feet from where I stand, Pope Francis stood before this Congress and encouraged us ``to protect, by means of the law, the image and likeness fashioned by God on every human face.'' Throughout my time representing the people of Kansas, I have fought to defend the sanctity and dignity of every human life and to honor this Papal admonition. Next week, on January 22, the anniversary of the Supreme Court's decision in Roe v. Wade, hundreds of young people from all across Kansas will come together at the March for Life, united in their mission to advocate for the unborn. They will come from Kapaun Mt. Carmel High School, from Bishop Carroll High School, from Conaway Springs, from Colwich, from Chanute, and from all across the Fourth District of Kansas. I am proud that despite the millions of abortions that have been performed in the United States since Roe, that these young people remain steadfast in their efforts to end this unspeakable violence which has acted as a scourge against the unborn for far too long. As these young people march on America's front lawn, the National Mall, I am encouraged that together we can secure the right for the life of the unborn and end a practice that runs contrary to the most sacred principles on which this Nation was founded.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Speaker, on roll call votes nos. 690 through 693, on Friday, December 11, 2015, I was unable to cast my vote in person due to a previously scheduled engagement. Had I been present, I would have voted yes on roll calls 690, 691, and 693. I would have voted no on roll call 692.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Speaker, I commend Chairman Nunes, Ranking Member Schiff, and the entire Intelligence Committee for crafting the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016. This is a strong and bipartisan piece of legislation that will ensure the safety of every American. For the people of the Fourth District of Kansas, whom I represent, and for many other Americans, this bill represents more than just the three letter agencies it oversees, this bill is about ensuring the U.S. has a robust national security posture to keep Americans safe. When we empower the men and women in the Intelligence Community with the resources, tools, and capabilities they need, they are able to do their jobs and protect our nation. It is in the finest traditions of Congress that there has been such close cooperation between the House and Senate in undertaking our oversight responsibilities, and also productive collaboration with the Intelligence Community. As always, in the Committee's work of providing guidance to the Intelligence Community, we continue to recommend fiscal responsibility through increased efficiency and the elimination of unnecessary programs. All of this is done with a close eye to protecting every American's Constitutional rights. I do not need to remind anyone that the threats facing the United States are real and dangerous. I applaud the decision to empower our intelligence agencies with potent tools, all the while focused on protecting privacy, to ensure that our interests and our way of life are protected in these uncertain times.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Mr. Speaker, just a little over 100 days ago, the Obama administration completed an agreement with Iran on their nuclear program. I strongly opposed the joint plan of action throughout its consideration in Congress. And indeed, Congress never approved the deal. Nothing since those 100 days have now passed lead me to have any different view of the impact of that deal on the United States of America. And yet the President appears prepared to continue to implement the deal on its terms, at least as he understands it. And while media attention may have shifted away to other things, it is incumbent upon this body, the United States Congress, to remain vigilant and to ensure that America's vital national security interests are not damaged beyond repair in the execution of the Iran deal. Indeed, in those 100 days, it has become clear that this deal is so badly conceived and America's position so muddled and the text so poorly drafted that the parties cannot even agree what they executed 100 days ago. For example, Secretary Kerry, the principal negotiator on behalf of the United States and the P5+1, said on July 23 in front of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, ``We will not violate the JCPOA if we use our authorities to impose sanctions on Iran for terrorism, human rights, missiles, or any other nonnuclear reason.'' But, on October 21, Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, in a letter to President Rouhani ostensibly approving the JCPOA, said, ``Throughout the 8-year period, any imposition of sanctions at any level and under any pretext, including repetitive and fabricated pretexts of terrorism and human rights, on the part of any of the countries involved in the negotiation will constitute a violation of the JCPOA.'' Members of Congress and the American people were promised repeatedly that this deal was only about Iran's nuclear program, and that America's ability to implement sanctions based on Iran's continued terrorist activities, ballistic missile ambitions, and other nonnuclear issues would not be impeded. But it now appears that the only man in Iran whose interpretation matters--the Ayatollah Khamenei--believes 100 percent the reverse of that. This isn't a small disagreement. This isn't about where you put a semicolon or a comma. This isn't a small technical detail. This goes to the very heart of the deal between the P5+1 and the Iranian Republic. Iran's refusal to abide by the written terms of the agreement as it relates to sanctions seems, on its face, to be an irresolvable conflict on a key issue--and Congress must lead. Congress must stand ready, willing, and unified in combating aggression by a regime who continues to view America as the ``Great Satan,'' and has been emboldened by this deal. Rather than moderate, the regime has continued to flout U.N. resolutions, kidnapped more Americans, and stepped up its efforts to dominate the region. Here are several examples. On July 24, 10 days after the JCPOA was announced, Iran's chief exporter of terrorism, Quds Force Commander Qassem Soleimani, traveled to Moscow, in direct violation of a U.N. Security Council resolution. In September, it was reported that, in anticipation of sanctions relief, the Iranian regime has significantly increased funding for terrorist groups Lebanese Hezbollah and Hamas, two organizations that have American blood on their hands. There is no doubt that these groups have turned their eyes to the West and to Israel as they seek to grow their deadly and destabilizing force in the Middle East, with no moderation, after they signed to this deal. On October 10, Iran successfully test-fired a next-generation ballistic missile, capable of striking Israel, in another clear violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions. And in just the last weeks, the regime kidnapped yet another American citizen without justification, Siamak Namazi, who joins Pastor Saeed Abedini, former Marine Amir Hekmati, and Washington Post reporter Jason Rezaian, in unjust captivity in Iran. There is every reason to believe there will be more. Iran has firmly set itself against American interests in Syria as well. A ground force of over 2,000 Iranian forces continues to fight against American interests in Syria, supporting dictator Bashar al- Assad, who our President has said repeatedly must go. I came to the floor today because it is the 36th anniversary of the Iranian hostage crisis back in 1979. Anyone who had hoped that the Iran deal with the United States would portend a new era of openness between Iran and the United States has been disappointed and jolted beyond all imagination in the past 100 days. The Iranian regime clearly intends to test our willingness in Congress to defend America's interest by pushing the limits of the JCPOA, and beyond. Iran also intends to intensify their conflict with the West, imbued with a new legitimacy. It now has $150 billion. We, the Congress, have a duty to not let the passage of time, the loss of media interest, and the difficulty of the task to prevent us from protecting America's interest Iran's aggression--even if we must battle our own President.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. POMPEO. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Chairman, I rise in support of my amendment to have the GAO study an important issue that goes to the fairness of our transportation user-fee system. For a decade, Congress has been diverting millions of dollars in tax revenue into the highway trust fund at the expense of the general aviation community. This provision, commonly known as the fuel fraud tax, was included in the 2005 highway bill. It was originally created to fight a problem that didn't exist and has now diverted hundreds of millions of dollars from aviation into the highway trust fund. This is simply unfair. It has to be fixed. The highway trust fund should and must be supported by the user-fee system, just as the aviation community is supported by a fuel tax. Madam Chair, hopefully we can all agree that general aviation should not be paying for this highway infrastructure. At the very least, revenues paid by U.S. aviators under the fuel fraud provision should be reinvested in modernizing our Nation's airports and their navigation system. I look forward to working with Chairman Shuster and the ranking member on this important issue, and I urge my colleagues to vote for this amendment. With that, Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. POMPEO

Mr. POMPEO. Thank you, Chairman Royce. A great deal about what we have learned has come out of your committee, about what we have learned about this deal and what the Iranians' objectives are. So thank you for all the hard work that the Foreign Affairs Committee has done related to this agreement. Mr. Speaker, there are lots of things to say about the Iranian deal that this President has set up, but this bill is very narrow and very simple and very straightforward. It is aimed to establish a simple precedent, which says, if the President signs something into law, he is going to fulfill the obligation which he has made for himself. I have listened to the debate so far today. I can tell you that we have not had any Member of this House stand up and tell you that they have read the entire agreement. I suspect that we will not. That is because there is no American who has read the entire agreement. That is right--not the President of the United States, not the Secretary of State, not Undersecretary Sherman. No Member of Congress, no member of the public, no American citizen has read this entire agreement. And yet we have got Members who say: This a great deal, and I am excited to vote for it. I don't know how one can feel that way about an agreement that one has not read. We have Members of Congress stand up and demand that they see the text of bills that rename post offices, and yet this is a historic agreement, and many of my colleagues are saying they are going to vote for it without even knowing what the details are about important components of how we are going to verify whether the Iranian regime has complied with this agreement. I think that is deeply troubling. I think, as Representatives, we have a moral obligation to understand what it is we are voting on. I think we have a constitutional duty to require that the President comply with his obligations, and I know there is a legal obligation for the President to turn over every element of this deal. Mr. Speaker, in July, Senator Cotton and I traveled to Vienna, where we were informed by the Deputy Director of the IAEA of these two secret side deals. He looked us straight in the eye and said he had read them but I wasn't going to get to. I think that is wrong. I think that makes it impossible for a Member of Congress to support this agreement. He informed me--that is, the Deputy Director of the IAEA informed me--that Iranians had read these two secret side deals, but Senator Cotton and I weren't going to get to read them. I have spent the intervening 50 days asking, cajoling, demanding, praying that this President would do what he is required to do under Corker-Cardin and what every Member of Congress is entitled to have-- that is, provide us with the deal. Well, we don't have that. H. Res. 411 simply says we, as Members of Congress, are going to demand that this President comply with what Corker-Cardin sets out. Show us the terms of the deal. Allow us the opportunity to read the agreement so that we can form judgments and the American people can form judgments about its scope. In the absence of that, H. Res. 411 makes clear that the President can't lift sanctions. That was the deal. In exchange for not demanding that this be a treaty, Corker-Cardin said what we want is simple transparency; just show us the simple terms of the deal. And this President couldn't do it. I ask all of my colleagues to vote for H. Res. 411 and demand that the President show us the secret side deals.