Ayanna Pressley

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise for the family and loved ones of Pierre Damas Bel, a beloved son and brother, 20-year-old college student, and Haitian immigrant with temporary protected status. He found joy on the soccer field and dreamed of studying medicine until the Trump administration forced an ankle monitor, really a shackle, on him and threatened his deportation. Trump's termination of Haiti TPS robbed this young man of his humanity, stripped him of his dignity, and inflicted mental trauma that became too much for him to bear. He simply could not go on. Trump's cruel attacks on our Haitian neighbors certainly will take a toll on our economy and our national security but also a psychological and emotional toll. Mr. Speaker, no parent should lose their child, no sibling their older brother, yet Trump is traumatizing communities in every corner of our country. Pierre should be alive today, falling in love, playing soccer, and on path to becoming a doctor. We honor his memory by doing everything we can to save lives and extend TPS for Haiti. The House has already passed our legislation to do just that, and the Senate must follow suit without delay. Pierre's father's last words to him were: ``Pierre, come home.'' Because of the cruelty, anti-Blackness, and anti-immigrant policies of this administration, which I consider to be un-American, sadly, Pierre never will make it home. Rest in eternal peace.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to celebrate the contributions of NBA Finals MVP Jaylen Brown to the city of Boston on and off the court. Born in Marietta, Georgia, and drafted number 3 overall by the Celtics from the University of California, Jaylen embraced our community and the city of Boston from the day he arrived in 2016. Fiercely competitive on the basketball court, never missing the playoffs in his 10 seasons with the Celtics, he has been equally driven to uplift those around him through mentorship in his nonprofit, Boston XChange, which seeks to build wealth in communities of color, as well as his 7uice Foundation, connecting young people in and around Boston with opportunities. In 2022, just before the Celtics turned their season around and made it all the way to the NBA Finals, Jaylen stated simply: ``The energy is about to shift.'' Mr. Speaker, thanks to the example, impact, and influence of this brilliant and proud Black man, the energy has shifted in Boston. Jaylen delivered banner number 18, the most in NBA history. His legacy as an advocate, truth teller, community builder, justice seeker, and champion will endure. Job well done. We thank him. His faith, consistency, and hard work have certainly paid off.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today on behalf of my family--my husband, Conan, and our daughter, Cora--and the city of Boston and the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to honor the life of Pastor Byron Christopher Sumner. A beloved son of Roxbury, Chris deserved to grow old, but he transitioned on July 5 due to complications from ALS. He excelled from a young age in athletics, particularly basketball, which brought him to Canada, where he earned scholarships and eventually played semi-pro. His commitment, talent, agility, and strength went beyond the court. He returned to Boston, where he devoted his career to serving his community as executive director of the I Have a Dream program, Blue Hill Boys & Girls Club, Boston TenPoint Coalition, and St. Stephen's Youth Programs. His final role was an appointment from Governor Healey as executive director of the Melnea A. Cass Recreation Center, what he often called his dream job. Chris' true passion was his family and his faith. I have said so often, I would rather see a sermon than hear one any day. Chris was a sermon, the best kind. He married his wife, Katani, in 1985, and they raised three beautiful children: Kandice, Kortney, and Kristian. He also faithfully served as executive director and executive pastor of Jubilee Christian Church, supporting our community with spiritual covering, stewardship, and, most of all, joy. As we grieve his loss, may we move forward in service of our children, young adults, families, and elders, or, as Chris would say, our city's treasured assets. May he rest peacefully in eternal rest.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, in 1852, Frederick Douglass, an abolitionist, orator, and formerly enslaved man, delivered one of America's most famous speeches: ``What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?'' He addressed a nation celebrating freedom while denying it to millions. With moral clarity and urgency, he exposed the stark contradiction between America's founding ideals and the lived reality of Black people, calling out a democracy that had excluded those who it claimed to liberate. As our Nation celebrates its 250-year anniversary, that tension still resonates. Black Americans continue to confront systemic inequities that have been legislated and codified. Douglass' words endure as both a mirror and a mandate, revealing uncomfortable truths while urging us to fight for an America as good as its promise. Before I begin, I recognize and thank Mass Humanities for sustaining this vital tradition through public readings of Douglass' speech across the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, ensuring that its message continues to educate, challenge, and inspire new generations. Now, I invite you to listen and to consider these words not as distant history but as a call to action today. ``What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?'' Mr. President, Friends, and Fellow Citizens: The task before me is one which requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance. The papers and placards say that I am to deliver a Fourth of July oration. This certainly sounds large, and out of the common way, for it is true that I have often had the privilege to speak in this beautiful Hall, and to address many who now honor me with their presence. The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, the distance between this platform and the slave plantation, from which I escaped, is considerable--and the difficulties to be overcome in getting from the latter to the former are by no means slight. That I am here today is, to me, a matter of astonishment as well as of gratitude. This, for the purpose of this celebration, is the Fourth of July. It is the birthday of your National Independence, and of your political freedom. This, to you, is what the Passover was to the emancipated people of God. It carries your minds back to the day, and to the act of your great deliverance. This celebration also marks the beginning of another year of your national life; and reminds you that the Republic of America is now 76 years old. I am glad, fellow-citizens, that your nation is so young. You are, even now, only in the beginning of your national career, still lingering in the period of childhood. I repeat, I am glad this is so. There is hope in the thought, and hope is much needed, under the dark clouds which lower above the horizon. Fellow-citizens, the simple story is that, 76 years ago, the people of this country were British subjects. The style and title of your ``sovereign people'' (in which you now glory) was not then born. You were under the British Crown. Your fathers esteemed the English Government as the home government. England as the fatherland, although a considerable distance from your home, impose, in the exercise of its parental prerogatives, upon its colonial children such restraints, burdens and limitations, as, in its mature judgment, it deemed wise, right, and proper. But your fathers, who had not adopted the idea of the infallibility of government, and the absolute character of its acts, presumed to differ from the home government in respect to the wisdom and the justice of some of those burdens and restraints. They went so far as to pronounce the measures of government unjust, unreasonable, and oppressive, and altogether such as ought not to be quietly submitted to. I scarcely need say, fellow-citizens, that my opinion of those measures fully accords with that of your fathers. Feeling themselves harshly and unjustly treated by the home government, your fathers, like men of honesty, and men of spirit, earnestly sought redress. They petitioned and remonstrated; they did so in a decorous, respectful, and loyal manner. This, however, did not answer the purpose. They saw themselves treated with sovereign indifference, coldness, and scorn. Oppression makes a wise man mad. Your fathers became restive under this treatment. They felt themselves the victims of grievous wrongs, wholly incurable in their colonial capacity. With brave men there is always a remedy for oppression. Just here, the idea of a total separation of the colonies from the crown was born! It was a startling idea, much more so, than we, at this distance of time, regard it. The timid and the prudent of that day, were, of course, shocked and alarmed by it. Their opposition to the then- dangerous thought was earnest and powerful; but, amid all their terror and affrighted vociferations against it, the alarming and revolutionary idea moved on, and the country with it. On the Second of July, 1776, the old Continental Congress, to the dismay of the lovers of ease, and the worshippers of property, clothed that dreadful idea with all the authority of national sanction. They did so in the form of a resolution. We seldom hit upon resolutions, drawn up in our day, whose transparency is at all equal it: ``Resolved, That these united colonies are, and of right, ought to be free and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown.'' Citizens, your fathers made good that resolution. They succeeded; and today you reap the fruits of their success. The freedom gained is yours; and you, therefore, may properly celebrate this anniversary. The Fourth of July is the first great fact in your nation's history--the very ring-bolt in the chain of your yet undeveloped destiny. My business, if I have any here today, is with the present. The accepted time with God and his cause is the ever-living now. We have to do with the past only as we can make it useful to the present and to the future. Now is the time, the important time. Your fathers have lived, died, and have done their work, and have done much of it well. You live and must die, and you must do your work. You have no right to enjoy a child's share in the labor of your fathers, unless your children are to be blest by your labors. You have no right to wear out and waste the hard-earned fame of your fathers to cover your indolence. Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here today? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us? The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common. The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought life and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice; I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak today? Fellow citizens; above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions, whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are, today, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. My subject, then, fellow-citizens, is American slavery. I shall see this day and its popular characteristics, from the slave's point of view. Standing here identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this Fourth of July! Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the future. Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which is outraged, in the name of liberty which is fettered, in the name of the Constitution and the Bible, which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery--the great sin and shame of America! ``I will not equivocate; I will not excuse;'' I will use the severest language I can command; and yet not one word shall escape me that any man, whose judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just. I fancy I hear some one of my audience say, it is just in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. Would you argue more, and denounce less, would you persuade more, and rebuke less, your cause would be much more likely to succeed. But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. What point in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man? The slaveholders themselves acknowledge it in the enactment of laws for their government. They acknowledge it when they punish disobedience on the part of the slave. There are 72 crimes in the State of Virginia, which, if committed by a black man, subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment. What is this but the acknowledgement that the slave is a moral, intellectual and responsible being? Southern statute books are covered with enactments forbidding, under severe fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to read or to write. When you can point to any such laws, in reference to the beasts of the field, then I may consent to argue the manhood of the slave. When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then will I argue with you that the slave is a man! For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are ploughing, planting and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and cyphering, acting as clerks, merchants and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators and teachers; that, while we are engaged in all manner of enterprises common to other men, digging gold in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hillside, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives and children, and, above all, confessing and worshipping the Christian's God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave, we are called upon to prove that we are men! Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? That he is the rightful owner of his own body? You have already declared it. Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? Is that a question for Republicans? Is it to be settled by the rules of logic and argumentation, as a matter beset with great difficulty, involving a doubtful application of the principle of justice, hard to be understood? How should I look today, in the presence of Americans, to show that men have a natural right to freedom? To do so, would be to make myself ridiculous, and to offer an insult to your understanding. There is not a man beneath the canopy of Heaven that does not know that slavery is wrong for him. What, am I to argue that it is wrong to make men brutes, to rob them of their liberty, to work them without wages, to keep them ignorant of their relations to their fellow men, to beat them with sticks, to flay their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them with dogs, to sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to knock out their teeth, to burn their flesh, to starve them into obedience and submission to their masters? Must I argue that a system thus marked with blood, and stained with pollution, is wrong? No, I will not. I have better employments for my time and strength than such arguments would imply. What, then, remains to be argued? Is it that slavery is not divine; that God did not establish it; that our doctors of divinity are mistaken? There is blasphemy in the thought. That which is inhuman, cannot be divine! Who can reason on such a proposition? I cannot. The time for such argument is past. At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. O! Had I the ability, and could I reach the Nation's ear, I would, today, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the Nation must be quickened; the conscience of the Nation must be roused; the propriety of the Nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the Nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced. What, to the American slave, is your Fourth of July? I answer: A day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass-fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy--a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the Earth guilty of practices, more shocking and bloody, than are the people of these United States, at this very hour. Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the old world, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this Nation, and you will say with me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival. You declare, before the world, and are understood by the world to declare, that you ``hold these truths to be self- evident, that all men are created equal; and are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; and that, among these are, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;'' and yet, you hold securely, in a bondage which, according to your own Thomas Jefferson, ``is worse than ages of that which your fathers rose in rebellion to oppose,'' a seventh part of the inhabitants of your country. Fellow citizens! I will not enlarge further on your national inconsistencies. The existence of slavery in this country brands your republicanism as a sham, your humanity as a base pretense, and your Christianity as a lie. It destroys your moral power abroad; it corrupts your politicians at home. It saps the foundation of religion; it makes your name a hissing, and a byword to a mocking Earth. Be warned! A horrible reptile is coiled up in your Nation's bosom; the venomous creature is nursing at the tender breast of your youthful Republic; for the love of God, tear away, and fling from you the hideous monster, and let the weight of twenty millions, crush and destroy it forever! Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented of the state of the Nation, I do not despair of this country. There are forces in operation, which must inevitably work the downfall of slavery. I, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope. While drawing encouragement from the Declaration of Independence, the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age. Nations do not now stand in the same relation to each other that they did ages ago. No nation can now shut itself up from the surrounding world, and trot round in the same old path of its fathers without interference. The time was when such could be done. But a change has now come over the affairs of mankind. Walled cities and empires have become unfashionable. The arm of commerce has borne away the gates of the strong city. Intelligence is penetrating the darkest corners of the globe. It makes its pathway over and under the sea, as well as on the Earth. Wind, steam, and lightning are its chartered agents. Oceans no longer divide, but link nations together. From Boston to London is now a holiday excursion. Space is comparatively annihilated. Thoughts expressed on one side of the Atlantic, are distinctly heard on the other. In the fervent aspirations of William Lloyd Garrison, I say, and let every heart join in saying it: God speed the day when human blood shall cease to flow! In every clime be understood, the claims of human brotherhood, And each return for evil, good, Not blow for blow; That day will come all feuds to end, And change into a faithful friend each foe. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Chair, I rise with a heavy heart to remember the women who have died because they were denied essential abortion care after the devastating Dobbs decision unleashed abortion care bans across our country. I rise today in remembrance of Amber Nicole Thurman, Candi Miller, Ciji Graham, Josseli Barnica, Yeni Alvarez-Estrada Glick, Nevaeh Crain, Tierra Walker, Taysha Wilkinson-Sobieski, Porsha Ngumezi, and Adriana Smith. Devastatingly, I fear there are others, too, who have lost their lives, though we do not publicly know their names. Mr. Speaker, I rise to observe a moment of silence for those who have died because they were denied essential abortion care.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate Juneteenth, marking 161 years since the full enforcement of the Emancipation Proclamation. The Juneteenth flag was created by Boston's own Ben Haith and insists that the story of our Nation is incomplete without the ongoing work of liberation. Red, white, and blue to affirm that Black Americans are Americans. An arc to symbolize the horizon of a future where America lives up to its ideals, and a starburst in the middle representing the new era of freedom. As we commemorate this sacred day, let us honor our ancestors not just through reflection but through action, organizing, and restorative and reparative policies that bring us closer to freedom, the freedom they dreamt of and fought so hard for. Let everyone of all backgrounds and in all regions of this country commit to fighting for an America that oppresses no one. From Galveston to Boston, our futures are tied. Happy Juneteenth.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I was unable to physically record my vote on suspensions. Had I been present, I would have voted YES on Roll Call No. 207; YES on Roll Call No. 206; NO on Roll Call No. 205; YES on Roll Call No. 204; NO on Roll Call No. 203; NO on Roll Call No. 202; and YES on Roll Call No. 201.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of the Lebanon War Powers Resolution. More than 3,000 innocent people have been killed in Lebanon by the Israeli military and over a million are displaced. These are not abstract statistics. These are real lives--a baby who will grow up without a mother, an elder who was fleeing the only home they have ever known. Congress must not sit idly by while the Trump administration supports Netanyahu's barbaric warfare. We must not be complicit. We must take action for peace and pass this War Powers Resolution. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on H. Con. Res. 84. Madam Speaker, I rise in favor of the Ukraine Support Act. In the Massachusetts Seventh Congressional District, I hear from Ukrainians about the necessity of American support to put an end to Putin's attacks. This bill will advance strategic assistance to save lives and negotiate a diplomatic solution to end this war once and for all. I was proud to sign the discharge petition to force this vote, and I urge all of my colleagues to stand with Ukraine.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Boston firefighter Robert ``Bobby'' Kilduff, Jr. Bobby was a marine veteran, a proud third-generation firefighter, and a dedicated father to two beautiful children. For 24 years, he served the Boston Fire Department and kept the people of Boston safe. Tragically, Bobby died last week while in service to our community battling a large fire at a home in Dorchester. My husband, Conan, and I extend our deep condolences to his daughter, Hanna Jane; his son, Mason; his partner, Jess; his extended family; and the Boston Firefighters Local 718 as they grieve this loss. His 24-year-old daughter spoke passionately at his funeral in Boston yesterday. She said: ``My dad represents everything our world can be if we look out for each other, if we reach out to help first and ask questions later.'' ``He used to say that the only thing he loved more than being a firefighter was being our dad.'' Bobby's humanity, empathy, and strength saved the lives of so many of our Boston neighbors. As we mourn this loss, may we carry his example forward in word and deed.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor the life and legacy of Brother Andrew Joseph, Jr., a father, husband, advocate, and a good man. We first met several years ago at a protest demanding an end to police violence. He, alongside his wife and partner of 28 years, Deanna Joseph, had experienced unspeakable heartbreak when their 14-year-old son, Andrew Joseph III, was killed as a result of police misconduct. Mr. Joseph turned his pain into purpose and committed to organizing with Black Lives Matter Grassroots for justice at the local, State, and Federal level, including advocating for the passage of my legislation, the Ending Qualified Immunity Act, to hold law enforcement accountable when they violate our rights. Our collective fight for justice was strengthened by Mr. Joseph, and he will always be remembered for his dedication to uplifting community. In addition to his wife, Mr. Joseph is survived by his daughter Deja, who recently graduated from Howard University with honors earlier this month. On behalf of myself, my family, and my team, I extend our deepest condolences. ``Amen''; ``Ashe.''

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the life of my dear friend, Chelsea Dolinar-Hikawa. Chelsea and I grew up together in Chicago and attended Francis W. Parker School. She was my classmate and friend for 14 years. I admired Chelsea's effortless brilliance, basked in her artistic talents and her infectious laugh, and was most of all inspired by her kindness. Given her artistic talents, it was a surprise to no one that Chelsea became an artist, her love for music filling every corner of her life. She carried her vibrant passion for performance, travel, and the arts through every chapter of her life. I rise today for her beautiful family, Nick, Atreyu, Anoki, and Suniya. I also rise today for her many beloved family members and friends who are spread as far and wide as her devotion to them. Her love for each of them is eternal. Wherever Chelsea went, joy followed. She was melody, music, and magic. She lit up every room she entered with an unparalleled warmth and beauty. It is with a heavy but grateful heart that I remember my beautiful childhood friend. Our senior class song by Simple Minds was ``Don't You Forget About Me.'' We sure won't, Chelsea. How could we ever? Honoring the Life and Legacy of Brother Andrew Joseph, Jr.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate my district director, Eric White, a scrappy kid from Rozzie, a 23 year old when he first came to work for my city council office. He is a history buff, a voracious reader, a decent hockey player, a proud graduate of our Boston public schools, and a dedicated advocate. There can be no doubt that Eric's worldview and values were formidably shaped by his upbringing: two loving parents in John and Nina who modeled strong work ethics and even stronger bonds of love for one's family, neighbor, and community. The stories that Eric's father, John, a union laborer, one of seven children raised by a single mom, I know impacted Eric. That clearly informed the fights that he took on for working families, for workers' rights, for fairness, and for justice. Between his two parents, given his proud Irish and Italian heritage, I know it informed the fights that he took on for immigrants and anyone else in pursuit of the American Dream. Throughout the years, Eric has been at my side, crafting strategies for transformative legislation like our liquor license reform efforts to support neighborhood restaurants, transformative investments, stewarding our community project funding, and crafting speeches that spoke to the heart, to the heart of the matter, and to the heart of man. Eric has been by my side for long car rides, for late-night community meetings, marching in parades, or shoulder to shoulder at a union strike. During my Boston City Council tenure, Eric worked his way up from neighborhood liaison to policy director to chief of staff. As he closes out this chapter as my district director in my congressional office and looks to new horizons for change and impact, it isn't lost on me that the student of history is today a maker and shaper of history. Eric's impact on Boston politics, municipal, and Federal policy will endure, but I know his greatest legacy is still being written in the family he has grown and the beautiful life that he is building with his wife, Kelsey, whose nuptials I had the honor of officiating; their son, Cam; daughter, Maize; and one day soon a dog named Teddy, named after President Roosevelt, of course. Mr. Speaker, I am so proud of Eric. I am proud of his contributions. I am proud of his legacy of kindness, compassion, and composure. I am so proud of the man he has become. John and Nina have raised an exceptional human being. I have not forgotten about Jared. He played a role as a brother, as well. I know that incredible chapters lie ahead for Eric personally and professionally. His mark on Massachusetts-07 is not deniable, and his impact in my life is indelible. He has always been there. He has been there as an anchor. He was there when I said good-bye to my mother. He was there when I met my husband. The young man who started as an aide in my office is now a permanent member of my family. Lucky me. Lucky me. I love Eric ``E-Rock'' White. I thank him for 13 years of dedicated service and innumerable personal sacrifices. I thank him for everything.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. They are our neighbors, our educators, our congregants, people we work and worship with, and they are our friends. That is why I support my bipartisan legislation to extend Haiti TPS, and I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes.''

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, once again, my colleagues across the aisle prove that they have no idea who or what actually makes this country great. It seems you don't know who the brilliant and effective educators in our classrooms are, or the owners of the restaurants that might provide your favorite meal, or even more, the healthcare provider, the home healthcare provider that is taking care of your aging loved one in a hospital or a nursing home. I know firsthand how important our Haitian neighbors are to our communities, to civic life, to culture, to workforce, and to our economy. During my mother's cancer battle, may she rest in peace and power, a battle of CLL, leukemia, that she ultimately lost, as her only child and her medical proxy in her final days, I was working daily to extend her life and to center her dignity. She spent her final moments in a hospital room in bed. The room was cold, but the Haitian nurses who cared for her provided much-needed warmth and compassion, oiling her scalp, braiding her hair, and going above and beyond to comfort my mother. I am eternally grateful to those women for their kindness, their competence, and their empathy. I will not stand idly by while our Haitian neighbors are denigrated, dehumanized, criticized, or forced to live in fear of deportation. The unique care provided to my mother and millions of people cannot be replaced by AI. Haitian TPS holders are not the problem. Quite the contrary, they are part of the solution. They are not our enemies. They do not exploit our Nation. They enhance it. Secretary Kennedy himself has said that we are in a caregiving crisis. One in four of our long-term healthcare workers are Haitian, and one in five of our healthcare workers are Haitian. The caregiving crisis impacts families throughout America. Our seniors need care to age with dignity and community. It is Haitian TPS holders who disproportionately serve as caregivers and home health aides, who during the pandemic, risked their lives to care for the sick and the ailing. Further, with the lack of affordable housing leading to an increase in evictions and a decrease in homeownership, it is Haitian TPS holders who are part of the solution as construction workers helping to build our housing supply. Republicans have selective amnesia or are simply in denial about who and what actually makes this country great. They are the beneficiaries of their contributions. Haitian TPS holders are not the problem. They support our families, our economy, and our country.

Ms. PRESSLEY

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close. A vote against this resolution is a vote against our country's best interests, plain and simple, but don't just take my word for it, Mr. Speaker. Republicans in the executive branch agree. If you go to the State Department's website, you will see the Trump administration has designated Haiti as a ``Level 4: Do not travel (Code Red)'' because of the multilayered humanitarian crises of natural disasters, gang violence, and political instability impacting the island. That is why TPS is warranted in this moment, and Secretary Rubio knows that. In fact, when he was in the Senate, it was Rubio who authored the very legislation we are voting on today. It is not just him who agrees. The U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Mike Waltz, has repeatedly discussed the dire conditions of Haiti and its strategic importance to our national security. Ambassador Waltz, who was recently a Republican in this very body, believes we should be working to stabilize Haiti. He knows that the international effort to restore order in Port-au-Prince would be undermined if we deported hundreds of thousands of Haitians to the island. This isn't just about foreign policy. Secretary Kennedy of the Department of Health and Human Services said something families across the country already know too well: America is facing a caregiver crisis. If we were to deport Haitians, we would lose even more nurses, aides, and caregivers that we desperately need. Those jobs can't be replaced by AI. The solution is clear. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' to extend TPS because it is the economic thing to do. It is the strategic thing to do. It is the humane thing to do. But most of all, it is the right thing to do. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution. The previous question is ordered.

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from Florida.

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Frost).

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Clarke).

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick).

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in unequivocal support of this vote. I am immensely grateful to the Members who supported my discharge petition on both sides of the aisle and the broad, intergenerational and multiracial coalition of justice seekers throughout the country who power this movement, and my indefatigable staff, my A team, who power this work. I am grateful for labor unions like SEIU, business industry like ABIC, faith leaders like the Conference of Catholic Bishops, civil rights groups like Black Lives Matter Grassroots, IFC, and so many more, who have joined the movement to extend TPS for Haiti. Now, this issue, Mr. Speaker, is not the most glamorous, and I don't fault anyone at home who perhaps has never heard of this, but for those who know those three letters, TPS, they know it is life-changing. Temporary protected status is a legal status for 1.3 million immigrants in the United States. The application process is arduous, requiring piles of paperwork, undergoing a background check, spending hundreds of dollars, and coming from one of the few countries on the list, like Haiti or Venezuela. Technically, the deadline for maintaining Haiti TPS has already passed. That is why this vote is so urgent. That is why I filed the discharge petition, and that is why Democrats, Republicans, and an Independent have come together to take action. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' to extend temporary protected status for Haitians who are living in the United States and building a future that will help all of us. Haitians like Rebecca in my district, the Massachusetts Seventh, who shared her personal story with me. Rebecca moved to the United States in 2010, not by choice, but out of necessity following the catastrophic earthquake that killed more people than any other earthquake in the history of the Western Hemisphere. She witnessed the rise in gangs and saw her beautiful country overtaken by political violence and instability. After surviving multiple kidnapping attempts, out of desperation Rebecca made the same decision that any of us would make in her position. She immigrated to the United States. She quickly enrolled in school to learn English. She obtained a job to support herself and her family. Now, in 2026, thanks to her legal status under TPS, Rebecca is a certified nursing assistant. She told me that she cares for her patients with great joy, pride, and dedication. Mr. Speaker, let the record reflect that 20 percent of Haitians in the United States, that is one in five, work in healthcare, bridging the critical workforce gaps that define our caregiving crisis. Rebecca is not our enemy, and she should not have to live with shame nor fear of being deported solely because of where she was born. She told me that she cannot return to Haiti, and she has no other place to go. Mr. Speaker, Rebecca's letter ended with two words that no person wishes they would ever need to use: Please help. Today, Congress has the ability to do just that for Rebecca in Massachusetts, for the teacher in Ohio, for the entrepreneur in Florida, and the more than 350,000 Haitian TPS holders whose lives hang in the balance. Congress can help. Congress can do the right thing. There is nothing stopping us. Congress, right now and right here, can vote to save lives. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes.'' Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Gillen).

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only. General Leave

Ms. PRESSLEY. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.