Charlie Rangel

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, we have an opportunity here to review a very important piece of legislation. As relates to the tax portion of this bill, I do not think anybody would believe that allowing a taxpayer to deduct $25 cap or $50 for a couple is enough incentive, or that incentive is necessary. But this is politics as usual, and so we are prepared not to fight that. But the least we should do is to pay for these things. $13 billion, in the majority's point of view, is not a lot of money. After all, they have just passed a $1.3 trillion tax cut. But it would seem to me, Mr. Speaker, that if we are going to have a budget and we are going to try to stay within the four corners of that budget, the least we could do is to try to pay for those things. Mr. Speaker, I yield 15 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers), the ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary, and I ask unanimous consent that he be allowed to further allocate the time.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I offer an amendment in the nature of a substitute.

Mr. RANGEL. And now, my colleagues, we get to act two of this bill. And as was indicated by the chairman of the committee, while the tax provisions may not be unconstitutional, in my view they are unrealistic. The President has seen fit to provide some $84 billion to taxpayers in order to encourage them to do the right thing, to make charitable contributions. But there was no money to do that. So the leadership in the Committee on Ways and Means reduced the $84 billion down to $13 billion. Well, we cannot do much with that if we want to give incentives to those people who do not itemize. But in order to make certain that this size 12 foot fits into a size 6 shoe, they had to put a cap on the amount that a person could deduct. Now, listen to this, because if you are a charity, you are in trouble. The cap on the amount of money that a taxpayer who does not itemize can give is $25. Of course, if it is a married couple, it increases dramatically to $50. If an individual is in the 15 percent bracket, they will be able to get a return up to $3.75. So much for a realistic incentive. What we are trying to do with the $13 billion is at least to pay for it, and we believe that the highest income people in this country can afford to pay for at least the $13 billion that hopefully will be given to those people in our great society that are least able to take care of themselves. It should not be that we should have to give incentives. But if we have to do it, let us give those that can really work.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding to me. Mr. Speaker, it seems as though, on this very controversial but important subject matter, there are so many Members who would like to share their views before we have time to vote on this, and in view of the fact that the Committee on the Judiciary has had jurisdiction over the substance of this and the time was split and they need additional time, if there is any technicality because the Committee on Ways and Means would follow them that interferes with them getting unanimous consent, I would like to yield to them on this issue.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the first 15 minutes of my time be controlled by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers), the ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary, and the remainder of my time be controlled by the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Lewis), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. I yield to the gentlewoman from New York.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming my time, they never really got an opportunity to ask newcomers into the country, that if you are not of Mexican extraction, if you are not Cuban, and if you are not Puerto Rican, then you just have to be considered as ``other.'' We have a half a million Dominicans in the United States, almost half in my congressional district, and this is one of the most exciting, vibrant communities that we have. The question has to be, that as proud as they are of being Hispanic, they are more proud of being Dominican. This is the way we have to conduct the Federal Government. They cannot send out a Spanish-speaking hand. They have to take advantage of their culture, their background, their experiences, and to bring them into society and bring them into politics. If one thinks that makes some sense and has to be worked out, I would appreciate it if the gentleman would consider putting that into some type of report that does not go into conflict with the decision that has been made.

Mr. RANGEL. I yield to the gentleman from Florida.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word. Mr. Chairman, I would yield to the chairman to respond to the question as to whether or not he can see his way clear to at least have in a conference report language as to how beneficial it could be to a community to be identified by who they are, rather than by just some Spanish-speaking Hispanic label. It just seems to me that the professionals would think that that could be a great addition as we attempt to use the data we have in the best way we can.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, what we are trying to do is to get support of not having a recount but in having a more specific classification of the communities that have just been lumped together. As we all know, the Hispanic community is showing the greatest population growth than any other group. A part of our responsibility is not just to count people by a label, no more than we would be comfortable in counting Europeans, not taking into consideration whether they are French or German or Irish; but the most important thing, it would seem to me, is that we should be trying to find some way to get the information that we can more properly allow this group to assimilate into our community, into our country, and to be as productive as they can be. As we all know, the census data is used not only to designate the type of programs that we want but are used to define what type of school districts we should have, what political subdivisions there should be for those who want to run for city office or State office or indeed the reapportionment for the United States Congress, and should take into consideration the background, culture, and languages of the people that come from that community. So what we are asking is to rearrange it so the resources will be there for the Census Bureau to give us a clearer understanding of who we call Hispanic.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I have joined a number of colleagues today as an original co-sponsor to a very important piece of legislation, the Economic Revitalization Tax Act of 2001. This legislation will provide an incentive for U.S. companies that have international operations to invest in Puerto Rico, instead of in competing foreign countries, and to bring their profits back to the United States. Under this legislation, these U.S. companies will be able to lend or invest in the United States most of their profits from their Puerto Rico operations free of tax to their U.S. parents, or, in the alternative, to repatriate dividends with the benefit of an 85 percent dividends received deduction. This legislation is necessary to protect the over 320,000 jobs in the U.S. mainland that depend upon a strong Puerto Rican economy. Historically, economic growth in Puerto Rico has paralleled or exceeded that of the United States. Since 1996, however, economic growth rates in Puerto Rico have averaged 21 percent less than in the United States. The divergent paths of the U.S. and Puerto Rico economies since 1996 would be even more dramatic were it not for the fact that Puerto Rico has received over $4 billion of private insurance and FEMA disbursements as a result of Hurricane Georges. Puerto Rico is a vital member of the American family. The new administration of Governor Sila Maria Calderon, is continuing the vision of a prosperous Puerto Rico originated by the legendary Luis Munoz Marin. She is implementing a coherent development plan that will make that vision a reality. Governor Calderon understands that reform of the Commonwealth government and its economic development policies are necessary for Puerto Rico's economic development. She is doing this in close collaboration with business and community leaders in Puerto Rico. Success in Puerto Rico requires action in Washington as well. The negative impact of the loss of federal tax provisions to offset Puerto Rico's disadvantages is becoming painfully evident. New federal tax incentives are a vital part of what is needed to bring Puerto Rico back to a dynamic economic development path. The U.S. citizens in Puerto Rico deserve and expect this Congress to join them in an effort to revitalize their economy. If we do not do this out of principle, we should do it out of self-interest. What is good for Puerto Rico is good for the United States. More and better jobs in Puerto Rico mean more payroll taxes paid into our Treasury and more jobs in the U.S. mainland.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise to urge my colleagues to support House Concurrent Resolution 182, which recommends a long overdue commemorative stamp for a lawmaker, civil rights advocate and American statesman whose achievements continue to resonate. Congressman Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. remains one of the greatest and most effective legislators in the history of the U.S. Congress. When he was first elected to Congress in 1945, he was one of only two African- American members, and became the first of his race to chair the powerful Committee on Education and Labor from 1961 to 1967. As Chairman, he spearheaded the legislation that authorized the Medicare, Medicaid, Head Start and school lunch progams, increased the minimum wage and established student loan programs. Chairman Powell also pushed through the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964, finally codifying his famous ``Powell Amendment''; a rider that would deny federal dollars to institutions who practice racial discrimination, which he had introduced repeatedly for years. Congressman Powell was a pioneer among lawmakers whose legacy continues to inspire countless generations of Americans of all backgrounds, colors, creeds and religions to take part in this grand experiment we call ``representative government''. I respectfully urge my colleagues to join me and cosponsor H. Con. Res. 182 to celebrate a lawmaker whose accomplishments are among the greatest examples of perseverance and triumph in our democratic system.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise before you today to bring your attention to the grave situation in Sudan and specifically to the people of the Nuba region. I urgently call on President Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell to work for an immediate lifting of the cruel siege of the Nuba region of Sudan. For over ten years, the Government of Sudan has denied all humanitarian relief aid to the people of the Nuba, despite the terrible plight of tens of thousands of innocent civilians. Very recent reports indicate that the cumulative effect of this brutal siege has been to push 85,000 human beings to the very brink of starvation. Without immediate humanitarian intervention, thousands of people will begin to die--and they will continue to die until humanitarian aid is permitted into the region. Countless mothers will suffer the agonizing fate of watching helplessly as their children die for lack of food, and then succumbing themselves. This is intolerable and utterly indefensible. Nowhere in the world is the denial of food aid used as a more vicious weapon of war than in the Nuba region of Sudan. Further, Government of Sudan offensives have recently burned thousands and thousands of people out of their homes, making them even more vulnerable in these precarious circumstances. There is in Lokichokio in northern Kenya, the center of relief operations for southern Sudan, humanitarian aid ready and able to assist the people of the Nuba tomorrow. What is required is access. It is imperative that the United States take the international lead in demanding, in the strongest possible terms, that the Government of Sudan lift this brutal siege immediately. We must continue to work together as a nation to stop slavery, aerial bombardments of innocent civilians, religious persecution and induced famine in the Sudan. The recent passage of the Sudan Peace Act of 2001 with an overwhelming vote of 422 to 2 shows the tremendous support of the U.S. House of Representatives in applying all necessary means to bring an end to the 18-year civil war and its related atrocities. We must continue this momentum in the Senate, and show unified U.S. support with unanimous passage of the Sudan Peace Act when it comes to the Senate floor.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise before you today to celebrate the opening of the Smithsonian Folk Life Festival. I commend the Smithsonian Institution for its decision to feature New York City and its rich heritage and diversity. I am delighted that Harlem's own legendary Apollo Theatre, will be showcased by hosting its famous ``Amateur Night at the Apollo'' on the Mall Saturday, July 7. For the very first time Americans outside of New York will be allowed to be a part of Amateur Night at the Apollo. They will be able to experience the excitement of Amateur Night at the Apollo in the same way that past winners, such as, Billie Holiday, Ella Fitzgerald, Sarah Vaughn, James Brown, and Stevie Wonder did many years ago. When New Yorkers took the A-train uptown, the first stop was the Apollo. When the downtown musicians wanted to learn how to play jazz they went to the Apollo. When the kids from Brooklyn wanted to learn how to bebop and ``lindy hop'' they went to the Apollo. The Apollo stage is where the Godfather of Soul--James Brown, got his soul; where Michael Jackson showed off the moonwalk; and today it provides a showcase for leading hip-hop artists. The Apollo Theatre was built in 1913, however it was not until 1932 when Sydney Cohen purchased it that it became known as a Black Vaudeville house. This change was reflective of the influx of African- Americans into the area between 135th and 145th streets and the changes in Harlem entertainment. Over the next few decades the Apollo became the place to perform if you were a rising Black musician. You were not accepted as a serious musician in Harlem until you performed and excelled at the Apollo. For more than eighty years the Apollo Theatre has been the first home of African-American music, the cultural mecca of Harlem, and the monument to the contributions of Black Americans in the entertainment industry. The Theatre achieved the high point of its popularity in the 1950's when the The Apollo, located on 125th Street, is the centerpiece of Harlem and one of the main attractions for Harlem visitors. It has become the number one tourist attraction in New York. I am proud to announce that a major $6.5 million revitalization and expansion of the Apollo Theatre is being undertaken, which will make a major contribution to the Harlem community through the transformation of this venue into a major performing arts center. The renowned Apollo Theatre is a national treasure that has made major contributions to the entertainment industry of this nation. The Theatre was designated a New York City landmark and listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1983. Some might say the Apollo is the home of Black music, but I would say the Apollo is the home of American music. I invite everyone to join with me in celebrating The Smithsonian 2001 Folk Life Festival, New York City, and the legendary Apollo Theatre.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise to praise my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for yesterday's overwhelming passage of H.R. 2133. This legislation would establish a commission to encourage and provide for commemorating the 50th anniversary in the year of 2004 of the Supreme Court's unanimous and landmark 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka Kansas--the most momentous in the 20th Century. While the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to the Constitution outlawed slavery, guaranteed rights of citizenship to naturalized citizens and due process, equal protection and voting rights, nearly a century would pass before the last vestiges of ``legalized'' discrimination and inequality would be effectively revoked. The right of equal protection under the law for African-Americans was dealt a heavy blow with the Supreme Court's 1875 decision to uphold a lower court in Plessy v. Ferguson. The Plessy decision created the infamous ``separate but equal'' doctrine that made segregation ``constitutional'' for almost 80 years. It was not until the 1950's, when the NAACP defense team led by the Honorable Thurgood Marshall as general counsel, launched a national campaign to challenge segregation at the elementary school level that effective and lasting change was achieved. In five individually unique cases filed in four states and the District of Columbia, the NAACP defense team not only claimed that segregated schools told Black children they were inferior to White children, but that the ``separate by equal'' ruling in Plessy violated equal protection. Although all five lost in the lower courts, the U.S. Supreme Court accepted each case in turn, hearing them collectively in what became Brown v. Board of Education. The Brown decision brought a decisive end to segregation and discrimination in our public school systems, and gradually our national, cultural and social consciousness as well. The fight, however, did not end there. We may have overcome segregation and racism, but now the fight is economic, one in which some of our schools are inferior to others because of inadequate funding, overcrowded classrooms, dilapidated school buildings and a nationwide lack of teachers. We only have to look at the high levels of crime, drug use, juvenile delinquency, teen pregnancy and unemployment to know the value of a good education. If Brown taught us anything, it is that without the proper educational tools, young people lose hope for the future. No one challenges the concept of investing in human capital, but it is a well-known fact that we spend ten times as much to incarcerate than we do to educate. If we can find the resources to fund a tax cut and for a U.S. prison system with nearly 2 million inmates, we can give our public schools the repairs and facilities they desperately need, we can reduce class sizes and provide adequate pay to attract the best and brightest into the teaching profession. Again, while I applaud yesterday's passage of H.R. 2133, 1 urge my colleagues to remember the lessons of Brown v. Board of Education when we consider our national priorities by committing ourselves to addressing the unfulfilled promises of equality and opportunity contained in the Brown decision.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, while we take into account the millions who die each year in Africa from this deadly disease we know as HIV/AIDS, we must also focus our attention on the Caribbean, as the second largest population to become infected with this devastating disease, as reported in the front page of the Washington Post on June 19, 2001, for those who may have missed it, I submit it for the record. Two-thirds of all those diagnosed with the AIDS virus in the Caribbean are dead within two years. What is even more outrageous is that AIDS is the leading cause of death in the Caribbean for those aged 15 to 45 and the numbers are growing. About one in every 50 people in the Caribbean, or 2% of the population has AIDS or is infected with HIV, the virus which causes AIDS; more than 4% in the Bahamas, and 13% among urban adults in Haiti. The UN estimates that there were 9,600 children infected in the Caribbean. Further, the Caribbean Epidemiology Centre (CAREC) as well estimates that the overall child mortality rate will increase 60% by 2010 if treatment is not improved. Clearly, there is a need not only for the United States government's assistance but also for those major private foundations that provide AIDS money for Africa to also develop programs that will come to the aid of those in the Caribbean. I proudly commend Congresswoman Donna Christensen and her efforts to raise awareness in the community, as this disease is kept silent. I also commend the government of the Bahamas as being the only country in the region that has offered universal antiretroviral treatment over the last several years. While we simply take medical services and treatment for granted in this country, as the number of AIDS cases decreases per year in North America and increases in the Caribbean; it is our obligation to help provide assistance to these governments in order for them to provide a simple service to their people, enabling them to live prosperous and healthy lives.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of the passage of H.R. 1291 that amended the Montgomery GI Bill which would greatly increase the appropriations for our veterans who are seeking higher education. Under the GI Bill veterans would receive $800 a month--a $150 a month increase--during fiscal year 2002; $950 in 2003; and $1,100 in 2004. These funds are essential in order to keep up with soaring education costs. One of the biggest reasons why I'm such a staunch supporter and believer in the Montgomery GI Bill is because I was a beneficiary. Following my service in the Korean War, the subsidy provided under the program allowed me to attend and graduate from New York University and St. Johns Law School. Madam Speaker, fellow congressman, even though I would have liked more Democratic input in the bill, I am satisfied with the final product. H.R. 1291 is a piece of legislation that veterans and all Americans can be proud of.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I rise today to urge the Congress to recognize the historic significance of Juneteenth Independence Day. On July 4, 1776, many Americans celebrated their first independence day. However, we must not forget that on this day, the ancestors of African Americans were not included in this celebration. They were slaves. In 1841, Frederick Douglas said that from an American slave's perspective, July 4th ``reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim.'' It would be almost ninety years before all Americans would finally celebrate their freedom. On June 19, 1865, two and a half years after President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation and two months after the conclusion of the Civil War, Major General Gordon Granger arrived in Galveston, Texas to announce that all slaves in the United States were free. This day, known as Juneteenth, signified the end of slavery across America and marked the independence of African Americans. What began as a celebration in Texas has grown into a nationwide remembrance of one of the most significant events in our country's history. Today, Juneteenth festivities bring African American communities across the country together to honor and remember the struggle of our ancestors and rejoice in our freedom. This historic day also recognizes the importance of furthering the knowledge of our great Nation's history. Festivities remembering Juneteenth provide the opportunity for all Americans to a gain a deeper understanding of those events that have shaped our nation's identity and the issues that continue to touch so many of our lives. Texas may have been late in receiving the news, but they were the first to acknowledge the importance of this day, making it a state holiday over twenty years ago. We, as a nation, should follow suit and pay tribute to this important day in American history.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise before you today to share with you and my colleagues here in the House, an article which appeared in the June 11, 2001 edition of The Washington Times about Frederick Douglass Academy which is located in my 15th Congressional District in central Harlem. As a graduate of Frederick Douglass Academy, I am most proud of the hard work and commitment of their principal, Gregory Hodge and the teachers who go beyond the call of duty to see that each child leaves there with a good education. Just recently, I sponsored two Congressional Pages who are students at Frederick Douglass, Charzetta Nixon and Leon Harris, and I am proud to say that they truly represented the best of the Academy and my Congressional District. I commend this article to my colleagues knowing that with students like those at Frederick Douglass Academy, this nation's future is in good hands. [From the Washington Times, June 11, 2001] Low Budget, High Achievers Staff's commitment drives a school's success in Harlem (By Nate Hentoff) Most polls indicate that education leads all other concerns among Americans. Parents, whatever they themselves have achieved, or not achieved, want their children to succeed in school and therefore in life. Many parents become desperately disappointed. Yet, in 40 years of writing about schools, I've seen that depression lift as a principal reinvents the wheel and shows how all children can learn. A current reinventor of the wheel of learning is Gregory Hodge, the principal of the Frederick Douglass Academy in central Harlem, a predominantly black and Hispanic area of New York City. I was not surprised when I read a story about his school earlier this year in the New York Times because I once wrote a book--``Does Anybody Give a Damn: Nat Hentoff on Education''--about schools in ``disadvantaged'' neighborhoods that also expected all of their students to learn. And they did learn. Of the 1,100 students at the Frederick Douglass Academy, a public school, 80 percent are black and 19 percent are Hispanic. Some come from homes far below the poverty line. In a few of those homes, one or both parents are drug addicts. Seventy-two percent of the students are eligible for free lunch. The dropout rate is 0.3 percent. If a student doesn't show up at a tutoring session, his teacher calls his mother, father or other caregiver. Every student is expected to go to college. As the New York Times reported, ``In June of last year, 114 students graduated and 113 attended colleges, some going to Ivy League or comparable schools.'' The 114th student was accepted by the Naval Academy. During the Great Depression, I went to a similar public school. All of us were expected to go to college. Most of us were poor. At the Boston Latin School, as at the Frederick Douglass Academy, there was firm, but not abusive, discipline. And we had three hours of homework a night. There were no excuses for not turning in the work. At the Frederick Douglass Academy, the students have four hours of homework a night. The students there take Japanese and Latin in middle school and can switch to French or Spanish in high school. At Boston Latin, we had to take Latin and Greek as well as American history. The kids at Frederick Douglass can take advanced placement courses not only in American history, but also in calculus and physics. I flunked beginning physics. Moreover, the students at Frederick Douglass mentor elementary-school children at the public school next door. ``The idea,'' Mr. Hodge told the New York Times, ``is to show students that they have responsibilities to the Harlem community. And they are expected to be leaders and help Harlem grow.'' Near Boston Latin Schools, there were elementary school kids who, without mentoring, didn't have much of a chance to believe that they could someday go to college. But our Boston Latin principal didn't send us out to be part of a larger responsibility. So how come Frederick Douglass Academy does what a public school is supposed to do--lift all boats? The principal, who reads every one of the 1,100 report cards, demands that his teachers expect each child to learn. The school works, he says, because it has committed teachers. ``They come in early and stay late. The teachers go with them to colleges. Some have gone in their own pockets for supplies . . . Teachers here will do everything they can to make sure kids are successful.'' A senior who had been in a high school outside New York City explained the success of the school--and his own success there--succinctly: ``They want you to learn here.'' I have been in schools at which principals are seldom seen because they don't want to take responsibility for problems that arise. And I know teachers who have enabled kids to learn in their classrooms, but worry about sending the students on to teachers who are convinced that children from mean streets and homes without books can learn only so much. And I remember a president named Bill Clinton who spent a lot of time focusing on affirmative action to get minority kids into college. For the most part, he ignored the students who never get close to going to college because of principals, teachers and school boards who do not expect all kids to learn, and so do not demand that they do. At a New York City school board meeting years ago, I heard a black parent accuse the silent officials: ``When you fail, when everybody fails my child, what happens? Nothing. Nobody gets fired. Nothing happens to nobody, except my child.'' He was torn between grief and rage. So are many American parents these days. At the Frederick Douglass Academy, parents see their children grow in every way. And it is a public school.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise before you today to join with my colleagues in honoring one of the most dedicated and respected legislators of our time--former Congresswoman and civil rights leader Shirley Anita Chisholm. It is said of Shirley Chisholm that she was a passionate and effective advocate for the needs of minorities, women, and children and that she truly changed the nation's perception about the capabilities of women and African-Americans. Well, while that may well be true, Shirley Chisholm was that and so much more. I had the distinction and pleasure of serving with Shirley Chisholm in the New York State Assembly in the mid 1960's and later here in the Congress where she was the first African-American woman elected to Congress, and witnessed firsthand just how much of a pioneer and visionary she was. She didn't fear entering the male-dominated Brooklyn political arena, nor the New York State Legislature, nor this Congress, and she did it with the ebullient style and determination that was Shirley. Her enduring spirit and foresight, lead her to take the biggest step of all when she ran for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1972, only seven years after Blacks were given the right to vote. It was through this venue, that Shirley Chisholm was able to focus national attention on the issues that mattered most to her. She became a powerful spokesperson for the Democratic Party. Though she was not successful in her bid, her running was symbolic. It encouraged other Blacks and women to participate in politics; it opened the door to later campaigns, and it sent the message that Black politicians had arrived. For many years, Shirley Chisholm has given leadership to the struggle for equality and human rights for all people. Her life exemplifies her passionate commitment for a just society and her vision for a better world. Throughout her political career, her tireless efforts lead her to take on such issues as women's rights, funding for day care, job training, fair housing, and environmental protection just to name a few. She also fought against credits to defray the cost of going to private schools fearing it would diminish the quality of public schools. Shirley Chisholm was an outspoken leader. She worked for the reform of U.S. political parties and legislatures in order to meet the needs of more citizens. She was a severe critic of the seniority system in Congress and protested her 1969 assignment to the House Agriculture Committee. She soon won reassignment to a committee on which she felt she could be of greater service to her district. Shirley once said, ``We must build new institutions or reform old ones so that there are avenues of upward mobility and achievement that will allow all citizens, black and white, to maintain creative tensions between themselves. If we fail, this nation will be poorer for it and if we succeed, it will be richer indeed.'' Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague Representative Barbara Lee, for affording Members the opportunity to mark this occasion recognizing Shirley Chisholm who is a true public servant, a champion for all people, and a woman whom I am proud and honored to call my friend.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to speak out against the horrible atrocities taking place daily in the Sudan as a result of the eighteen-year civil war and in support of H.R. 2052, the Sudan Peace Act. I would like to commend my colleague, Mr. Tancredo, and others for introducing this very important legislation. Under the Sudan Peace Act, Congress condemns violations of human rights abuses on all sides of the conflict in Sudan, and calls on the President to make funds available for humanitarian assistance. This legislation expresses the sense of Congress that the United Nations should be used as a tool to facilitate peace and recovery in Sudan. It calls for an investigation into the practice of slavery, condemns the aerial bombardment of civilians, and prohibits business entities engaged in commercial activities in Sudan from trading their securities in U.S. capital markets unless they make public disclosure of their activities in Sudan. It is time for the United States to take a strong stand against this egregious situation in the Sudan and work together with the international community to bring peace to the region. Slavery, aerial bombardment of civilians, and other human rights abuses victimize the people of Sudan. I believe that the United States must use diplomatic means to bring an end to the civil war and these serious human rights abuses. Since the current conflict erupted in 1983, Sudan has been at war intermittently from the time its independence was obtained in 1956. An estimated 2.2 million people have died as a result of war-related causes, such as, oil production and religious persecution. More than 4 million people, mostly southern Sudanese, have been displaced from their homes. I commend President Bush on his appointment of Andrew Natsios, as special humanitarian coordinator for Sudan to facilitate U.S. assistance. But I again urge the President to appoint a Special Envoy to Sudan, who will be afforded the independence necessary to do the required job of facilitating the peace process. Mr. Natsios' appointment demonstrates that the United States is taking a leadership role in resolving the situation in the Sudan, however we as a nation must continue our efforts to bring an end to the atrocities in the Sudan. Also, I applaud Secretary of State Powell for recognizing the tragedy that is underway in Sudan and for ordering a review of Administration policy. To begin with, the U.S. should use every means at its disposal to bring the military hostilities to an immediate end. At the same time, we should apply every bit of moral persuasion and condemn in the loudest possible voice the unspeakable violations of human rights being perpetrated against the weakest members of that society. No one has done more to express the outrage of Americans or worked harder to end the suffering in the Sudan than my dear friend Joe Madison who has worked endlessly to end the pain and suffering of slavery in Sudan. Joe along with others has diligently worked to inform the American public about the human rights abuses taking place in Sudan. He has traveled to the Sudan region many times on slave redemption missions freeing slaves and working to end slavery. Mr. Madison is truly a freedom fighter and I commend him on his efforts. In the Sudan the world is faced with a human rights nightmare of the first order. We have the opportunity, indeed the responsibility, to use our international leadership to bring peace to the region by ending both the civil war and the heartbreaking enslavement of women and children which has intensified as a result of the hostilities. As a nation with first-hand knowledge of the savagery of slavery, of the misery to its victims, and the suffering of future generations, we must recoil in horror at the practice of slavery in Sudan. Our ultimate goal must be to work with the international community to end the brutal civil war, which is the root cause of these atrocities and bring peace to the country of Sudan.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, this is one issue that lends itself to true bipartisanship. I think President Bush, when he was campaigning, emphasized why we should not leave any child behind. That is not merely a campaign slogan. If America is just to keep up, we are going to have to invest in our young people to make certain that we can keep up with foreign technology. We hope that we will continue to grow and have economic growth in this country, and yet we find that our high-tech people are forced to import labor into this country. We hear pleas every day from the medical industry, from the State Department, how important it is for us to train people for these important jobs, and yet we find that if they are not ready to get a decent public school education, how in God's name are they going to be ready for higher education and high tech? There are a lot of people that do not believe education is a Federal problem; but the President knows, as do most Americans.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I have found a long time ago at my age that the best way to handle losses like this is to take a deep breath and to thank God that you were so privileged in knowing such a great guy. I lost a brother, and I manage every day to wrestle with the problem in realizing how many people just never had a brother to love and to care for and to be with. So even though I miss him, it eases the pain to know that I knew him. With Joe, I remember once many years ago I was at the prayer meeting and it was my turn to tell the people just how wonderful I was and all of the hardships that I had, and he came to me in feigned resentment. I said what did I say wrong? He said, you stole my story. I am on next week. Next week, he told the same story. It was not black. It was Irish. It was not the Army. It was the Navy. It was not a hotel. It was a bar. But when he got here, he felt so satisfied not with the rough times that he had but with his dedication in trying to make certain that other people had the opportunity to come from our background, to be members of this wonderful body and to try to make it possible for someone else to be able to say, yes, I am from the old neighborhood and I am trying to make it easier for them. Maya Angelou, a poet, said recently what Joe said in his own way, that she was on life's train and was prepared to enjoy every minute of the ride, but if someone tapped her on the shoulder and said, this is your stop, you have to get off, she would say, it is not a big problem because it has been a very, very good ride. Joe made certain that he did not allow us to feel sorry for him. He really lived life to the end and we know that he knew it was a good ride.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time, and I want to sincerely thank the Speaker for thinking enough of the Democrats and the Committee on Ways and Means in appointing me to the conference. I only wish that he had told the majority leader and the chairman of the committee that he had done that. Because somehow this conference turned from a Ways and Means conference to a Republican conference; Republicans from the White House, from the House, and from the Senate. I just cannot understand what was in this bill that was so terrible that my colleagues did not want one Democrat to be able to see it. And I say this because as we leave here on this Memorial weekend, not one Member of our side has been able to see my colleagues' bill. They have come and asked me for the bill, I have referred to it to the majority leader, and I guess he has referred it to the Speaker. But ultimately, we should be right there on our television, on our Web site, seeing what you rascals have really done, because you never really brought anything to this floor. Mr. Speaker, I am waiting to go hear just exactly what happened.