Charlie Rangel

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Let me congratulate the chairman and the ranking member of Ways and Means for coming together to have this civil type of discourse, having our staffs work together, agreeing on some things, disagreeing on others, but showing that bipartisanship, while it might be in intensive care, at least on the Ways and Means Committee it is not dead. Mr. Speaker, we do recognize that there is a split among business people as to whether or not we should go forward with this bill that would point out to China, as so many developing countries would like to, but they certainly don't have our leverage, that it is time that they be fair in terms of international trade. Those people who buy from China and enjoy the lower prices, I can understand why they would not support the equity that we are seeking in international affairs, as well as in the WTO. But for those Americans who take a deep-seated pride when they see ``made in the USA,'' when we know we can make it in the USA with jobs, then we don't get excited about the number of jobs that occur in China, but believe that it is patriotic, and if it hasn't reached that level, then certainly it is in the best interests of the United States of America, to say that we supported you, we supported you in getting into the World Trade Organization, with that comes some obligation. And if the President cannot succeed in persuading them, as he said, there are other means which we can use as a nation to encourage them to do the right thing. So, Mr. Speaker, I hope that the chairman here and the ranking member could find some other things before we go home that we can come together on. But until that happens, congratulations to both of you.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I stand before you today to recognize the late Lois Mailou Jones, a renowned American artist and educator who died in 1993 at the age of 93. One of the longest living painters of the Harlem Renaissance, she influenced many emerging African-American artists during and since that historic period. Her work will be on exhibit at the National Museum of Women in the Arts, in Washington, D.C., October 9, 2010 to January 9, 2011. Lois Mailou Jones (1905-1998) explored multiple themes and styles, poetically portraying African-American struggles in her work which included paintings, drawings and textile designs. For over fifty years, she consistently experimented with new techniques and inspired others to innovate. This led to many collaborations with her Harlem Renaissance contemporaries, from drawing illustrations for Langston Hughes to working alongside Carter G. Woodson, her significance during this period has been acknowledged. As a long-time professor at Howard University, she shaped generations of students and upcoming artists. She enhanced their learning experience with painting tours outside of the classroom, convinced the exposure would help them become better artists. This included travels as near as the local park to as far away as Paris and Africa. Born in Boston, MA, but traveling frequently throughout her career, her artwork consistently captured what was relevant in her life. After marrying Haitian artist Louis Vergniaud Pierre-Noel in 1953, Jones traveled and lived in Haiti and in those pieces one can see the influence of the Haitian culture, with its African influences and more colorful creations. Her race and gender contributed to a long and challenging path before receiving recognition for her work, but eventually the accolades came. President Jimmy Carter honored Jones for her outstanding achievements in the arts in 1980, and in the last ten years of her life both President Bill Clinton and French President Jacques Chirac met the artist and collected her work. Lois Mailou Jones continued to create her vibrant paintings until her death in 1998. A unique synthesis of African, Haitian, Parisian, and American iconography, Jones' work remains a remarkable contribution to the world of art. Her paintings grace the permanent collections of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, National Museum of American Art, Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden, National Portrait Gallery, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, the National Palace in Haiti, the National Museum of Afro-American Artists and private collections around the world. At this time, I would like to also honor the current Trustees of the Lois Mailou Jones Pierre Noel Trust: Robert W. Jones, Chris Chapman, MD, and Larry Frazier, Esq. Madam Speaker, we recognize this distinguished artist and offer recognition of her contributions made to this genre.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I rise today to support House Resolution 1610 commemorating the tragic loss of lives on September 11, 2001. I commend Representative Hoyer and Representative Boehner for taking the initiative on this important bill and I wholeheartedly join in embracing the sentiments contained therein. The morning of September 11, 2001, is indelibly imprinted in the hearts and minds of all Americans. Nine years later, our country is still mourning the 2752 innocent lives lost. In the midst of the horrific attacks on American soil, we also witnessed boundless bravery, selfless sacrifice and heartfelt humanity. On September 11 we saw everyday Americans become heroes--ordinary men and women who, under exceptional circumstances, acted extraordinarily. We remember the pedestrians on streets near the Trade Center Towers offering their assistance at extreme peril. We remember the passengers and crew aboard United Airlines Flight 93, saving the lives of countless others at the expense of their own. We remember the acts of support from our allies at home and abroad. In the aftermath of 9/11, we remain resolute in our commitment to defeating al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Our Armed Forces abroad are at the ready to defend us from further terrorist attacks. Let us be clear--we are not fighting against Islam; we are fighting against extremists who threaten to destroy our lives and freedoms. We have not and we will not surrender to fear, violence and extremist acts. We have stood up for and will continue to stand up for our American values of liberty, justice and tolerance.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, it brings me sadness and honor to pay final tribute to LT Vernon J. Baker, United States Army. He passed away on Tuesday, July 13, 2010, at the age of 90, due to complications of brain cancer at his home near St. Manes, Idaho. He will be laid to rest at Arlington National Cemetery on September 24, 2010. Vernon Baker, a black U.S. soldier, belatedly received the Medal of Honor for his World War II battlefield valor after historians concluded he had been wrongly denied the military's top award because of racial prejudice. Baker, who was born in 1919 in Cheyenne, Wyoming, and orphaned as a small child, was raised by his grandparents in Cheyenne. While working as a railroad porter, he decided to join the U.S. Army in mid-1941, a few months before Pearl Harbor. At his first attempt to enlist, in April 1941, he was turned away, the recruiter stating ``We don't have any quotas for you people.'' Undaunted, he tried again weeks later with a different recruiter and was accepted. He requested to become a quartermaster but was instead assigned to the infantry. In 1944, Second Lieutenant Baker was sent to Italy with a full platoon of 54 men, assigned to the all-black 92nd Infantry Division. Despite being wounded in the arm in October of that year and hospitalized near Pisa, he rejoined his unit in reserve along the Gothic Line in December. On April 5, during his company's attack against a strongly entrenched enemy in mountainous terrain near Viareggio, Italy, his company was stopped by the concentration of fire from several machine gun emplacements. He crawled to one position and destroyed it, killing three Germans. Continuing forward, he attacked an enemy observation post and killed two occupants. With the aid of one of his men, Lieutenant Baker attacked two more machine gun nests, killing or wounding the four enemy soldiers occupying these positions. He then covered the evacuation of the wounded personnel of his company by occupying an exposed position and drawing the enemy's fire. In all, Baker and his platoon killed 26 Germans and destroyed six machine gun nests, two observer posts, and four dugouts. After the end of the war, Baker remained in Europe with the Allied occupation forces until 1947. He later joined the Army Airborne forces and left the military in 1968 as a first lieutenant. It was after these years of service that Baker returned to his northern Idaho home. President Bill Clinton presented the Medal of Honor, the nation's highest award for battlefield valor, to Baker in 1997. He was one of just seven black soldiers to receive it and the only living recipient. The other six soldiers received their awards posthumously. Due to the racial and social strife prevalent in the 1940s, no black soldiers were awarded the Medal of Honor during World War II, although, Baker did receive the Purple Heart, a Bronze Star and Distinguished Service Cross. Reflecting on life in a segregated Army unit, Baker told The Washington Post, ``I was an angry young man. We were all angry. But we had a job to do, and we did it.'' He added that he ``knew things would get better, and I'm glad to say that I'm here to see it.'' Baker's actions on the front line demonstrated better than words can describe why discrimination and segregation in the military was both unfair and absolutely inconsistent with an effective fighting force. He demonstrated a degree of courage few people have. ``He was prepared to give his life for his country--a country in which he was considered a second-class citizen,'' said U.S. Representative Walt Minnick. Vernon J. Baker was a great American hero who will forever be remembered as someone who overcame unfair barriers and prejudice to change the course of history. He will be greatly missed; however, his legacy will live on as a source of inspiration for generations to come. I extend my sincere condolences to his family in the wake of this tremendous loss and share their enormous pride in all that he accomplished.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I rise today to express my full support for H. Res. 1577, a bill observing the fifth anniversary of the date on which Hurricane Katrina devastated the Gulf Coast. I thank Congressman Anh Joseph Cao for introducing this bill to give us the opportunity to honor and remember the 1,822 lives lost on that fateful day. We also salute the dedicated volunteers who assisted those affected by the storm and aided efforts to rebuild the affected Gulf region. We celebrate and commemorate the progress made by New Orleans as rebuilding continues and recovery moves forward. The New Orleans Metropolitan area has recovered more than 90 percent of its population and 85 percent of its jobs since the flooding occurred, moving unemployment in the area below the national average. However, we must not forget that despite these successes, the Gulf Coast still faces challenges that must be addressed. Thousands of residents of the Gulf Coast remain displaced; some are homeless. We will overcome these challenges if we remain strong and unified. President Obama appropriately has reminded us that the legacy of Katrina must be ``not one of neglect, but of action; not one of indifference, but of empathy; not of abandonment, but of a community working together to meet shared challenges.'' Indeed, as we observe this fifth anniversary of Hurricane Katrina, we are encouraged to persevere and remain strong.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I rise to a point of personal privilege.

Mr. RANGEL. My dear friends and colleagues, I rise to the floor because the newspapers and the media have indicated that there is a concern about some of the Members in this House that I retire or remove myself from this body. And I have always tried to play by the rules. And I cannot think of anybody that has encouraged me to speak here. I want to thank all of you who are concerned about me for saying that, you know, a guy's a fool to represent himself, as some of the people have said. But I have been losing a lot of sleep over these allegations, and my family and community. And some of these rules that they have is that I am restricted by confidentiality. But for years I have been saying, No comment, no comment, no comment to a lot of serious allegations because I could not comment, and I would refer them to the Ethics Committee. When the Ethics Committee finally brought out their statement of alleged violations, it was a long list of things, and somehow the chairman of the subcommittee of investigation indicated that I had received a lot of offers to settle this thing so that it would not cause embarrassment to my Democratic friends, and that I had been offered a reprimand. And a lot of people kind of felt that that sounded like a wonderful opportunity to remove this so that I could leave the Congress with some degree of dignity. Why, even some people said that the President had suggested that his life might be made easier if there was no Charlie Rangel so-called scandal. But I interpret it another way. I think when the President said that he wanted me to end my career in dignity, he didn't put a time limit on it. And I would think that his concern would be that if any Member of the House of Representatives has been accused of serious crimes or allegations, that somehow within the process, even though we are not entitled to a court process, there has to be some process in which the Member has an opportunity to tell his constituents, his family, and his friends what he didn't believe. So when the chairman of the investigative committee said I had been offered a settlement, it reminded me of something that I will devote my retiring years to besides education, which is the major thrust of my attempt here, is that those of you that come anywhere near criminal courts, we have a terrible thing that happens throughout these United States. And that is that someone gets arrested for a very serious crime, and they get their lawyer, and the lawyer explains that, I think it's better that you plead guilty to a lesser crime. And he says, Well, I am not only not guilty, but I don't even know what's involved here. They said, Well, listen, we are not suggesting that you plead guilty if you are innocent, but we think you ought to know that this judge, if you are found guilty, is going to send you away for 20 years. On the other hand, you have no offenses, you are a first offender, and if you could just forget about this thing and explain later what happened. So he continues to tell his lawyer that, hey, I am willing to admit what I have done wrong, and I have done some things wrong, but I shouldn't have to anyway. He says, listen, we would never tell you to quit or resign. We are just telling you that it would be easier for us if this were not an issue. But knowing the President as I do, I think he believes that dignity means that everybody is entitled to be judged for allegations against them. Now, what is working against me? We come back to this House because the Speaker has called us here in order to make certain that we provide resources for governors and mayors to maintain our teachers and our firefighters, and Rangel is not on the schedule for anything. Which is okay, because I know that the members of the committee, they work hard, it is a selfless job. God knows I wouldn't take it. I respect the time that they have placed on this. And it has been almost 2 years. But I have a primary that takes place a couple of days before they even thought about meeting. And then I found out from my lawyer that even when they meet on the 13th of September, there is no trial date for then. So I don't want to be awkward and embarrass anybody. As a matter of fact, those people that believe that their election is going to be dependent on me resigning, I would like to encourage Democrats to believe, I think Republicans have given you enough reason to get reelected, and they continue to do something. But quite frankly, I think I have given. I mean, a lot of people don't know, but when the--well, I don't want to be critical of the Ethics Committee because my lawyer said you can't get annoyed with them because there still may be room for settlement. And I thought about it. Well, when I found out that one of the Republicans that will be sitting on what they call the adjudication committee had made remarks condemning me for my contribution to City College, that it was a Rangel thing, an ego thing and a corrupt thing, and he was going to judge me, I asked my lawyer, I said, well, how can they do that? They said well, the Ethics Committee can do what they want. I said, well, do me a favor. I have paid close to $2 million. I continue to owe you money. And you are telling me that you have no idea when there is going to be a hearing, and every time I talk with you there are six or seven lawyers. I said, do me a favor. I said Friday, let's see what happens today in terms of reaching out to settle this thing, because I can't afford to be represented by counsel. Each and every day the expenses build up, and I think that I have an obligation to younger Members of Congress to be able to tell them if you couldn't raise the $2 million, you are out of business, no matter what the allegations are, because no one is going to read the defense. And, of course, just the allegations by themselves with Members who have close districts, Republicans and Democrats, they would be out of business. So I am here because I could afford lawyers for close to 2 years, but everyone would know that there comes a limit. So I told them, just put everything on hold. See what happens when we meet here. And, guess what? Nothing happened. There is no agenda. So what they are saying is that, well, the Ethics Committee will be leaving for Members to be able to work in their districts and to get reelected, and I am having a primary that I have to wait until after my primary to find out when the Ethics Committee intends to have a hearing. And then that hearing comes just before, maybe, the general election. There must be something wrong with the rules, because people would advise me that I can only hurt myself by coming before this committee. Nobody has tried to protect the integrity of the Congress with 2 years, almost 2 years of investigation. They said the mistakes that Rangel has made should be public, and it should have been public earlier than now. And I couldn't say anything because I didn't want to offend and don't want to offend the Ethics Committee. But the Ethics Committee won't even tell me when I am going to have a hearing. And, heck, people who are concerned about me, I am 80 years old. I don't want to die before the hearing. And I think my electorate are entitled to find out who their Congressman for 40 years is. Who am I? Am I corrupt? Did I get a nickel? What did they offer me. And I want to be a role model for new Members and tell them the mistakes I made so they don't make them. So they list foundations that specialize in providing funds for education for kids. So I am convinced that the President wants some dignity in knowing that not only am I one of his strongest supporters, but I know that you know that unless we are able to provide education for every child that is there, almost by any means possible, that our Nation's national security is being threatened by foreigners, our ability to be ahead of the curve in terms of trade. And nobody is more supportive of the President in trade. Clear up some of the things in the Korean bill so you don't hurt us. Clean up a little corruption and violence in Colombia and move on with the thing. So the whole idea is really me trying to have some dignity in making certain that America is stronger. Now, the thing is that in the haste of sending out hundreds of letters, never asking for a penny, but still suggesting I wish you would meet with these people, because I knew that I would hope that they would convince them to provide money. Now, a lot of people have done that. That doesn't mean it is right. But the rules have changed. So there has to be a penalty for grabbing the wrong stationery and not really doing the right thing. But it is not corrupt. It may be stupid, it may be negligent, but it is not corrupt. And there is no indication that any sworn committee would say I received a benefit. Some might say that the benefit was that you have a legacy with your name up there. Well, I wish you would go to my Web site to take a look at my answers. This is a broken-down building that you have to run away from if someone is going to put your name on it. But it is still there. Then they say that I would receive a luxurious office. The sworn testimony was they never told me they were giving it to me. Who the heck needs an office with 40 years of service in the Congress in a broken down building? Then they said, hey, we didn't ask him. We just put it in there so that we encourage people to put it in there. They said the name they thought was not a benefit for me, but a benefit in order to get money. So I can't imagine why, in the course of all of these things, that I used government personnel, I didn't buy stamps--well, if you think that it is official and you are wrong, then I violated the franking benefits. And at the end of the day, the inferences are very serious, and mistakes can be made and these things shouldn't have happened. But I can't walk away and have you guys doing your campaign because I am annoying, and the action is out there calling me corrupt. And no one is coming forward saying Rangel is not corrupt. Rangel didn't make a nickel. No witness ever said there was preferential treatment given. And the one guy that had an issue before the Senate, staff, Republicans, everybody said it never came before the House but they keep putting it down there. And guess what? It was the district attorney of New York over 40 years that suggested that I meet with him because he was in the education philanthropic business, in addition to having business in the Senate, which Republicans and Democrats say never came to the Ways and Means Committee, and staff certainly can prove it. I don't know how far to go with making a mistake and trying to help kids, but you have to be very careful, new Members, of making certain when they change the rules that you know what happens. And I'm prepared to say I'm sorry for any embarrassment that has caused. Another issue has to do with having an office, a congressional office, in the building that I live in. Now, forever people have said that I have taken advantage and had four rent-controlled, stabilized apartments. Nobody has said that the Ethics Committee never found four stabilized apartments. No one said I broke any laws. No one said that the apartment that they considered two had always been considered one at the least. No one said that 10 years ago there was an apartment, one-bedroom apartment, that I got for my family, for my political friends that I no longer have. But the concern was, well, how do you explain the congressional office? Well, let's read the landlord's testimony. He said he was 20 percent vacant, that he needed money, that he knew that the checks were paid by the congressional committee, that the mail came in there ``Rangel for Congress,'' and that the lawyers have told him and the officials of the city and State of New York that there was no violation of any law or rules. And what was the benefit? The benefit was that your colleague and friend was not sensitive to the fact that there was appearance as though I was being treated differently than anyone else. But the landlord said he didn't treat me any differently, no one said that they did treat me differently, but I have to admit that I wasn't sensitive to anything because I never felt then that I was treated any differently than anybody else. And so that ends the apartment thing, but I plead guilty of not being sensitive. Now when it comes to the negligence of the disclosures and the tax issues, there is absolutely no excuse that's there. When accusations were made, I hired a forensics accountant and told them to check out what the heck is going on, because I want to make certain that when I stand up and speak, that it's true. Well, after I found out it was far more serious than the accusations, I then referred it to the Ethics Committee. It wasn't as though someone tracked me down, the IRS or the Clerk of the House. I filed the correct papers. And the taxes that were paid, an accountant might say that, had my accountant recognized that this $32,000 down payment for a house in the Dominican Republic that was promised to be paid for in 7 years would be a complete failure, and if indeed they did not give me one nickel, but whenever they thought they were making a dollar or two, they reduced the mortgage, then there is no question--you don't have to be a tax expert to know that if you didn't report that income, notwithstanding the fact that if you had done the right thing you would have no liability because the taxes that were paid to the Dominican Republic would have been deducted and with depreciation I would have no liability. Having said that, is that an excuse that is worthy? Of course not. And the fact that there was negligence on the part of the person that for 20 years did it and the fact that I signed it does not really give an excuse as to why I should not apologize to this body for not paying the attention to it that I should have paid to it. But there is not one scintilla bit of evidence that the negligence involved in the disclosures, that there was some way to hide from the public what I had because the value of the property, they would say, was $25,000, $100,000, $200,000--whatever it would be--that it didn't make any sense that I was trying to disclose it. So why did I take the floor today when I haven't found one lawyer that said I should do it, I haven't even found one friend that said I should do it, but I thought about it. If the lawyers are going to continue to charge me--and I don't even know when the hearing is going to be, and I can't tell them I want one and not six lawyers--I don't want to offend the Ethics Committee. They're doing the best they can. But I'm in the position that, hey, I'm 80 years old. All my life has been, from the beginning, public service. That's all I've ever done, been in the Army, been a State legislator, been a Federal prosecutor, 40 years here. And all I'm saying is that if it is the judgment of people here, for whatever reason, that I resign, then, heck, have the Ethics Committee expedite this. Don't leave me swinging in the wind until November. If this is an emergency--and I think it is to help our local and State governments out--what about me? I don't want anyone to feel embarrassed, awkward. Hey, if I was you, I may want me to go away, too. I am not going away. I am here. I'm not saying there is any partisanship in this. Because if I knew of all the people that have been accused of accusations, I'm in a close district and they were Republicans, I would give a couple of moments of thought to see whether or not--especially if I didn't have anything to work with to get reelected--I would say, hey, take a look at these Republicans. They've been accused. But I don't really think that the unfairness of this is to me. I don't take it personally. I'm thinking about all of you. If the President wants dignity, let's have dignity in this House where the Ethics Committee means something and that none of you, if the newspapers say anything, will have to wait 2 years before you can say ``no comment.'' And, in addition to that, once they make the accusations, they have no business making any mistakes in saying that I didn't cooperate. I've got papers with my signature on it. I've got papers that said I tried my darnedest. I've got papers where my lawyer tells me she had every reason to believe that the full committee would sign on there. There was space for people to sign. I'm the only one signing. I don't know what changed their minds about settling this case. But my lawyer says, don't offend them. My friends say, don't go to the floor. And I say, what are you going to do me? Suppose I do get emotional, suppose I do think of my life, the beginning and the end, are you going to expel me from this body? Are you going to say that, while there is no evidence that I took a nickel, asked for a nickel, that there is no sworn testimony, no conflict, that I have to leave here? As much as I love you Democrats that figure it would be easier for you, I'm the guy that was raising money in Republican districts to get you here, but that doesn't mean that I criticize you for saying, hey, that's great then, but I'm running for reelection now. I mean, do what you have to do. And, Republicans, hey, you don't have much to run on, but, what the hell, if Rangel is an embarrassment based on newspaper articles, I can see why you would do it. But think. Think. Isn't this historically the first time that it appears as though partisanship has entered the Ethics Committee? Isn't it historically the first time that the recommendations of the subcommittee of investigation is turned down? And, darn, who in the heck would want somebody who politically called you ``corrupt'' to be the ranking bipartisan guy to judge you? Now I don't expect answers today, and I know you're going home, and I wish all of you well. But at the end of the day, somebody, somebody has to do more than wish I go away. Somebody has to tell me, when does Rangel get a chance to talk to witnesses? I haven't talked with any member of the Ethics Committee in terms of settlement. My lawyers have. I haven't talked with any of the witnesses. And they had to expedite this case. In other words, I have a shorter time to prepare, for reasons that they tell me, don't challenge the Ethics Committee; they make up this stuff as they go along. My lawyer, I can understand how financially this thing can go on longer than I can afford. But she is willing to assist me in working out something in pro bono, and I will expect the leadership to help me. Don't let this happen to you. Don't walk away from here because it is convenient that I disappear because not all of you will be able to withstand it, as I have. If there is no issue of corruption, if everybody, including the leader over here, has to start off with what a great American I am before he drops the bomb, well, I think that should count for something. And I am not asking for leniency. I am asking for exposure of the facts. They have made a decision. I want you to make a decision. Now, I apologize to the leadership. I feel for those people, especially newcomers that love this place so much that, like someone said: Charlie, they all love you. And I paused, and so they finished with: But they love themselves better. I understand that, you know. But for God's sake, just don't believe that I don't have feelings, that I don't have pride, that I do want the dignity that the President has said. And the dignity is that even if you see fit to cause me not to be able to come back, because you are not going to do it in my district, but if there is some recommendation that I be expelled, for me, for me, that would be dignity because it shows openly that this system isn't working for me. And I hope some of you might think, if it doesn't work for me, that it may not work for you. So I know we are anxious to get home. I know I can't get on the agenda. I know that some time somewhere I will have a hearing. So while you are saying I should resign, I do hope that you might think about what happens if the whole country starts thinking it is better that you resign and don't make anyone feel uncomfortable than to have the truth, at least a person an opportunity to say you have made alleged violations. I'm saying you are wrong based on sworn testimony. And I want somebody, and I don't think it is going to be people who have been critical of me for doing the same thing that is going to be the judge. I know outside doesn't count because we judge the conduct of our own Members. Adam Powell knew that when they wouldn't let him be seated; and the courts, of course, overruled it. But if I can't get my dignity back here, then fire your best shot in getting rid of me through expulsion. Now I apologize for any embarrassment that I have caused. I'm prepared to admit, and try to let young people know that you never get too big to recognize that these rules are for junior Members, as they are for senior Members, and that you can't get so carried away with good intentions that you break the rules because the rules are there to make certain that we have some order, some discipline and respect for the rules. And I violated that, and I am apologizing for it. And I don't think apologies mean that this is a light matter. It is very serious. But corruption? No evidence, no suggestion that this was ever found. And lastly, I close by saying that there is an organization that some of you know, certainly DCCC, National Truth in Government, and whatever, and the only thing I can say that some of my more important Democrats are on the list that sent out mail soliciting money in order to get rid of me even before I became the chairman. They have a Web site that I will be giving you because they got a lot of our Members, including Black Caucus members on their list. One I do remember is send your money in now, we've got Rangel against the ropes and we're going to get rid of him. Everyone knows who they are. They followed me on vacation. They followed me when I was doing business. They're at the airport. They're outside where I live. It is kind of rough. I'm sensitive to your feelings and the hard work by the Ethics Committee, but this has to stop some time. It has to stop. One month; 1 year; 2 years; primaries; election. And all I'm saying is I deserve and demand the right to be heard. And if I hurt anybody's feelings, believe me, it is the equity and the fairness and the justice that I'm asking for, and not your feelings. We are entitled to our political feelings and what we want done. But we have to respect each other and this institution which I love. I love my country. I love my Congress. And there is nothing I wouldn't do to preserve this from going on. I love the disagreements. I love the debates. I love the arguments. But you are not going to tell me to resign to make you feel comfortable. So to all of those who tried to help me to help myself, let me appreciate it. And for those who disagree, I'm sorry, but that is one thing you can't take away from me. So thank you for listening. I do hope that you have a pleasant time while you are away. And maybe, just maybe, the members of the Ethics Committee might think about telling me when they think they might have a hearing so that whatever they decide, I can let my constituents, my family, and my friends know that I did the best I could as an American, as a patriot, and someone that loves this country. Thank you for your attention. Go home.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I rise to commemorate the National Korean War Veterans Armistice Day, a day especially set aside to ensure America remembers the valiant sacrifices and the patriotic service of the Korean War veterans. On Tuesday, the stars and stripes will be flown across our great nation in their honor, as a result of President Obama's enactment of the Korean War Veterans Recognition Act, which became Public Law (111- 41) last year after it unanimously passed in both chambers of the U.S. Congress. At the National Korean War Memorial on the morning of the Korean War Veterans Armistice Day, July 27, 2010, hundreds of veterans, their friends and families, members of the U.S. Armed Services, and foreign dignitaries will pay tribute to all those who served in Korea, and lay wreaths for the fallen who never made it back home. Among those in attendance are members of the Korean War Veterans Association, who have gathered in Washington, D.C., for their 2010 Convention and Gathering to mark the occasion. Sixty years ago, war broke out on the Korean Peninsula, when North Korea invaded the South on June 25, 1950. Before the ceasefire three years later, 1.8 million Americans had served in Korea and the region, more than 54,000 had been killed, more than 103,000 wounded and up to 8,176 listed as missing. Today, there's no peace treaty ending the war, and 28,500 American soldiers are still stationed in South Korea, guarding democracy's eastern flank. Despite the great loss of life in such a short time, Korea--a so- called United Nations conflict sandwiched between World War II and Vietnam War--was simply forgotten. I hope the flags displayed on this day would remind Americans to remember and recognize the Korean War veterans of a war that has yet to end.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Thank you, Chairman Levin, for giving me this opportunity, and again to Congressman McDermott for working so hard to try to protect those people who have lost their opportunity to take care of their families because they have lost their jobs. I think we're hearing too much about Republican and Democrat today. We certainly are hearing too much about oil drilling and other issues. But as we go home, as Members of Congress, I don't think people come up and say I'm a Democrat and I need help or I'm a Republican and I need help; they say I need a job. I'm willing to do anything. I'm losing my dignity and my self-esteem. My daughter was in college, and I had to tell her that she won't be able to go back. I keep ignoring my creditors' calls because I lost my job. There were so many dreams and aspirations that I had for me and my family, so many hopes that I thought in this great country I could fulfill. I thought it because I thought I was on the road to economic success. I knew I was doing better than my parents, and I had hoped so dearly that my kids would be able to say they would do better than me. Those that have finished school can't find jobs, can't afford homes. Families have consolidated, they have limited resources. The greatest thing about this wonderful country is that you don't have to be successful if you really trust and hope that you can be successful. It's not like other countries where you're stuck where you were born and you can't aspire to do better. But we are reaching that point where Americans have lost faith in our financial centers. They've lost faith in terms of insurance health providers. God knows they've lost faith in the Congress. But when they start losing faith in themselves, that's when our country is in trouble. When they start believing that they cannot make it, that they're losing their dignity, that they're unable to put food on the table, provide shelter for their families, provide hope for their kids, America is losing something that we may not be able to recover, notwithstanding what happens from our economy. How can people talk about deficits and pay-fors when a person is just asking for a little help? What difference does it make if we're able to take the $30 billion--it's not spending, it's an investment. It's an investment not in foreigners, not in protecting democracy, it's an investment in people who love and want to work. I think, Mr. Speaker, we ought to give them an opportunity, because in taking care of their needs, they take care of our small businesses too.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize the wonderful life and accomplishments of Albert Owens with sadness as I mourn his passing. Mr. Owens, one of the first African-Americans to leave his indelible mark on the entertainment industry, recently passed away due to illness at St. Luke's Hospital in New York City. He was sixty-one years of age. Albert began his career as a founding member of the Charles Unicycle Riders. He gained national recognition in 1965, after appearing as a guest on the hit television show ``I've Got a Secret.'' Albert and his group eventually became the Ringling Bros. first African-American troupe, changing their name to the `King Charles Troupe.' He also performed acts with the Barnum & Bailey Circus among many others, and reached a new level of national fame. Yet, Albert's roots remained grounded as his determination to assist his hometown never wavered. When not traveling and performing, he was a devoted family man who returned home to his Bronx community to continue his work as a volunteer. Albert worked tirelessly to counsel the city's youth with the YMCA, using the unicycle as a tool to engage young people and help them build stronger character. He mentored the next generation up until his passing, never swaying from his resolve to provide the blueprint for success which they can all follow. Albert Owens was a man of devotion with a commitment to service. Despite his well-earned famed and his standing within the entertainment industry, he always put the needs of his community and the hopes and dreams of others before his own. Albert was a man of many talents and friends. I am honored to say that he was a friend to the city of New York.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Might I ask my colleague from Texas whether he could yield to me 5 minutes for the purposes of making a statement?

Mr. RANGEL. I can't thank you enough, Congressman, for this courtesy that you've extended, especially in view of the great contribution that you make on the committee and in the Congress. And I want to thank you for bringing to attention of the American people the sacrifices that so many are making as a result of the incident that's taking place in the Gulf. But, Mr. Speaker, I rise to alert the House that, once again, I have introduced legislation to reinstate the draft and to make it permanent during time of war. It is H.R. 5741. And what this does is to make everyone between the ages of 18 and 42, whether they're men or women, whether they're straight or gay, to have the opportunity to defend this great country whenever the President truly believes that our national security is threatened. During the last few weeks and months, as we have gone through a heat wave in the Northeast, I could not but think of the tens of thousands of Americans that find themselves in the Middle East just hoping and praying that the extent of their inconvenience and suffering was just being in the heat of being back home with their loved ones. And they are so dedicated and there are so few of them that many of them have gone back into combat once, twice, even up to six times. To me, that's asking a whole lot from such a small part of our population. And I truly believe that if people thought for one minute that our Nation was in trouble, that age would not even be a factor in people saying, Count me in, because this great country has been so good to me that whatever we can do, we want to be able to make some type of sacrifice. And it just seems to me that when Presidents come and say that in their opinion the country has to go or should go, or makes a request to go to war, then ultimately it will be the people of this House and the Senate that will determine whether or not this request is going to be fulfilled. To me, if you're not prepared to put Americans and your kids and grandkids in harm's way, then you have reached a conclusion that the President is wrong and we should not enter this type of a war. If, on the other hand, I am thoroughly convinced that when the American people are persuaded that our great democracy is in danger, that we would not want just a select group of people to be pulled out to over and over and over again put themselves in harm's way. And so I know the tragedies that have occurred when there's been so many exceptions to the drafts in the past. And for that reason it was not found to be favorable to the average citizen; that if you were in college, if you came from a background, you were excluded from the draft. Well, this is not involved in this in any way. The only exclusions would be those who have mental or physical handicaps or conscientious objectors. Of course, if you're not needed, since it would be an overwhelming number of troops that would be available, then you could in national service be able to provide something in line for the American security. And so I want to thank the gentleman from Texas for allowing me to interrupt this very informative and educated discussion of the impact of moratoriums and to thank him again for the contribution you make not only to Congress but specifically the Ways and Means Committee. I yield back any time that I may have.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, throughout our history, the vision and determination of women have strengthened and transformed America. Change can only come to our nation by those strong women whose contributions shape the history of our country. Women continue this legacy of leadership as professionals, public officials, leaders in their homes, as well as churches and other community organizations. They continuously provide guidance and care to their loved ones and strengthen America's families and communities. We have a fine example of a strong woman, Matriarch Eleanor B. Holmes, who has been a dedicated servant of the Church of New Hope Ministries for over 40 years. Over those forty years, Eleanor has served in various roles such as: International Women's Council, 21 Years as the Local Missionary President, Usher Board member, Sunday School Teacher, Mother Board member, Missionary State Chaplin, and Chairperson of the South Carolina State Missionary Banner Committee. Born June 28, 1920, in Mayesville, South Carolina to Rosa (Smith) Bowens and Hugh Bowens. Eleanor's ancestry traces back to her grandparents Reverend David E. Smith & Rosa Smith, both were born in 1860 into slavery. As a daughter of the South and descendant of Slavery, Eleanor Holmes was on the front line for civil rights and against Jim Crow. She fought for causes true to her faith and community by creating programs, like ``Feed A Child Program (Friendship Apartments, Sumter, SC),'' and establishing the New Hope Church Day Care Center. As a child, Eleanor walked from Shaw Cross Road, Mayesville, South Carolina to Salterstown, South Carolina. Reminded by the many years of walking several miles a day to attend Elementary and High School, she launched community school bus service so children of Sumter would not have to endure what she had to endure as a child growing up in the South. In 1947, Eleanor married William N. Holmes, a World War II Veteran, and from that union came eight children, thirteen grandchildren, and 17 great grandchildren. Madam Speaker, so often unrecognized and unrewarded, we have an outstanding individual, a real American hero, Eleanor Holmes, who has contributed greatly to the lifeblood of our nation and her beloved South Carolina. Please join me in recognizing Matriarch Eleanor B. Holmes on the occasion of her 90th Birthday, and her undaunted service to her community of Sumter, South Carolina.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, it is with great sadness that I rise today to memorialize a beloved member of our community, Sister Mary Celine Graham, whose mass will be celebrated tomorrow at Saint Aloysius Roman Catholic Church in her beloved Harlem. Her tragic and senseless death came as a result of a horrific accident and has left behind a deeply felt void within the Handmaids of Mary of the Most Pure Heart family and the greater Harlem community. The Handmaids of Mary have a special place in my heart going back to my youth, and the loss of Sister Mary Celine is especially profound. Sister Mary Celine was born in Jacksonville, Florida and raised in Detroit. At the age of 22, she joined the Franciscan Handmaids of the Most Pure Heart of Mary in Harlem, which is one of only three historically black orders of Roman Catholic nuns in the United States. She continued to share her love and services with her community for the next 61 years. Her death at the age of 83 leaves behind a great legacy of tireless service and devotion to those who needed her. Sister Mary Celine is remembered as a woman of true compassion who believed in education for the young. She dedicated her life to being a teacher, director, and surrogate grandmother to the children of St. Benedict's Day Nursery on 124th Street at Marcus Garvey Park. As the New York Times reported last week, Sister Mary Celine left an indelible mark on the children she cared for and educated. She was a gently firm yet caring teacher who recognized the potential in each individual and worked to bring that potential to fruition. Sister Mary Celine was not only an educator but was also a loving mother figure to the children. These children not only learned the basics of reading and numbers but also learned what it was to love, and what it was to serve others. The undivided attention and care she poured out to the children and the community will be forever etched in the hearts of all those that encountered her. She was a true kindred spirit that emanated a sense of peace and order. Madam Speaker, although her life was taken from us too abruptly, rather than mourn this tragedy, I hope that my colleagues will join me in remembering and celebrating the tremendous and loving spirit of Sister Mary Celine Graham--one of God's special angels who served Harlem at the Franciscan Handmaids of the Most Pure Heart of Mary.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I stand before you today to acknowledge the role of education as an essential sector for effective and durable economic and social development, all of which should be fundamental in the rebuilding of a great nation, such as Haiti. The Haitian government has reported that the January earthquake has caused the destruction of 95 percent of schools in the Port-au Prince area. It is my belief that an uneducated population has the potential to become a national security threat and considering this dramatic situation, we must confront the crisis head on. In our effort to assist Haiti in becoming self-sustainable, education is the first step. Without the promotion and cultivation of human capital, there can be no substantial poverty reduction. We know that educational attainments improve the livelihoods of the poor and reduce the likelihood of becoming poor. Since Haiti has one of the largest income gaps between the rich and the poor in the world, providing accessible education is instrumental to creating a strong middle class, as well as sustaining small business and stimulating entrepreneurship. There needs to be a plan in place that utilizes the skills of highly educated staff and the input of leading experts in the field of education. This is needed to provide improvements to the Haitian educational system but also serve as a platform for innovation. High quality education and partnerships between Haitian and foreign educational institutions are attainable goals. The Government of Haiti has indicated its intention to promote free quality education and it is imperative that the United States and other friends of Haiti mobilize their efforts to provide easy access to education for all Haitian children. Let this be our gift to the children of Haiti in return for their ancestors' sacrifice for democracy.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, today I rise in recognition of an outstanding act of community service by the organization and non- profit, Cutting For A Cure, and its founder, Dennis Mitchell. I am proud of the work being done by extraordinary people in the fight to bring awareness and combat very serious health issues, like HIV/AIDS, which has disproportionately affected Blacks, women and other minority members of the Harlem community and the city at large. At the forefront of that movement is Denny Moe's Barbershop and Cutting for a Cure, a community based organization founded to increase the awareness of preventive health care and the importance of early detection and screening. In hosting the 2nd Annual Cutting for a Cure event, a 48 hour hair- cutting, medical screening and entertainment marathon which commenced on June 25 and ended on June 27, in partnership with National HIV Testing Day to gain exposure for its cause, the organization employed the help of volunteer barbers, entertainers, doctors, nurses and medical technicians to cause a tangible effect in Harlem by raising the awareness of early screening as a means of preventive health maintenance. With a mobile medical van and team of medical personnel on location, the organization offered screening for diseases ranging from diabetes, high blood pressure and hypertension, high cholesterol, breast, prostate and colon cancer, asthma, kidney disease, and of course, hepatitis and HIV/AIDS in its effort to provide people with the means of early detection. Doctors have repeatedly offered evidence that early diagnosis of certain diseases such as cancers of the colon and the prostate give those who are diagnosed early ability to aggressively combat their illness in the hope of eliminating it and continuing their lives free of disease. I would like to formally commend Cutting for a Cure for its work in raising health awareness and promoting early diagnosis of the health issues which unevenly affect minorities in our urban centers. The aim of the organization is to offer free health screening clinics with the support of local and corporate business sponsorship, area hospitals and health care professionals to provide local residents an opportunity to get tested right in their own neighborhoods and on their commercial streets and blocks. With help from sponsors such as the National Black Leadership Commission on AIDS, St. Luke's Roosevelt, Harlem Hospital Center, Central Harlem Health Revival, Harlem United, Barbershop Quartet, Apple Bank, The New York Times, Crunch Gyms and many others, Cutting for a Cure is effectively addressing an epidemic of preventable disease and death right here in Harlem, throughout my Congressional District and the greater New York City at large. Founder, Mr. Dennis Mitchell, affectionately known as Denny Moe, is the Harlem barbershop owner of Denny Moe's Superstar Barbershop and the catalyst for the creation of Cutting for a Cure. Denny Moe was diagnosed earlier this year with Type II diabetes and has used his detection and influence in the community as a business owner to take action with the end goal of bettering lives. Inspired by the health concerns and issues he heard from his many customers who sat in the chairs of his barber shop and friends and family members who became affected by disease and various cancers, he noticed a pattern of certain diseases affecting his customers more than others and the tragedy of people dying due to being diagnosed too far along into their illnesses. Denny realized that something must be done to stem the tide of African Americans who were losing their lives unnecessarily prematurely due to lack of awareness and inadequate health care. That realization was the seed for the birth of Cutting for a Cure and the work began to offer the community help in the form of education and medical evaluation. Emphasizing the importance of periodic check-ups and healthy living in order to prevent disease is the means used by Denny Moe's Superstar Barbershop to help the people of Harlem and the community around him in his effort to highlight the disparity in the quality of health care offered in urban communities across the nation. Madam Speaker, the efforts of this organization to effect positive change in the lives of other New Yorkers is invaluable and I am honored to commend its work. The organization's motto of ``One ounce of prevention is worth more than a pound of cure'' is an ideal which it promotes heavily while educating the community that disease prevention is the best method of living a healthy life. The citizens of New York City can only benefit from individuals and organizations such as Mr. Dennis ``Denny Moe'' Mitchell and Cutting for a Cure as they enrich the lives of others as they continue to help our community.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, it is with great sadness that I rise today to memorialize a beloved member of our community, Sister Mary Celine Graham, who's mass will be celebrated tomorrow at Saint Aloysius Roman Catholic Church in her beloved Harlem. Her tragic and senseless death came as a result of a horrific accident and has left behind a deeply felt void within the Handmaids of Mary of the Most Pure Heart family and the greater Harlem community. The Handmaids of Mary have a special place in my heart going back to my youth, and the loss of Sister Mary Celine is especially profound. Sister Mary Celine was born in Jacksonville, Florida and raised in Detroit. At the age of 22, she joined the Franciscan Handmaids of the Most Pure Heart of Mary in Harlem, which is one of only three historically black orders of Roman Catholic nuns in the United States. She continued to share her love and services with her community for the next 61 years. Her death at the age of 83 leaves behind a great legacy of tireless service and devotion to those who needed her. Sister Mary Celine is remembered as a woman of true compassion who believed in education for the young. She dedicated her life to being a teacher, director, and surrogate grandmother to the children of St. Benedict's Day Nursery on 124th Street at Marcus Garvey Park. As the New York Times reported last week, Sister Mary Celine left an indelible mark on the children she cared for and educated. She was a gently firm yet caring teacher who recognized the potential in each individual and worked to bring that potential to fruition. Sister Mary Celine was not only an educator but was also a loving mother figure to the children. These children not only learned the basics of reading and numbers but also learned what it was to love, and what it was to serve others. The undivided attention and care she poured out to the children and the community will be forever etched in the hearts of all those that encountered her. She was a true kindred spirit that emanated a sense of peace and order. Madam Speaker, although her life was taken from us too abruptly, rather than mourn this tragedy, I hope that my colleagues will join me in remembering and celebrating the tremendous and loving spirit of Sister Mary Celine Graham--one of God's special angels who served Harlem at the Franciscan Handmaids of the Most Pure Heart of Mary.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. I want to thank the chairman of the committee for yielding. I guess my appeal has to deal with America. I think that our great country and its successes is really not just due to investments, but the investments that we have in people who are willing to leave their home country to come to this country because they have hopes, they have dreams, they have the energy. And I don't know how you convert that into what makes America the giant that it is, but one thing is abundantly clear: everyone is trying to come to America, and no one is anxious to leave. This quality of believing in America and believing that you have the opportunity to succeed through hard work is one of the things that I think this recession, this setback, is costing us--something that we can never recover from--and that is the lack of faith. I think the gentleman from Chicago talked about it. It's not just those who are unemployed now. It's those who are chronically unemployed, those that don't really believe that America's going to give them another chance, and those that are holding on now by their fingernails in the hope that somebody somewhere would allow them to exist. Some lives cannot be restored. You can't get back that house, you can't get back your credit, you can't get back your kid in college, you can't get back your reputation of being a hardworking person that takes care of their family. And these are personal crises that most people overcome. But can our country overcome it? Can we tell a person that's worked all of his life, and his father and his grandfather, can we say that we have found billions of dollars for the bankers but somehow we are concerned about the deficit when it comes to Americans? The one quality that we have is we believe in this country, we believe in hard work, and we believe that our country supports that type of thing. We can't talk about the other House, we can't talk about the deficit, we can't talk about Republicans and Democrats. We are talking about the heart of our country, and that is the dreams and the aspirations that we will never let workers down. So we are not talking about welfare, unwanted children, or any of those things except what our flag is made of; and our flag is made of hope and support from this great country. So I do hope, Madam Speaker, that people try to understand everybody in this Chamber knows somebody that's not going to come back the same way that this crisis has hit them. We have an ability to ease the pain and to save the faith of those people who have not yet reached that point that they know that our country has let them down. I just thank my colleagues for being sensitive enough to know that we do care, and we want the country to know that this could happen to them. So many people are depending on us. I hope this body will not let them down.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the 150th Anniversary of the First Japanese Diplomatic Mission to the United States as the Museum for the City of New York pays tribute to Samurai in New York--The First Japanese Delegation, 1860. On March 17, 1860, exactly 150 years ago today, a sailing ship flying a flag never before seen in North America entered the Golden Gate. It was the Kanrin Maru, the first Japanese ship ever to cross the Pacific on its arrival to San Francisco, California. Japan had been closed to the rest of the world for more than 200 years until 1854, when Commodore Matthew Perry and his squadron of American warships forced the Japanese to open their doors to trade. The Kanrin Maru had a difficult and stormy 37-day voyage from Japan when it set sail in the winter of 1860. During its time of isolation, the Japanese had had no oceangoing ships and only one member of the Japanese crew had ever been beyond the sight of land. This epic voyage continued until the ship arrived in San Francisco, when the crew's first appearance was revealed on American soil. At that time, San Franciscans were familiar with the Chinese immigrants in California, but were amazed to see this delegation of distinguished men, so noted by the senior man aboard, Admiral Yoshitake Kimura, who had a shaved head and a topknot in the manner of a samurai. It was also observed and reported by the San Francisco Evening Bulletin that there had been important officers who carried two swords and were obsessed with etiquette. It is also noted that these men always wore robes and never wore hats. On the other hand, the Japanese were surprised that San Franciscans walked on expensive rugs with their muddy boots. They were astonished that the powerful governor of California traveled without an escort of retainers and that Americans used horses to pull their carriages. They were also amazed that American men treated women as equals. Twelve days after the arrival of the Kanrin Maru, the USS Powhatan arrived bringing the first Japanese Embassy to the United States to ratify the new treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation between the United States and Japan. Sent by the Tokugawa Shogunate were three Ambassadors, Masaoki Shinmi, Norimasa Muragaki and Tadamasa Oguri whom headed the mission to exchange instruments of ratification of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce. The delegation also included a group of approximately eighty samurai diplomats. The delegation officially arrived in San Francisco on March 29, stopped in Washington, DC on May 14 via Panama, then went on to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and, finally, to New York. The arrival of the Japanese in Washington DC was a major event, and Congress granted a $50,000 budget, almost $1.5 million in today's dollars, to entertain them. On March 28th, the mission paid its official visit to President James Buchanan. On June 18, 1860, hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers packed the streets of Manhattan to watch the sword-toting samurai parade on Broadway during the diplomatic two-week stay in New York. The unprecedented throng of New Yorkers lined the parade route from Lower Manhattan to Union Square, hoping to glimpse the exotic visitors. The great Walt Whitman was on hand and composed a poem in their honor. The city hosted a grand civic ball for 10,000, and members of New York society vied to entertain the visiting Japanese diplomats. Mayor Wood and the Common Council of New York held a reception in honor of the Japanese ambassadors in the Governor's Room at City Hall. New Yorkers and the popular press were overcome with Japan mania, especially for the youngest member of the group, seventeen-year-old translator Tateishi Onojiro, also known as ``Tommy.'' With the appearance of the popular song, the ``Tommy Polka,'' the ``Tommy'' boom outlasted the departure of the delegation itself. For their part, the Japanese delegation studied American industry and technology, learned about its government and customs, and brought back ideas that would help fuel Japan's emergence on the world stage. Madam Speaker, although largely forgotten today, the Japanese 1860 Samurai Mission was to ratify the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation, which had been signed several years earlier. The agreement opened the ports of Edo and four other Japanese cities to American trade, among other stipulations. In the years before the Civil War, the Japanese visitors captivated the American people and the press. This first face-to-face cultural exchange between, the Japanese and everyday Americans was one of the most elaborated spectacles of its time. As Dean of the New York Congressional Delegation and on behalf of my colleagues and all of the residents of my district, we are honored to join Ambassador Shinichi Nishimiya, Consul General of Japan in New York, James G. Dinan and Susan Henshaw Jones in celebrating Samurai in New York--The First Japanese Delegation, 1860 at Harlem's beloved Museum of the City of New York.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my colleagues in the U.S. House of Representatives to recognize Juneteenth Independence Day which we observe with Resolution 546, sponsored by Rep. Danny Davis of Illinois. The House of Representatives notes the importance of effectively understanding our past as the foundation of a progressive and egalitarian future. We remember June 19, 1865, ``Juneteenth,'' as the day of the announcement of the Emancipation Proclamation in the last of the States in the Union. Though President Abraham Lincoln intended the Emancipation Proclamation to go into effect on January 1, 1863, slaves in the last of the slaveholding territories, namely Texas, did not hear of their freedom until 1865. Galveston, Texas is recognized as the birthplace of Juneteenth and as of this March, 36 states have recognized the day for observance. Now, 145 years later, we remember Juneteenth as a turning point in the history of Black Americans. This celebration of freedom and equality is an important patriotic symbol in the history of the Nation. Juneteenth is an opportunity for us to pause and remember the difficult road to advancement and to reflect on the importance of that political organizing in Galveston by former slaves to celebrate their freedom and new status. Juneteenth is one of the earliest landmarks of the active political involvement of Black Americans following the sacrifices made by the more than 200,000 people who fought and died in the Civil War. We are also reminded of the many achievements and contributions Black Americans have made to the country in all fields. We highlight the work done by civil rights leaders and activists who have carried on the spirit and legacy of emancipation. In particular, we salute those men and women serving in our armed forces, who could not serve today without the rights afforded them by the work of previous generations of Black Americans who fought in every conflict since the Nation's founding. Culturally, we must recognize the magnanimous impact of Black artists, performers and academics in shaping American identity well beyond the 21st century. While Juneteenth started in Texas, its impact and importance to the United States' commitment to independence and liberty is felt nationwide. Freedom is at the core of the legacy of the United States and of all its citizens, regardless of race or personal background. I am proud to celebrate and recognize the significance of Juneteenth today and forever in our Nation's history.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I am honored to commend the fifty graduates from Cristo Rey New York High School in East Harlem, who have beaten the odds to achieve this success. Every student in this class has been accepted to college in the fall. Cristo Rey students dream big. Many aspire to become lawyers, forensic pathologists, journalists, psychologists and a wide variety of professions. The students will attend prestigious universities and colleges, in and out of New York, including Fordham University, Brooklyn College, John Jay College, New York University, Pace University, Georgetown University, Lehigh University, and Boston College. The school is part of a network of twenty-four Cristo Rey schools throughout the country--Catholic, co-ed, college prep schools, where students of all faiths are welcomed. Cristo Rey has played a special role in helping these students overcome obstacles they have faced in their young lives. Some have had financial difficulties, and others have faced the dangers and temptations of the streets. In addition to academics, the students received hands-on experience in the workplace, even before being handed their diplomas. One day a week, they worked in some very high powered firms such as JPMorgan, Chase and Citigroup. The students performed office work and received guidance from mentors who helped them identify desired career paths. Many of these firms pay sixty-percent of the school's expense. Cristo Rey's motto is, ``transforming Urban America, One Student at a Time''. The transformation of these fifty students shows what hard work and dedication can achieve. Cristo Rey has laid the educational foundation for these students. The sky is the limit for them in what they can achieve, in their working careers. Here are the names of the students whose achievements we celebrate: Lucio Reynoso, Steven Gonzalez, David Luna, Andrew Sanabria, Andy Paulino, Jonathan Balbuena, Aleksander Perpalaj, Daniel Estevez, Joel Frias, Bryan Santos, Charles Perez, Randy Nunez, Melany Rodriguez, Sade Gonzalez, Michelizabeth Sainvill, Nyesha Johnson, Tiffany Tejeda, Steven Saverino, Amaury de Dios, Stanley Majors, Jr., Christian Guzman, Angel-Alvarez, Laury Veudna; Devany Baez, Celia Martinez, Lizbel Escamilla, Sheniqua Green, Katherine Santiago, Olivia McBride, Vitoria Velazquez, Marisol Almonte, Ashley Garcia, Asia Davis, Angelique Agudo, Stephanie Ortiz, Amanda Rodriguez, Lidibeth Iona, Ashley Saucedo, Genesis Cedeno, Vanessa Ruiz, Noelia Taveras, Raquel Salgado, Cailyn Asturias, Jessica Vargas, Patricia Diaz, Stephanie Medaivilla, Tamika Flores, Paola Peguero.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the monumental contributions of the National Newspaper Publishers Association (NNPA) on its 70th anniversary. Founded in 1940 by John H. Sengstacke, the NNPA has served as the voice and advocate of African-Americans, highlighting the historical challenges facing their communities. For several decades, the NNPA has been on the frontlines of the struggle for justice and defense of the rights of African Americans. Its impact has extended beyond publishing to affect the lives and livelihoods of African Americans and the history of the nation. On June 18th, I was humbled to be honored by the National Newspaper Publishers Association (NNPA) at its 70th Annual Convention in New York City. Alongside Berry Gordy, the iconic founder of Motown Records and a longtime leader in the entertainment industry, I was presented with the Legacy of Excellence Award. I would like to thank Danny Bakewell, Sr., Chairman of the NNPA and publisher of the Los Angeles Sentinel, the oldest and largest African American newspaper on the West Coast. Under Mr. Bakewell's leadership, the NNPA has thrived as an organization, which he has headed since July of 2009. I also wish to recognize two stalwart publishers in the New York City NNPA family: Walter Smith, president of the Northeast Publishers Association and publisher of the New York Beacon; and Elinor Tatum, publisher of The New York Amsterdam News, who took over for her father, the great Wilbert A. Tatum, who passed away in February of 2009. The history of the Black press in the United States dates back to the early 19th century. The first African-American newspaper, Freedom's Journal, was founded in March of 1827 in New York City. Two of its founders, Reverend Samuel Cornish and John B. Russwurm, proclaimed in the very first issue, ``Too long have others spoken for us . . . We wish to plead our own cause.'' The goals of the Black press were to create their own channels of communication for African Americans, expressing their views on social, political, and economic issues of their time. The existential mission of the Black press was to fiercely oppose, condemn and agitate against the institution of slavery, the atrocities of lynching, the insults of racial segregation and the brutal injustices against African Americans that denied them their civil and political rights, not to mention their humanity. Freedom's Journal and the African American newspapers that followed laid the foundation for Black publishers, editors, journalists, columnists and cartoonists. Years later, in March of 1940, John H. Sengstacke of the Chicago Defender organized many of this nation's Black publishers at the first annual convention of what was then the National Negro Publishers Association in Chicago. The objective was to provide a venue for Black publishers to acquaint themselves with each other and to jointly address the problems ailing their industry. A total of 22 Black publications from 16 cities, including Detroit, Philadelphia and Chicago, were represented. This gathering was the birth of what is now known as the National Newspaper Publishers Association, which even today is widely considered as the most powerful and influential Black organization in the United States. For seven decades, the NNPA has succeeded in championing the concerns, dreams, and triumphs of African Americans in this country. While there have been many successes, there is much work to be done. We need the Black press today as much as ever. They remain our champions in the fight for economic opportunity, affordable health care, quality education, and political representation. Madam Speaker, I recognize the contributions of the NNPA, which represents over 200 publishers in the United States and the U.S. Virgin Islands. The NNPA has made an important contribution to democracy by ensuring that the voices of African Americans are heard. I invite my colleagues to honor the legacy of the National Newspaper Publishers Association and their enduring contributions to this country's publishing industry, the African American community, and to the nation.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize Caribbean-American Heritage Month and the contributions of Caribbean-Americans to this Nation. Since 2006, the United States has celebrated the rich and diverse history of Caribbean-American peoples and the many successes of Caribbean-Americans during the month of June. Parallels have often been drawn between the history of the United States and that of Caribbean nations. Like America, Caribbean nations saw the need to resist tyrannical European leadership and create new democracies. The first Caribbean immigrants came to America in 1619 as indentured servants in Jamestown, and since then have played an increasingly large role in American society and in the lives of Americans. Since 1820, millions of people have immigrated to the United States from the Caribbean region, and now Americans of Caribbean descent reside in all fifty states of the Union. Since our Nation's inception, Caribbean-Americans have played important roles in every aspect of American life. Alexander Hamilton, a founding father and the first Secretary of the Treasury, was a Caribbean immigrant. Other notable Caribbean-Americans include Colin Powell, a former four-star general and Secretary of State, Shirley Chisholm, the first black candidate for president and the first woman to run for the Democratic nomination, Eric Holder, the current Attorney General, Sydney Poitier, the first African-American to win the Academy Award for best actor, and Stokely Carmichael, a black power activist. Throughout the years, Caribbean-American culture has become engrained in American society, but has managed to remain distinct and unique. Caribbean-American music, language, literature, film, food, festivals, and culture are enjoyed by all Americans. Without a doubt, the influence of Caribbean-Americans on American culture has been great. I respect and admire all that Caribbean-Americans have done for the United States in the past and in the present, and I look forward to the continued flourishing of Caribbean-American culture.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. I really didn't intend to talk, but I just wonder whether my colleague was listening to the same President, a President who I thought was responding to all Americans when he said that the government has a responsibility to make certain that the private sector upholds their commitment to people, to make certain that they do what I would hope that you would want. We have to get away from this whole idea that government's bad. Ask anybody that has Medicaid and Medicare. And this President was an exciting, fresh air for all Americans to know that we will never forget those people in Louisiana. The whole idea of cleaning the atmosphere and making this planet a better place to live, maybe that's repugnant to your way of thinking, but believe me, it's not for Democrats. It's for Democrats, Republicans, and for the civilized world to understand that we are prepared to make this a better planet than the one in which people have destroyed it. So I just hope that we check and see who you were listening to last night, because I really thought it was exciting, invigorating, and gave us a lot of comfort that the President really cared.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for his gracious remarks and the work he has done to facilitate the bringing to this floor this resolution. I want to thank the other side of the aisle. I have never seen anything move so fast, and I am so deeply grateful that this happened. Some of you don't know, but the Korean Government invited John Conyers, Sam Johnson, Howard Coble and me to go to Korea on June 24 and 25, but the legislative calendar prevented this from happening. But because of their enthusiastic support, as well as mine, next week the Speaker and the minority leader have agreed not to forget those people who served our country; and, indeed, served the international freedom community. I want to thank also from my office Emile Milne and Hannah Kim for working with all of the committees that had jurisdiction to expedite the fact that this will be done before June 25. I am reminded when you gave the facts that led up to the North Koreans invading South Korea, I was a 20-year-old kid in the barracks in Fort Lewis, Washington, when a sergeant screamed that the North Koreans had invading South Korea and the Second Infantry Division was slated to go to defend them. I was so anxious to leave Fort Lewis, I said: Hurrah. Where the heck is Korea? I had no idea that a police action involved putting yourself in harm's way. But away we did go. There was some question at that time whether we could even land in Pusan because the North Korean Communists had been so successful that they drove the 25th Division and Japan and the People's Republic of South Korea to the Pusan peninsula, but we were able to push them back. The marines landed in Inchon and the Chinese came, and you know the rest of that story. But how grateful I am to be not just alive, but to know we all participated once again in defending a democracy even in countries where we don't know the people and don't know the country. And as a result of that, one of America's strongest allies is the government of Korea. The truth of the matter is with China there and North Korea there, and especially the threat of Iran, South Korea has represented a symbol not only of democratic principles but a symbol of what can happen economically when freedom and democracy is the atmosphere in which we are working. Those of us who served, especially the 50,000 who did not come back home, the close to 100,000 that were wounded, the 8,000 that were prisoners of war, we had no idea that our sacrifice would rebuild a nation from ashes to the great economic power it is today, and the great contributions Korean- Americans make each and every day in all parts of every town, city and every state that we have. But I want to particularly thank John Conyers who is the next highest senior member here in the House of Representatives. I want to thank Howard Coble. He is a veterans' veteran. There is not a day I see him that he does not remind me and others that we should never forget the sacrifices that are made for all of us and our children and our children's children. And, of course, Sam Johnson who I serve with on the Ways and Means Committee, is truly a hero. Very few Americans are living who have made the type of sacrifices that he has made for his country. So collectively and on behalf of all of the veterans who have served, and particularly for this war that they call the Forgotten War, we were sandwiched between the World War II and the Vietnam War. So many people asked when we came back home: Where were you? They had no idea America had been involved. But we were involved. The 21 nations will have representatives here next week to thank America, as we thank them, for allowing this great country to be involved in what appeared to be a very unimportant crisis. But at the end of the day, this country has risen to be one of our best trading partners, one of our best political partners, and certainly has made an outstanding contribution to the entire world of free countries and free people. And so, Chairman Faleomavaega, I thank you for giving us the opportunity to celebrate this occasion and never to forget those who made it possible for us to be free men and free women.