Charlie Rangel

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a unanimous consent request to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Etheridge). (Mr. ETHERIDGE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), who has been not only a supporter of trade agreements, but he has been an architect in designing trade agreements. Every major agreement he just did not vote for, but he helped to make it better. That is when we used to work together on trade agreements. (Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. One of the major reasons why we are opposing this bill is because of the process. Clearly a bill is supposed to be brought to this floor when it has overwhelming support, when it is a simple bill, naming a post office, having a stamp, declaring mothers as being essential for parenthood, things that Republicans and Democrats can look up at the scoreboard and see that we have 435 Members or close to it supporting it. How can anyone perceive, as one of the Members on the other side said, the most important trade legislation that we ever had will be put on just for 40 minutes debate? The qualities that exist in the English bill, we have been able to see some loopholes. He and I would want to work together to close those loopholes. All the members of the Committee on Ways and Means feels the same way about trying to do something to contain the overreaching of China. What makes the other side believe that we Democrats are not entitled to participate in the substantive nature of sensitive, complex legislation? Putting this on the suspension calendar, in my opinion, is an insult to Members on both sides of the aisle and is an insult to those people who oversight what we do, because the suspension calendar means that we never thought that they would ever have a problem with it, and that is why we did not share what is in this bill. I also think that it is really unfair to have the Members of Congress to believe that this bill comes to the floor because of its importance and therefore has to be passed on the suspension calendar. We have plenty of time to work in the Committee on Ways and Means in dealing with this so that we can be proud that we do not have a Rangel bill or an English bill or a Republican bill or a Democratic bill. The pride should come when we have a congressional bill which we can say both sides have an opportunity to hear witnesses; to see what the impact is going to be, whether it is going to work or not work; to see whether those who have fought to put checks on China feel satisfied that we have done it; and to be able to say to foreigners that we may have differences among ourselves, political differences, but when it comes to trade policy, we speak with one voice. The flag is up, and we speak for the United States of America. So I recognize how important it is to pass the DR-CAFTA bill. I recognize that there is a problem because Democrats were not involved and Republicans cannot get the votes. But I do not know how many suspension bills they are going to bring in as an excuse to get Members to say, I got them to talk about China, and therefore I am going to vote for CAFTA. It is not enough to talk about China and the problems that we face. What we should be doing is bringing these issues up in the committee that has jurisdiction, and we are so proud of it, and to make certain that the best we can is to have this as a bipartisan effort on both sides. So this is not the first time that the committees of jurisdiction have had to have Members bypassed in terms of their input, bypassed in terms of the ability to have amendments, and bypassed in terms of saying that we have to find some way to find some bill that we can get bipartisanship on it. The vehicle to do this normally, from the record of the Congress, are the suspension bills. But trade bills should not be on the suspension calendar.

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. RANGEL. The gentleman from Pennsylvania is correct.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), a former ranking member of the Subcommittee on Trade of the Committee on Ways and Means. (Mr. LEVIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I think this discussion, especially the opposition to the Rangel bill by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. English), just shows the complexity as well as sincerity of those people that would like to put some checks on the conduct of the Chinese trade people and I think emphasizes why this bill should not be on the suspension calendar. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means. (Mr. NEAL of Massachusetts asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, we object to the suspension calendar being used for political purposes. As most of us know, this calendar is supposed to be used to expedite legislation that is not controversial and has no substantial opposition. One would hardly believe that this bill is on the calendar today for purposes of improving our trade relationship with the People's Republic of China. Clearly, for those who are following the Central American Free Trade Agreement with the Dominican Republic, they know that this is another effort to elicit votes for a bill that has not got bipartisan support and should have bipartisan support. I think it is bad policy and bad politics for our foreign policy and certainly our trade policy to be used in an effort to solicit votes or to be done in a partisan way to see who won and who lost. The chairman of the committee is right that the Democrat side as well as working with the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Mrs. Johnson) is very anxious to clear up the complexities that put the United States at a disadvantage as relates to dealing with the Chinese Government. But at the same time, we truly believe that these bills should not be the Rangel bill with Democrats or the English bill with Republicans, but rather a bill that we can say as members of the Committee on Ways and Means and as Member of Congress that we have taken it to the committees, we have had hearings, and we have come out with a position that you do not have to check the party to know whether it is right or whether it is wrong. There is a substantial difference between the bills that the Democrats put in, which certainly deals with the provisions that are in the bill before us today, but also it prevents the loopholes that are in that bill and provides for other considerations that would make this a better bill and improve our relationship with China. Again, Mr. Speaker, this bill has nothing to do with China and has everything to do with an attempt to get votes for DR-CAFTA. We hope that a vote against this bill will send a message to Democrats and Republicans not to use the procedures of the House for political purposes; to not put controversial bills on the suspension calendar, and to take them to the committee of jurisdiction where they belong so that they can be discussed, debated, and then brought to the floor in a bipartisan way so that we can look at it. Mr. Speaker, I hope this bill is pulled so that we do not have to take a vote on it. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. RANGEL. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ryan).

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin), the distinguished ranking member of the Subcommittee on Trade.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to alert my colleagues of a dangerous condition that threatens the health of our society--the destruction of the black family. The black family has yet to recover from the destructive effects of slavery. In 1712, British slave owner, Willie Lynch was invited to the colony of Virginia to teach his methods of keeping slaves under control to American slave owners. Almost three hundred years later, the techniques that he prescribed seem to have not only been successful in controlling slaves, but lasting as a means of weakening and destroying the black family. In slavery families were purposely divided with husband and wives separated from each other and their children. Black males were humiliated and whipped in front of their wives and children. Stripped of their power and pride, black men were seen as weak and black women had to be the strength of the household, distorting the traditional family structure. Despite civil rights victories and the apparent improvement in socioeconomic status, the black community is suffering from the lack of families. Marriage has become virtually impossible as black men are disproportionately incarcerated, unemployed and victims of early death. Black women on the other hand, have a higher probability of graduating from high school and attending college. This disparity in qualifications renders the two highly incompatible. As a result, an alarming two-thirds of black children are born out of wedlock and a disturbing proportion of them grow up fatherless. Without a father in the home, where do girls find their model for a future husband? Where do boys find their model for being a father? Without such an example, children of fatherless homes are doomed to continue the cycle. Fatherless children are more vulnerable to suffer from societal ills. According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human services, children who are raised without a father are more likely to be poor, have higher drop-out rates, are at a dramatically greater risk of drug and alcohol abuse, are more likely to commit criminal acts and are more likely to get pregnant as teenagers than those raised in two-parent homes. Members of the Congressional Black Caucus have taken it upon themselves to address this problem. Representative Danny K. Davis has sponsored National Dialogues on the State of the African American Male, discussing such topics as black male incarceration, drug addiction and community building. While efforts such as these are a step in the right direction, more has to be done. It is going to take more than a few members of Congress to save black families. While it is easy to identify the reason for the decline of black families, finding solutions is not so simple. However, not knowing the remedy for a situation should not be an excuse to ignore it. Acknowledging that the black community is suffering from the destruction of the black family is a necessary step to confront the issue and begin the process to reverse the effects of this devastating cycle. The following Washington Post article by William Raspberry discusses the state of the black family. Why Our Black Families Are Failing ``There is a crisis of unprecedented magnitude in the black community, one that goes to the very heart of its survival. The black family is failing.'' Quibble if you will about the ``unprecedented magnitude''-- slavery wasn't exactly a high point of African American well- being. But there's no quarreling with the essence of the alarm sounded here last week by a gathering of Pentecostal clergy and the Seymour Institute for Advanced Christian Studies. What is happening to the black family in America is the sociological equivalent of global warming: easier to document than to reverse, inconsistent in its near-term effect--and disastrous in the long run. Father absence is the bane of the black community, predisposing its children (boys especially, but increasingly girls as well) to school failure, criminal behavior and economic hardship, and to an intergenerational repetition of the grim cycle. The culprit, the ministers (led by the Rev. Eugene Rivers III of Boston, president of the Seymour Institute) agreed, is the decline of marriage. Kenneth B. Johnson, a Seymour senior fellow who has worked in youth programs, says he often sees teenagers ``who've never seen a wedding.'' The concern is not new. As Rivers noted at last week's National Press Club news conference, the late Daniel Patrick Moynihan sounded the alarm 40 years ago, only to be ``condemned and pilloried as misinformed, malevolent and even racist.'' What is new is the understanding of how deep and wide is the reach of declining marriage--and the still-forming determination to do something about it. When Moynihan issued his controversial study, roughly a quarter of black babies were born out of wedlock; moreover, it was largely a low-income phenomenon. The proportion now tops two-thirds, with little prospect of significant decline, and has moved up the socioeconomic scale. There have been two main explanations. At the low-income end, the disproportionate incarceration, unemployment and early death of black men make them unavailable for marriage. At the upper-income level, it is the fact that black women are far likelier than black men to complete high school, attend college and earn the professional credentials that would render them ``eligible'' for marriage. Both explanations are true. But black men aren't born incarcerated, crime-prone dropouts. What principally renders them vulnerable to such a plight is the absence of fathers and their stabilizing influence. Fatherless boys (as a general rule) become ineligible to be husbands--though no less likely to become fathers--and their children fall into the patterns that render them ineligible to be husbands. The absence of fathers means, as well, that girls lack both a pattern against which to measure the boys who pursue them and an example of sacrificial love between a man and a woman. As the ministers were at pains to say last week, it isn't the incompetence of mothers that is at issue but the absence of half of the adult support needed for families to be most effective. Interestingly, they blamed the black church for abetting the decline of the black family--by moderating virtually out of existence its once stern sanctions against extramarital sex and childbirth and by accepting the present trends as more or less inevitable. They didn't say--but might have--that black America's almost reflexive search for outside explanations for our internal problems delayed the introspective examination that might have slowed the trend. What we have now is a changed culture--a culture whose worst aspects are reinforced by oversexualized popular entertainment and that places a reduced value on the things that produced nearly a century of socioeconomic improvement. For the first time since slavery, it is no longer possible to say with assurance that things are getting better. As the Rev. Jesse Jackson said in a slightly different context, ``What began as a problem has deteriorated into a condition. Problems require solving; conditions require healing.'' How to start the healing? Rivers and his colleagues hope to use their personal influence, a series of marriage forums and their well-produced booklet, ``God's Gift: A Christian Vision of Marriage and the Black Family,'' to launch a serious, national discussion and action program. In truth, though, the situation is so critical--and its elements so interconnected and self-perpetuating--that there is no wrong place to begin. When you find yourself in this sort of a hole, someone once said, the first thing to do is stop digging.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of designating the United States Postal Service facility at 1915 Fulton Street in Brooklyn, NY, as the Congresswoman Shirley A. Chisholm Post Office Building. When I think about the honorable lady from Brooklyn, I am constantly reminded of her personal and campaign slogan of ``unbought and unbossed.'' This bold assertion of independence captured the essence of who Shirley Chisholm was: a woman, a Black woman, who was long a champion of justice and a true pioneer who broke the glass ceiling for women in politics and elected office. Her life presented a model of resistance to discrimination, of challenge to the status quo, and of the inappropriateness of stereotypes. She broke barriers by her very presence and she set examples for future generations of leaders by her demeanor and behavior. Shiirley was an individual with a clear vision of the right--not the political right, but the moral one. She knew that to overcome struggle minorities, those with the least power in a democracy, must stand up to the majority. They must counter the popular misconceptions and prove those in positions of authority of the wrongness of their ideas. Shirley was determined to lift the Black community in its own eyes as well as the rest of the world. She was confident in herself and her ability to get tasks done and she passed that confidence to those who were in her presence. At a time when few Blacks and few women held elected office, Shirley stepped forward for a seat in the House of Representatives and won that seat. She also stood up against the hierarchy and leadership of the Democratic party and ran for President. Facing insurmountable odds was not enough to prevent Shirley from advocating, fighting for, and working towards the goal of being President of the United States of America. Could you only imagine how different this country would have been if Shirley had won? I thank the Honorable Gentleman from New York, Mr. Towns, as well as the Honorable Senators Charles Schumer and Hillary Clinton for introducing and championing this legislation into the 109th Congress. We send an important message to the Nation by paying honor to this extraordinary individual. We send the message that regardless of your race, your background, and your gender, you can be respected in this country for your determination, commitment, dedication, and hard work to justice and equality. This is a powerful message to send today to our young people in particular.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor one of the most popular Caribbean entertainers in history, who has been singing the story of the Caribbean for over half a century. The man of which I speak is Slinger Francisco, known world-wide as The Mighty Sparrow, and it is a pleasure to recognize him today in celebration of his 70th Birthday. With over seventy albums to his credit, the Mighty Sparrow is considered by many to be the undisputed King of Calypso. Calypso is the popular style of music which evolved on the islands of the Eastern Caribbean from African and French musical influences in the early 1900's. The art form is particularly associated with the nation of Trinidad and Tobago, and its pre-Lent Carnival celebrations. World War II brought dramatic changes to Trinidad and the calypso scene, as the United States established several military bases on the island, which housed thousands of servicemen during the War. A vibrant entertainment scene developed to entertain the many visitors, and Calypso evolved to suit its audience. The influx of tourists to the island also helped modernize both the rhythm and themes of Calypso songs in the post-war years. Trinidad's independence from Great Britain in the 1950s also served to give calypso a more politically minded slant. The Mighty Sparrow came to the scene during this time of transition and modification in Calypso music. Sparrow was born in Gran Roi, a rural fishing village on the island of Grenada in 1935, and migrated with his family to Trinidad and Tobago at the age of one. His childhood would have a major influence on his musical vocation. On his mother's advice, he joined his local Catholic Church choir as a young boy, where he learned the art of voice training. In church he would also learn various languages, such as Latin, Hindi, Spanish, French, Dutch, and Chinese--all represented on the culturally diverse island of Trinidad--which he would later employ in many of his songs. He was also influenced by the styles of American street quartets, and popular artists such as Nat King Cole, Sarah Vaughn, and Frank Sinatra, in addition to local calypso artists. He started out singing in the local calypso ``brigades'' which would scour Trinidad competing in various singing competitions, especially during the Carnival season. At the age of twenty he released his first song entitled ``Jean and Dinah.'' The song satirically chronicled the impact of American troop withdrawals from Trinidad at the end of WWII. The song became a hit and would typify The Mighty Sparrow style. In a country, which at the time, did not have developed forms of media, Sparrow's songs elicited public reflection on important issues--in an entertaining, if not dance-inspiring fashion. In subsequent years the Mighty Sparrow rode his own talent and the changing dynamics of the Caribbean all the way to the top of the Calypso scene. With the influx of American and European tourists to the Caribbean starting in the 1950s, and the concurrent migration of Caribbean peoples to the United States and Europe, Sparrow's music would reach wider and wider audiences. He himself would establish a second home in New York City, where he became renowned among the region's large Caribbean community. Just as Sparrow's music began to reach beyond the islands of the Caribbean, so too did the content of his songs. His 1964 classic ``Martin Luther King for President'' not only introduced many in the Caribbean to the greatness of Dr. King, but it also served to inform Caribbean peoples about the plight of their African American brethren in the United States. Indeed, many in the Caribbean at the time were unaware of the Civil Rights struggle occurring in the USA. Throughout Sparrow's musical catalogue one will find such global thinking--from songs about Apartheid South Africa, to the implications of the Global AIDS epidemic. These types of songs were surpassed only by those he dedicated to the everyday struggles of the common Caribbean man and woman. It is hard to think of such themes in the vibrant, celebratory rhythms of Calypso, but therein lies the beauty of the Mighty Sparrow. Only he could draw attention to the serious issues of his world and community, and still make you want to dance. In so doing, Sparrow truly embodies the spirit of the Caribbean--though they face obstacles, they face them with an almost joyous optimism which can never be broken. As for Mr. Sparrow today, he shows no signs of letting up. Fifty years, 70 albums, and millions of fans later, he continues to record songs, and bring crowds to their feet with his live performances around the world. In his first song released in 1956, Sparrow confidently asserted, ``Yankee gone, Sparrow take over now!'' Fifty years later, it is safe to say that he delivered on his boast, as he is now the undisputed King of Calypso. I can only imagine what the next 50 years will bring.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to bring to the attention of my colleagues and this country an important announcement by the Bush Administration. This week, the Administration took to two important steps in developing a strong trade and investment partnership between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa. On Monday, President Bush announced the African Global Competitiveness Initiative, which continue and increase funding for trade capacity building efforts currently funded under the Trade for African Development and Enterprise Program. Under these new changes, the U.S. Agency for International Development's Regional Trade Hubs would be expanded from three to four in order to create greater opportunities and mechanisms for trading in Africa. The Hubs are currently located in Accra, Ghana; Gaborone, Botswana; Nairobi, Kenya. These hubs are important in identifying, promoting, and developing trading alliances that benefit the people of Africa and the U.S. On Wednesday, during her visit to Dakar, Senegal, the Honorable Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice announced the creation of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) Diversification Fund. The fund will provide resources to help African countries diversify their economies, including the development of transportation systems in African countries. It would provide important opportunities to assist in Africa's development of new and emerging markets and technologies and aid in their economic progress These initiatives are useful steps forward. I look forward to working with the Administration to ensure that these programs are fully funded and that we conduct a sustained effort to promote growth in Africa that reaches everyone--working people, farmers, and businesses--by extending duty-free allowances for apparel produed in Africa using the fabric from other regions, and in diversifying the range of products eligible for duty-free treatment under AGOA. These steps continue recent efforts of the United States and the international community to reach out to the people of Africa in order to aid in their economic development. It is important that the United States takes a role in assisting the African community in this regard. With the resources, knowledge, and manpower of this country; we should be able to reach more to our brothers and sisters in Africa. We should continue to provide aid and assistance to these developing countries in the interest of ensuring quality lives, healthy environments, and real opportunities for people who have too often been excluded from technological advances. We should finding ways to address the crippling poverty, the disturbing barriers to adequate health care, and the limitations and restrictions to education and progress that predominate in the countries of Africa. The Administration has taken two important steps in this regard in the last week. The 109th Congress should join with the President and other African leaders to ensure that everything is done to ensure that the progress of the 21st century does not pass Africa by. I submit for the Congressional Record three statements from the Bush White House and the State Department detailing their efforts and justifications for extending our assistance to the people of Africa. Let us push forward in our efforts and our resolve to assist the continent of Africa and its people. African Global Competitiveness Initiative ``I think one of the things that many African nations have come to discover is that through trade, they can develop a more hopeful society rather than through aid. . . . When you open up your market to entrepreneurs and small businesses, it helps spread wealth. And that's, after all, what we're trying to achieve.''--President George W. Bush, June 7, 2005.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise to draw attention to the life and legacy of a towering figure in the struggle for global human rights. Marcus Garvey is now widely viewed as one of the most crucial figures in the modern history of peoples of African descent, and is considered a national hero in his native Jamaica. The movement he started with the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) during the early 1900's is still the largest that the modern Black world has ever seen. During a bleak and oppressive period, he gave Black people in this country and around the world a pride in themselves and a hope for the future. His efforts were a major impetus in the later movements that ended legalized discrimination in this country, and freed many parts of the Black World from the shackles of colonization. Indeed, his life and philosophy were embraced by influential leaders of the 20th century such as Kwame Nkrumah, Martin Luther King and Malcolm X. Marcus Garvey has been an inspiration to me since I was a child. I was born, raised, and still live in Harlem, where Garvey established the Headquarters for the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Though I was born three years after Garvey was deported from the United States, his imprint on Harlem was still deep throughout my childhood and adolescence. I often met followers of Garvey's movement, known as Garveyites, who would preach his philosophy. Their words encouraged me to do my own research. As I grew older, I came to fully understand the importance of Garvey--both the man and his message--, and the injustice of his wrongful conviction. Despite his future impact, he lived in an early 20th century America that was very resistant to change. Many became threatened by the size and implications of his movement, and he soon became the target of significant government harassment, led by a young J. Edgar Hoover. Hoover became determined to rid the country of Garvey and his message. After many failed attempts to impugn his reputation and his motives, he ultimately became the victim of an unjust prosecution and conviction by the United States government in 1923, on a single count of mail fraud. So great was the outcry regarding the suspect nature of the conviction that President Calvin Coolidge would commute his sentence in 1927. The actions of J. Edgar Hoover in his capacity as FBI Director are well documented, and have been the source of much public objection. Indeed, we now know of the efforts he made to undermine and discredit Dr. Martin Luther King and the civil rights movement. Outside the issue of J. Edgar Hoover however, the case of Mr. Garvey highlights a regrettable period in American history--when groups and individuals inexcusably used the American legal system to assail innocent people, especially African Americans. Many, like Garvey, who had achieved great fame and success, were victims of such malevolence. Jack Johnson, the famous African American Boxer, is one example. His wrongful prosecution and conviction, which occurred little more than a decade before that of Marcus Garvey's, has elicited a bi-partisan effort in the Congress to bring about his exoneration. Since 1987 I have sought to clear the name of Marcus Garvey by seeking Congressional recognition of the injustice done to him, and securing a Presidential pardon of his conviction. I have continued this effort in 109th Congress with H. Con. Res. 57, and have received the most support for the effort since I first introduced legislation nearly 20 years ago. The case of Henry O. Flipper gives me optimism as I move forward with the current Garvey effort. Flipper was West Point's first Black graduate, and the Army's first black officer. But he was also the victim of an unjust, and racially motivated court-martial. President Clinton's 1999 exoneration of Mr. Flipper has cleared the way for other such posthumous Presidential pardons. In addition, I am also heartened by the fact that individuals and groups in the U.S. and around the world continue to ensure that the deeds and legacy of Marcus Garvey is preserved for future generations. UNIA, the organization which Marcus Garvey established nearly 100 years ago still exists today, and continues Marcus Garvey's message of self improvement and self awareness, through various education and service programs around the country. The organization will actually be having a 91st anniversary celebration here in Washington, DC on July 30th, which will serve to further illuminate the life and message of this important man. Other groups and organizations, such as the Connecticut-based International Foundation for the Exoneration of Marcus Garvey, have been active in spreading awareness of Marcus Garvey's wrongful conviction, and building support for the exoneration effort. I thank all of them for everything they continue to do to seek justice for Marcus Garvey and keep him alive in our hearts and minds. Marcus Garvey once asserted that, ``Action, self-reliance, the vision of self and the future, have been the only means by which the oppressed have seen and realized the light of their own freedom.'' This message transcends any race or group; it is a universal human American ideal. It is why the world must never forget Marcus Garvey.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the humanitarian efforts of Mr. Wyclef Jean and Herman Mendoza in addressing the needs of the Dominican and Haitian communities through their newly formed organization, ``One Voice'' in a much needed effort to create goodwill between Haitians and Dominicans on the Caribbean island of Hispaniola. Hip-hop musician Wyclef Jean, founder of Yele Haiti, a nonpolitical, nonprofit foundation that provides education and other opportunities for children in his impoverished nation, is working with Herman Mendoza, co-founder and director of operations for Stepping Stones Ministries, a College Point, New York nonprofit organization that provides humanitarian aid to countries hit by disasters and funds programs for troubled youth. ``One Voice'' is geared toward uniting Dominicans and Haitians through mutual support and aid. Its design is to encourage Dominicans in the U.S. to help Haitians in Haiti, and Haitians in the U.S. to help Dominicans back home. Relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic have been fractious for generations. Haiti--a prosperous French colony known as St. Domingue in the 17th century and later, the first black republic-- annexed the Dominican Republic (when it was known as Santo Domingo) in the 19th century. Haiti ruled all of Hispaniola from 1822 to 1844, when forces led by Juan Pablo Duarte established the Dominican Republic as an independent state. Other conflicts between the two countries have fueled mutual distrust. In 1937, under orders from President Rafael Trujillo, Dominican soldiers killed close to 30,000 Haitian sugar cane workers along the border. These events occurred in a matter of weeks for various reasons but mainly because the skin of the Haitians was a few shades darker than that of the Dominicans. The historical events surrounding the Dominican/Haitian relationship have continued to divide the Dominican Republic and Haiti so deeply that there may as well be an ocean not only around them but between them. The tenuousness of the Dominican/Haitian relationship remains, but the efforts of Mr. Wyclef Jean and Herman Menendez are an important first step in developing a mutual understanding between the two nations. I applaud their leadership on this issue and am pleased with their commitment to giving back to their communities in an effort to ease long seated resentment and unify the island and its people to achieve political, social, and economic development that will benefit the people of both nations. [From Newsday, July 3, 2005] Haitians, Dominicans Join Voices to Help A popular Haitian-American entertainer and a Dominican- American have joined forces to create goodwill between Haitians and Dominicans on the Caribbean island of Hispaniola. Hip-hop musician Wyclef Jean, founder of Yele Haiti, a nonpolitical, nonprofit foundation that provides education and other opportunities for children in his impoverished nation, is working with Herman Mendoza, co-founder and director of operations for Stepping Stones Ministries, a College Point nonprofit organization that provides humanitarian aid to countries hit by disasters and funds programs for troubled youth. Jean said the movement he and Mendoza started, called One Voice, ``will encourage Dominicans in the U.S. to help Haitians in Haiti, and Haitians in the U.S. to help Dominicans back home. This never happens,'' he said. ``Believe me.'' Relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic have been fractious for generations. Haiti--a prosperous French colony known as St. Domingue in the 17th century and later, the first black republic--annexed the Dominican Republic (when it was known as Santo Domingo) in the 19th century. Haiti ruled all of Hispaniola from 1822 to 1844, when forces led by Juan Pablo Duarte established the Dominican Republic as an independent state. Other conflicts between the two countries have fueled mutual distrust. In 1937, under orders from President Rafael Trujillo, thousands of Haitian sugar cane workers in the Dominican Republic were massacred. Jean pointed to striking disparities between Haitians and Dominicans. He said in his country--which has been wracked by coups and invasions and is now the poorest nation in the hemisphere--most Haitians live on less than $1 a day; unemployment is close to 80 percent; more than 50 percent of the people are illiterate. In contrast, he said, there is 15 percent unemployment in the Dominican Republic and 15 percent of the population is illiterate. Mendoza said he did not notice tension during a recent visit to his homeland, but he said numerous Haitians are there looking for work and are subject to checks by immigration officials. ``As far as Dominicans embracing Haiti, I don't see a problem,'' Mendoza said. ``We want to work out our differences socially, politically and economically. People will see there's no bias.'' One Voice is reaching out for medical and educational supplies for needy areas of both countries, sections of which were devastated by floods last year. Jean and Mendoza are asking the public to share some of what's in their medicine cabinets. They are collecting items for babies and adults, such as disinfectant and toothpaste, plus pens, crayons and notebooks, among other things. ``Numerous humanitarian service organizations as well as entertainment and music celebrities have pledged their support of this drive,'' Jean said. ``If each family puts together one kit, it can mean so much to our countries.'' A service that Stepping Stones Ministries sponsored on April 15 in Washington Heights--home to many Dominicans in New York--raised $1,000 to support the cause. A similar service is scheduled for July 30 at the True Worship Church in the East New York section of Brooklyn. One Voice hopes to help children in both countries fulfill their dreams. ``Despite what history tells them about the conflicts between Haiti and the Dominican Republic, we want them to know they are one,'' said Jean. ``Our project is set up to show them that at least Dominicans and Haitians in the U.S. can live that reality. ``The first step,'' Jean added, ``is for us to send aid to the most impoverished communities, not as Haitians or Dominicans, but as One Voice.''

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to bring to the attention of my colleagues the important and significant words of the Ambassador of Belize to the United States Her Excellency Lisa Shoman in her opinion editorial in today's edition of The Hill newspaper. As Ambassador of Belize in Washington, Ambassador Shoman has been a powerful and effective advocate for the interest of the people of Belize. She has brought to the attention of this Congress individually and collectively the importance of building, strengthening, and nurturing good relations between our two countries, not simply out of economic incentive, but for cultural and development purposes as well. Belize is truly privileged to have such an effective representative here in Washington, DC. Belize admittedly is a small country in size, covering an area about the size of Massachusetts and with a population of only 275,000. It faces many of the challenges of small and developing nations as well as those pertinent to Central America. Nonetheless, it has a literacy rate of over 90 percent, an average life expectancy of 67 years, and a diverse background of religious and racial groups. With a gross domestic product of $1.778 billion and a third of the population living below the poverty line, Belize still faces many challenges to its economic development and stability. Nonetheless, the government of Belize has worked to nurture and support business relationships with the United States. Its leaders have reached out to the American government to find mechanisms for tackling the issues of homeland and domestic security needs. It has shown considerable willingness to assist in the reduction of drug trafficking from the country and has worked impressively to address the health care needs and concerns of its citizens. More still should be done to assist the people of Belize as they pursue means of economic and social advancement and tackle the crippling problems facing smaller nations. As they have reached out to us in the pursuit of answers and support to their problems, we should recognize the need for assistance and aid in their development. I believe that it is important that the U.S. Government continues to develop a strong relationship with our Belizean neighbors. Our global connectedness and shared interests are important causes that unite us today and will continue to draw us closer together. I therefore submit for the Record a copy of The Hill's op-ed column written by Ambassador Lisa Shoman, discussing the connectedness and relationship between the small but important country of Belize and the United States. I hope my colleagues understand the significance of nurturing this relationship and continuing to build an ever closer relationship with the nation of Belize. Belize: Small Country, Big Progress While media attention has been firmly focused on the proposed Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement, a regional success story that has captured virtually no attention is unfolding. The small nation of Belize (that I have the privilege of representing in Washington) has made significant strides over the past few years that have strengthened the bilateral relationship with the United States and attracted the attention of America's business community. Belize, a nation of about 275,000 people situated at the crossroads of Central America and the Caribbean, is a staunch friend of America; a solid, strong and peaceful democracy with an independent judiciary; and a nation open and welcoming to the American private sector. It became a British Crown colony in 1862 and achieved independence in 1981. Our two nations have had a long history of cordial relations. The United States is the home to the largest expatriate Belizean community in the world, some 150,000 strong, and thousands of American tourists visit my country each year, either by air or by cruise ship. But there is a more profound reason for why the nations are so close: The dedication of both governments to common objectives has naturally led to an increasingly cooperative and productive diplomatic relationship. Belize shares the central U.S. goals of eradicating terrorism, bolstering security, combating the scourges of drugs and international crime and protecting human rights. And we have put real action and effort to these tasks. Over just the past three to four years, Belize has agreed in principle to sign the Proliferation Security Initiative, a key initiative of the Bush administration intended to impede or stop shipments of weapons of mass destruction. Our ports were upgraded to meet the International Maritime Organization's International Shipping and Ports Security Code. Our Cabinet has approved the Agreement Concerning Cooperation in Suppressing Illicit Maritime and Air Trafficking in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances in the Caribbean Area (CRA), a key objective of the U.S. government. The CRA will not only pay dividends in reducing drug trafficking but also assist law-enforcement cooperation in areas such as arms smuggling and money laundering. Our two governments' determination to stamp out the drug trade yielded a concrete success last December in the conviction of a Belizean gang leader for multi-ton cocaine- importation offenses. The success of the operation was made possible through the cooperative efforts of the U.S. Attorney's Office in New York City and officials in the Belizean Office of Public Prosecutions and our Police Department. We have acceded to the U.N. Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children, and we are committed to work together to stamp out all forms of human slavery. Our two nations have signed and brought into force an extradition treaty and a mutual legal-assistance treaty intended to strengthen law- enforcement cooperation. This fast-paced diplomatic activity is not only a direct result of the excellent relations between Belize and the United States but also an important expression of my country's fundamental commitment to the principle of the rule of law and of the necessity for a rules-based world. That commitment governs Belize's relationship with her international investors and commercial firms operating in and with the country. And the results speak for themselves. We are a beneficiary of the Caribbean Basin Initiative, and the United States is our largest trading partner. Two-way trade reached about $259 million in 2004 and, according to early 2005 statistics, is over 35 percent greater this year than over the corresponding period in 2004. The United States has consistently enjoyed a trade surplus. Our investment levels have also grown. The World Bank reports that from 2002 to 2003 (latest figures available) net inflows of foreign direct investment have increased by 60 percent. These are encouraging numbers but clearly are below Belize's potential. We are focused on lifting trade and investment levels and believe that we shall, given the foundation we have already built. Foreign investors are hardheaded business-people. They will not move into a country if the conditions are not right. The 2005 Index of Economic Freedom, jointly produced by the Heritage Foundation and The Wall Street Journal, is of particular interest to any investor. This careful analysis shows Belize outranking virtually all nations with which the United States is currently negotiating a free-trade-area agreement or providing funding through the U.S. government's Millennium Challenge Corp. The Belizean Constitution provides for an independent judiciary and, according to the State Department's Report on Human Rights Practices, the government generally respects this provision in practice. The report certifies that people accused of civil or criminal offenses have constitutional rights to presumption of innocence, protection against self- incrimination, defense by counsel, a public trial and appeal. Belize has a Freedom of Information Act and an independent ombudsman who acts as a check on government power. Abuses occur in every country. The report noted that when instances of alleged inappropriate behavior by a government agency arose, the matters were settled under the rule of law and due process. Belize is making significant progress, strengthening its commitment to a secure world, helping the United States in our common cause to fight terrorism, protecting human rights and promoting and welcoming trade and investment. Belize is a small country with much to offer the United States and its investors. We pledge to work with Congress and the U.S. business community so that you will get to know us better.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support a resolution to temporarily suspend restrictions on remittances, gift parcels, and family travel to Cuba in order to allow Cuban-Americans to assist their relatives in the aftermath of Hurricane Dennis. I have long opposed the embargo against Cuba, as I strongly believe that restricting travel and trade is a failed policy that harms the people of Cuba, and works against the promotion of democracy on the island. This is clearly evidenced in the wake of Hurricane Dennis when due to political sanctions Cuban Americans are powerless to reach out and assist their loved ones in a time of need. Hurricane Dennis was a disastrous force that killed 16 people, destroyed numerous buildings and homes and left Cuba with $1.4 billion in property damage. The embarrassingly small $50,000 in aid offered by the U.S. is not nearly enough to address the needs of the millions of Cubans who have been left without food, clean water, electricity, and shelter caused by the devastation of Hurricane Dennis. It is unfortunate that the U.S. government is unwilling to make a substantial contribution to the humanitarian mission in Cuba, but to deny Cuban Americans the right to help their families in a time of overwhelming need is an outrage. It is a policy that is both unethical and un-American. The Cuban people are the ones who are suffering and it is time to put politics aside and ease restrictions to allow Cuban-Americans to help their families and assist in disaster relief. This disaster is a prime example of why U.S. policy towards Cuba must be reevaluated. As it stands there is no exception in the law for emergency situations on the island and is therefore inhumane and serves as punishment to the people who are most vulnerable: Cuban citizens. The recent case of Sgt. Carlos Lazo and his inability to visit his sons in Cuba is another example of why rigid U.S. policy towards Cuba must be reevaluated. Sgt. Lazo deserves the opportunity to visit his sons in Cuba. His story has become well known to many in Congress through his activism in trying to change Cuba policy. He has served in war for his adopted Nation, and the fact that he is denied the ability to see his sons more often than once every three years is absurd and indefensible. For years Cuba policy has been driven by the Cuban-American community in Miami. It is clear, however, that the community no longer supports a hard-line approach. Many Cuban-Americans feel betrayed that their government dictates which family members they travel to see and how often they may do so. Cuban-Americans should have the right to visit their families, send them gifts, needed supplies, and money without the government restrictions now in place. Developing a relationship with Cuba is an important foreign policy goal and in order to achieve this goal a new and rational approach to relations between our countries is urgently needed, based on dialogue, open travel and increased trade. [From the New York Times, July 6, 2005] Florida's Zeal Against Castro Is Losing Heat Miami.--Fidel Castro is not dead, but he has haunted Miami for nearly 50 years. This is a city where newscasters still scrutinize Mr. Castro's health and workers conduct emergency drills to prepare for the chaos expected upon his demise. Spy shops still flourish here, and a store on Calle Ocho does brisk business in reprints of the Havana phone book from 1959, the year he seized power. But if Mr. Castro's grip on Cuban Miami remains strong, the fixation is expressed differently these days. The monolithic stridency that once defined the exile community has faded. There is less consensus on how to fight Mr. Castro and even, as Cuban- Americans grow more politically and economically diverse, less intensity of purpose. Some call it shrewd pragmatism, others call it fatigue. In May, Luis Posada Carriles, a militant anti-Castro fighter from the cold war era, was arrested here on charges of entering the country illegally and was imprisoned in EI Paso, where he awaits federal trial. Barely anyone in Miami protested, even though many Cuban-Americans consider Mr. Posada, 77, to be a hero who deserves asylum. A month earlier, two milestones--the 25th anniversary of the Mariel boatlift, which brought 125,000 Cubans to the United States and transformed Miami, and the fifth anniversary of the seizure of Elian Gonzalez--passed almost quietly. When a Miami Herald columnist went to Cuba in June and filed dispatches critical of Mr. Posada, who is suspected in a deadly airline bombing and other violent attacks, indignant letters to the editor were the only protest. In the past, Cuban-Americans boycotted The Herald and smeared feces on its vending boxes to protest what they considered pro-Castro coverage. This city where raucous demonstrations by exiles were once as regular as summer storms has seen few lately. One theory is that the people whose life's mission was to defeat Mr. Castro and return to the island one day--those who fled here in the early years of his taking power--have grown old and weary. ``We are all exhausted from so much struggle'', said Ramon Saul Sanchez, leader of the Democracy Movement, an exile organization that once ran flotillas to the waters off Cuba to protest human-rights abuses. Mr. Sanchez, 50, also belonged to Alpha 66, an exile paramilitary group that trained in the Everglades, mostly in the 1960's and 70's, for an armed invasion of Cuba, and later protested around the clock outside Elian Gonzalez's house. Now, he said, he prefers less attention-grabbing tactics, quietly supporting dissidents on the island from an office above a Laundromat. The subtler approach is gaining favor. Cuban-Americans have grown more politically aware since the Elian Gonzalez episode, many say, when their fervor to thwart the Clinton administration and the boy's return to his father in Cuba drew national contempt. Americans who had paid little attention to the policy debate over Cuba tended to support sending Elian home, polls showed, and were put off by images of exiles blocking traffic and flying American flags upside down in protest. ``Elian Gonzalez was a great lesson, a brutal lesson,'' said Joe Garcia, the former executive director of the Cuban- American National Foundation, a once belligerent but now more measured exile group. ``It woke us up.'' Mayor Manny Diaz, a Cuban-American whose political career took off after he served as a lawyer for Elian's Miami relatives, said he decided afterward it was more important to heal the wounds in Miami than to criticize the Castro government. Mr. Diaz did not mention Cuba in his State of the City speech this spring--an absence the local alternative newspaper called ``downright revolutionary.'' In fact, Mr. Diaz said he had never used Mr. Castro's name to rouse support. ``I wish he'd get run over by an 18-wheeler tomorrow,'' Mr. Diaz said of Mr. Castro. ``But as mayor, I'm supposed to fix your streets and your parks and your potholes.'' Also revolutionary is that Cuban-Americans, solidly Republican since President John F. Kennedy's decision not to support the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, are reconsidering their allegiance. Most still stand by President Bush, which helps explain their silence after the arrest of Mr. Posada. Yet they also say Mr. Bush has repeatedly let them down. He has continued the ``wet foot, dry foot'' policy that President Bill Clinton adopted, letting Cuban refugees who make it to shore remain in this country but sending back those stopped at sea. Mr. Bush also adopted new restrictions last year on visiting and sending money to relatives in Cuba, which all but the most hard-line exiles say hurts Cuban families more than Mr. Castro. More recently, the Bush administration discussed reassigning to Iraq a special military plane it bought to help broadcast TV and Radio Marti in Cuba, a priority of exile groups. ``The Cuban-American community helped elect this guy,'' Mr. Garcia said, ``and even then Cuban-Americans get short shrift.'' Mr. Garcia made waves last fall by resigning from the Cuban-American National Foundation to join a Democratic advocacy group. Jose Basulto, the leader of Brothers to the Rescue, a group that flew over the Florida Strait in the 1990s seeking rafters in distress, held a news conference in 2003 to announce that he was abandoning the Republican Party. But while Mr. Garcia, 41, has severed ties with the Bush White House, Mr. Basulto, 64, has hope. His new goal is the indictment of Mr. Castro's brother and chosen successor, Raul Castro, for drug trafficking or for the 1996 shooting down of two Brothers to the Rescue planes by Cuban fighters, in which four men were killed. Mr. Basulto announced in May that he was offering $1 million for information that could lead to the indictment. So far, he said, he has received no word from Washington. ``The United States is duty bound, duty bound to act in bringing justice for these guys,'' Mr. Basulto said, speaking of the downed pilots. Like other outspoken exiles, he questions the administration's ousting of Saddam Hussein in Iraq before Mr. Castro. ``We don't want to see a double standard,'' he said. ``We don't want to see democracy in Iraq and not in Cuba. We are owed that much.'' His frustration was echoed by Miguel Saavedra, the leader of Vigilia Mambisa, a hard-line exile group. Mr. Saavedra said some exiles had been discouraging protests for fear of antagonizing the White House--but not his faction. ``We're not calming down,'' he said. ``We're not tired. We haven't surrendered.'' But when Vigilia Mambisa tried to rally support for Mr. Posada in May at the revered Cuban restaurant Versailles in Little Havana, and at the Torch of Friendship, a downtown monument, only a few dozen people showed up. Their shouts could not pierce the buzz of traffic. The eclipse of the old exile passions is looming in a more literal way down the street from the Torch of Friendship, at the Freedom Tower, an elegant yellow beacon where more than half a million Cuban refugees were processed in the early years of the Castro government. The family of Jorge Mas Canosa, the founder of the Cuban American National Foundation, once had plans to spend $40 million restoring the building as a museum of the exile experience. The tower's new owner is Pedro Martin, a Cuban- American who remembers going there in the 1960s to pick up food for his family. The museum is still in the works, but Mr. Martin's larger plan is to erect a 62-story condominium building around it, all but making the Freedom Tower vanish from the Miami skyline.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor an outstanding newspaper publisher and business entrepreneur who pursued a successful career in business while remaining rooted in the community and opening many doors of opportunity for others. Mr. John L. Procope was an important voice in Harlem politics, society, and education and his influence and impact was felt beyond his home community in the City of New York and the nation. He passed away on July 15, 2005. In 1971, John and a group of five co-owners bought the Amsterdam News in Harlem and kept an important black newspaper alive and running in a community that needed and wanted to be kept abreast of events in Black America. Through his work as the paper's publisher, he ensured that the community was aware of issues of importance to them and knowledgeable on the events of the day. Through his ownership of the Amsterdam News, he worked to inform, educate, and activate a community which had suffered through difficult times and knew that to improve their stake in society they would have to be diligent on the issues. He did not stray from controversial topics or fail to express his opinions in the best interest of his community. Following the riots in reaction to the 1977 blackout in New York, John was outraged by the reaction of the black community and readily expressed his criticism of young alienated Blacks and the lack of black leadership in properly addressing the situation and providing hope for future generations. John would later head up the Emergency Aid Commission to provide grants to local businesses harmed by the looting that ensued from the blackout. He impressed upon the community and its political and social leadership the importance of building up and supporting local businesses, rather than tearing them down and destroying their economic ability. John Procope saw the value of investing in local businesses in our communities. He encouraged entrepreneurs to not only provide jobs to young people and the poor, but to provide opportunities to develop their skills and nurture their talents within the community. John and Ernesta, his wife, were strong advocates of the Fair Access to Insurance Requirements plan in 1968 and have continued to work in highly visible ways to address critical issues and to support humanitarian and cultural causes within the community. Though John passed away at the age of 82, he led a full and rewarding life. He championed the good causes, fought the right fights, and demanded the most of himself and others. I knew him as an exceptional individual and a trusted friend. The attached obituary from the New York Times (July 18, 2005) highlights the life story and accomplishments of Mr. Procope. John L. Procope, 82, Publisher of Black Newspaper in Harlem, Dies July 18, 2005.--John L. Procope, an entrepreneur and former publisher of The New York Amsterdam News, died on Friday. He was 82 and lived in Queens. The cause was complications from pneumonia, according to E. G. Bowman Co., where he had served as chairman. Mr. Procope, a graduate of Morgan State University, was a marketing and advertising executive at several companies before he joined a consortium that bought The Amsterdam News, a black newspaper based in Harlem, in 1971. He was one of six co-owners of the newspaper when he succeeded Clarence B. Jones as publisher in 1974. After the 1977 blackout and the resultant looting, Mr. Procope broke the traditional restraint of vocal criticism against other prominent blacks. He published a blistering front-page editorial that contended that there was a ``massive vacuum of leadership in the black communities across the city.'' The editorial said that since black leaders ``hadn't exercised real leadership prior to the blackout, there was no established communication with our young people to use as a base for communication when the looters began.'' He was appointed chairman of the seven-member Emergency Aid Commission, which disbursed about $3 million in grants to businesses hurt by the looting. In the late 1970's, two co-owners of The Amsterdam News tried to remove Mr. Procope as publisher, saying that business contracts his wife, Ernesta G. Procope, had with the city resulted in a conflict of interest--a contention the Procopes denied. Mr. Procope left the newspaper in 1982 to focus on E. G. Bowman, an insurance company that had been founded by his wife that was one of the first major African-American-owned businesses on Wall Street. The company's client list started with underserved Brooklyn homeowners but grew to include Fortune 500 companies. Mr. Procope and his wife were a driving force behind the creation of the Fair Access to Insurance Requirements plan in 1968 to help make insurance available to all residents of New York State. He and his wife were also highly visible in political and philanthropic circles. In addition to his wife, he is survived by two sisters, Dr. Jean Martin of Bloomfield, Conn.; and Jonelle Terrell of Manhattan.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise to share an important and exciting program with my colleagues today. The Charles B. Rangel International Affairs Program was initiated from my desire that the State Department's Diplomatic Corps abroad would reflect the rich diversity represented by its people at home. The program presents young adults from diverse backgrounds the opportunity to learn, participate, and become a part of the United States' diplomatic relations. The Honorable Gentleman from New York, Mr. Serrano, has provided immeasurable support and commitment to this program and was of extraordinary service in commencing the program in 2001. I want to again thank him for his valuable contributions to the program. Earlier this week, I met with the ten extremely talented Rangel Fellows who are enrolled in various graduate programs across the country with a focus on international relations and related academic programs. It was tremendously rewarding to speak to and hear from these extraordinarily intelligent, enthusiastic, well-prepared, and committed young people; many of whom have already completed Overseas State Department Summer Internships through the program. These ten fellows are currently serving in the congressional offices of Representatives Eni F.H. Faleomavaega (Fellows Melanie Bonner and Natalie Waugh), Harold E. Ford, Jr. (Fellow Rachel Hawkins), Barbara Lee (Fellow Fonta Gilliam), Robert Menendez (Fellow Breanna Green), Gregory Meeks (Fellow Zainab Zaid), Donald M. Payne (Fellow Jared Yancey), Jose E. Serrano (Fellow David Lewis), as well as my own office (Fellow Andrea Corey). Fellow Candace Bates is completing an internship at the State Department's Bureau of Political-Military Affairs. I want to take this opportunity to thank my colleagues and friends for the invaluable experiences that they are providing and for personally hosting a Rangel Fellow in their offices. The experiences to be obtained in here in the House of Representatives will provide insight that is a special and unique part of this program. This Capitol Hill exposure and experience will be particularly useful as they enter the State Department as junior Foreign Service Officers. Thank you for the wonderful opportunities that you are providing this summer. It is with gratitude that I also thank Representatives Berkley, Christensen, Conyers, Hyde, Kilpatrick, Menendez, Millender-McDonald, and Serrano for hosting fellows last year, the inaugural session of the 2004 Rangel Fellows Congressional Program. I am extremely proud that there are currently 22 Rangel Fellows enrolled in graduate schools across the country, with a current intake of ten graduate students per year. Nine of these students are serving in internships in U.S embassies in locations around the world, including Pretoria, Luanda, Nairobi, Maseru, Dakar, Vientiane, Tegucigalpa, and Singapore. The diverse body of fellows includes Afro- Americans, Cambodian-Americans, Hispanic-Americans, Asian-Americans, and Caucasian Americans and draws on a variety of backgrounds and experiences. Earlier this month, I was extremely grateful and proud to be greeted in Singapore by two Rangel Fellows, Chelsa Wheeler who was assigned to the U.S. Embassy in Singapore and Christen Rhodes, who was assigned to Vientiane. I met and chatted with these two amazing young women while I was awaiting the report from the Olympics Site Selection Committee. This program is a successful collaboration between the Congress, the State Department, and Howard University, which administers the program with a cross-section of colleges and universities across the country. Former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell introduced the program on May 17, 2002 at a State Department ceremony and most recently, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice expressed her profound support for continuing and expanding this initiative. Although the program has several components, the two key components are the Fellows Program and the Summer Enrichment Program, SEP, a six- week program designed to expose students to foreign affairs careers and stimulate stronger interest in the Foreign Service. Approximately thirty students participate in the SEP each year and earn nine semester hours upon successful completion. Since 2003, over 53 undergraduate students have participated in the SEP, with a number being motivated to apply for Graduate Rangel Fellowships. In the last 2 years, the components of the Rangel Program were reviewed and evaluated by the State Department and were found to satisfy the stringent requirements for inclusion in the Department's prestigious Diplomacy Fellows Program. This milestone achievement has included the program in the distinguished ranks of such programs as the Presidential Management Interns, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and the Boren, Fascell, and Pickering Fellows Programs. As a result, fellows who successfully complete the Rangel Program and the State Department requirements will automatically receive employment offers and appointments to the Foreign Service. I am extremely proud of this program and its contributions to this country. Not only does it expose youth from various backgrounds and experiences to the importance and significance of international relations, it creates the opportunity to diversify our diplomatic corps and to assist in their employment and service to our country. We cannot afford to overlook or underutilize any of our valuable human resources here. In America, diversity is our strength. We have so much to offer in sharing our experience and creating a harmonious society. With our Nation's growing international involvement, there could be no better time than now to attract the very best, the brightest, and the most diverse talent available to represent the American people and champion our interests in every corner of the globe. I submit the following article from today's Roll Call on the program and the Fellows' recent visit to my office. It was indeed an honor to meet this talented group of America's future. fellowship fosters diversity: rangel fellowship focuses on foreign service Since 2003, Rep. Charlie Rangel (D-N.Y.) has been the impetus behind a program at Howard University designed to increase diversity in the State Department Foreign Service. ``Ever since I've been in Congress,'' Rangel explained in an interview, ``the absence of minorities in our embassies and official offices has been astounding.'' Every time he brought it up to a Secretary of State, however, he was told that the problem was lack of interest in the minority community. ``They said the kids couldn't pass the test, and that kids weren't interested,'' Rangel said. ``Everyone of them would have a meeting with me talking about change, and then leave office.'' That cycle changed with Madeleine Albright, President Bill Clinton's (D) final Secretary of State. ``She agreed that she would entertain a proposal, so I went to my first administrative assistant, Patrick Swygert, who had become president of Howard University.'' Along with former Secretary of State Colin Powell, a member of Howard's Board of Trustees, Swygert drafted a proposal to create the Rangel Fellowship. The fellowship, which pays students $28,000 a year to cover tuition and room and board, requires participants get a two- year master's degree in a field of interest to the foreign service. International affairs is the most obvious choice, but a whole range of subjects, including foreign languages and political science, are options. In addition to their studies, Rangel fellows are provided with two internships. One of those internships takes place on Capitol Hill in Congressional offices. Rangel is very proud of the bipartisan support he has received; participants in the program include Reps. Jose Serrano (D-N.Y.) and Henry Hyde (R-Ill.). ``It's a great program,'' Serrano spokesman Ben Allen said. ``It gives students a chance to see the Congressional side of government up close. The key thing is that it gives them experiences that will help them in the foreign service. The lessons that they learn here are invaluable.'' The most recent class of Charles B. Rangel International Affairs Program fellows graduated 20 participants at the end of May. The second internship takes place in a U.S. embassy. When Rangel traveled to Singapore to make New York's case for hosting the 2012 Olympics, he was pleasantly surprised to find himself greeted by two Rangel fellows, Chelsia Wheeler and Christen Rhodes. The fellows also participate in a summer enrichment program, a six-week program ``designed to stimulate stronger student interest in international affairs and to generate a deeper understanding and appreciation for career opportunities in international affairs.'' That program recently wrapped up and is not just for Rangel fellows; any college student who has completed his or her sophomore year can apply. Upon graduation, students are contractually committed to at least three years of service as a Foreign Service Officer. After a training period in Washington, officers are sent out around the globe to perform consular work. The program is directed by Kevin McGuire, formerly the ambassador to Namibia. He said that initially, the fellowship ``was designed to bring people to Washington for the summer enrichment program. This grew into the idea of a fellowship program. While we continue the SEP, the central focus right now is the fellowship program.'' The current Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, has also expressed her support for the program, even stating that she thinks it should be expanded, Rangel said. ``About a month ago I met with Condoleezza Rice, and she recommended I get this program going in every historically black college.'' Rangel has been thrilled by the level of participation thus far. ``It's been a smashing success. Their enthusiasm rejuvenates me. Retired black ambassadors who had to break new ground to get in the door, they are mentors for students today. A lot of mentoring goes on, and there's a lot of cooperation from the U.S. State Department.'' The Congressman believes that in a time of increased involvement with the rest of the world, the United States must make a special effort to increase the number of people in the diplomatic corps. ``We are recruiting people to keep the peace and keep the diplomacy,'' Rangel said. ``We need to reach out to people to show them how exciting the opportunity can be. We need to show them that there are different people all over the world.''

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, my dear friend, Jake Pickle, has left us but he will be remembered for both his accomplishments as a great Congressman and his ability to make everyone laugh. He was a special man--a man who prided himself in his sense of justice and a man who could tell a ``hell of a good story.'' Jake Pickle and I joined the Ways and Means Committee together in the 94th Congress. It was after Rep. Helstoski was defeated in the next election, that I got the privilege of sitting next to Jake for the remainder of his career in the House of Representatives. What an experience it was. He squeaked green plastic pickles at me (from deep in his pocket) and taught me how to de-shell two pecans with one hand and a single squeeze (and then eat them and throw the hulls under our desks with no one knowing). Over time, we became a team and sent juicy pecans to Members sitting down the row from us. Jake always thought that ``everyone should have a little something in their tummies to do good work.'' Jake Pickle and I became close personal friends over the years (as did our wives, Beryl and Alma). We could not have come from more different backgrounds--the inner-city of New York and the rolling hills of Texas. Yet, he became one of the Members I respected most for his sheer determination, unending zeal, and ability to truly develop bipartisan relationships. J.J. Pickle served in the Congress for 31 years representing the Texas 10th Congressional District--from December 1963-January 1995. All agree that Jake was a class act, a star, and someone to love because he loved back. I am one of the special few who signed his red pump organ--a treasure of his that he took home with him to Austin upon retirement and kept in his house. Signing the organ meant that you meant something to him. J.J. Pickle was very, very proud of his Congressional record. He would be the first to tell you that he did not seek to be famous, to be a Senator, to be Governor, or to be President. What Jake Pickle wanted to be was ``The Darn Best Congressman'' for his Congressional District and even a better one for his country. That he was, and more. Jake became Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee's Social Security Subcommittee in the early 1980s and led the charge for solving the system's financial problems. (It is too bad he is not with us now to do it again--on a bipartisan basis and in a prudent way.) The picture of Pickle standing next to President Reagan signing the ``Social Security Amendments of 1983'' is a classic of the decade. Jake moved on and became Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee's Oversight Subcommittee for 10 years. One of his proudest accomplishments was reforming the tax code penalties so that they were fair to taxpayers. His face adorned the cover of a major tax publication titled, ``Congress At Its Best.'' Pickle was relentless in many ways. Once he drafted a ``Taxpayer Bill of Rights;'' it was his personal goal to see it enacted into law--and it was. Once he learned that some TV evangelists were stealing from the public, it was his personal goal that they visit the Committee and change--and they did. Once he learned that tax-exempt organizations were being used as fronts for illegal activities; it was his goal that the Justice Department intervene--and they did. Once he learned that workers' pension plans were not funded properly; it was his goal to change the law to protect retirees--and he succeeded. Even to the end, he was counseling us (Members and staff) about the issues Congress needed to ``get a rope around and move it.'' So I will close with the following: I missed Jake when he retired from Congress in 1995. But now I miss him more. He was a good man and he will not be forgotten.