Charlie Rangel

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to talk about the importance of service, contribution, and dedication. Most Americans recognize these attributes of great leaders and humanitarians. They give of their time, their energy, and their life in the pursuit of the uplift of their people, their generation, and their cause. They see problems, challenges, and struggles and do not wander aimlessly, but head directly, for a solution. They do not wait for others to take the lead of change; they implement the change themselves. Most Americans would readily acknowledge the true leaders and humanitarians of our time. Few however strive and achieve that recognition though. Dr. Kenneth Bancroft Clark is one of those who had in his life worked for the uplift of all people and particularly African-Americans in this country. He saw the educational problems, the employment challenges, and the academic struggles that faced the African-American community. Instead of waiting for others to investigate the impact of racism and segregation on Black America, Dr. Clark conducted his own psychological studies of the negative perceptions of black children in their lives. He provided testimony to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in their case against school segregation. His study, which showed how segregation had fostered negative self-perceptions and feelings of inferiority among Black youth, was cited by the Supreme Court in their Brown v. Board of Education decision ending the practice. When Black leaders--then beginning to become elected public officials as a result of the Voting Rights Act of 1965--saw the need for a national organization to create and implement programs to train the newly elected representatives to public office and create a network for their mutual support, Dr. Clark proposed the establishment of a Black- led think tank that would advance strategies to hasten desegregation and eliminate discrimination. Dr. Clark outlined the structure and objectives of that organization and wrote publicly about the significance that such an organization would have. He placed the plan for the organization in historical, contemporary, and advanced terms. Dr. Clark worked to amass a body of scholars, activists, and community leaders to endow the organization and move it to play an important role in the community. He then selected the perfect leader for the Joint Center in Eddie N. Williams, an educator and former State Department official with whom Dr. Clark had worked to increase the number of African-Americans in the Foreign Service. The team of Kenneth Clark and Eddie Williams determined the direction and mission of the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. As the challenges of integrating local school systems increasingly became apparent to the American public, Dr. Clark proposed educational reforms and innovative ideas for addressing these challenges. He served on the New York Board of Regents for two decades, faithfully working to improve the schools, the educational facilities and the curriculum for our future generations of leaders. When this country and Black America needed someone to stand up for the important issues and causes of the day, Dr. Kenneth Clark was there to fight for our interests. He was a great humanitarian, a powerful champion, and a superb pioneer for the uplift of Black Americans, the American public, and the world community. Dr. Clark passed away on May 1, 2005. He will long be remembered for his service, dedication, and contribution to building a better America. I submit to the Record the following article, written by the Joint Center's new retired leader Eddie N. William the current edition of Focus, the magazine of the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies about the life and times of Dr. Kenneth Bancroft Clark. Reflecting on Kenneth Bancroft Clark: Pioneer and Inspiration to the Joint Center July/August 2005.--Kenneth Bancroft Clark, the distinguished social psychologist whose testimony on the effect of prejudice on children significantly influenced the landmark 1964 Supreme Court desegregation decision, died on May 1, 2005, at age 90. His many achievements as a scholar-activist, author, and civil rights advocate have been duly noted in many written and oral eulogies. He was truly a giant among his contemporaries, a mighty oak in the world of ideas dedicated to compassionate action. He had a profound impact on this nation. One of Clark's most important achievements, however, has not been celebrated nearly enough. It is a living testament to his genius, skill, prescience, and unswerving commitment to empowering blacks--the term he always used. He conceived the idea of the Joint Center for Political Studies in 1969 and wrote the proposal that the Ford Foundation funded in 1970. He was also a member of the Joint Center's board of governors during its first 14 years. The Beginning of a New Chapter Clark believed the Joint Center would serve as a bridge between the protest phase of the civil rights movement, which effectively ended with the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., in 1968 and the political/public policy phase of the civil rights movement. He believed the Joint Center needed to be launched in order to develop and implement programs and laws to hasten desegregation and spur equal opportunity. He field-tested his ideas with key black political figures around the country, and they were converted. Percy Sutton and Basil Patterson in New York City, Mervyn Dymally in California, and Richard Newhouse in Illinois became standard bearers for a new political thrust in the civil rights movement. So did journalist-political guru Louis Martin and Vernon Jordan, who was already busy registering blacks to vote in the South through the Voter Education Project. The culmination of their efforts was the 1969 Institute for Black Elected Officials, which Clark convened in Washington D.C. In a brilliant essay co-authored by Clark and distinguished historian John Hope Franklin, titled, ``The Nineteen Eighties: Prologue and Prospect'' and published by the Joint Center in 1981, the authors wrote: At the 1969 Institute for Black Elected Officials, which laid the foundation for the Joint Center for Political Studies (now Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies), it was consensus that political activity among blacks had become the `new cutting edge' of the civil rights movement. They added: Within the past ten years, it has become even clearer that the `cutting edge' of the civil rights movement needs to be sharpened by the inclusion of groups and individuals who are not ordinarily considered political. For blacks, the political challenge of the Eighties is identical to the civil rights challenge of the Sixties--to mobilize all of the available forces and power necessary to attain the goal of racial justice. While these words were written nearly a quarter century ago, the authors' keen historical perspective and clarity of vision have stood the test of time and speak to us today about the unfinished tasks which lie ahead. They looked into the future with the skepticism of scholars and pragmatists, and yet their perceptions reflect the faith that has sustained black people in their search for justice, equality, and opportunity. Clark's writings, values, and perspectives helped to endow the Joint Center with a unique vision and sense of purpose: I was fortunate that I met KBC, as some of us affectionately called him, in 1965, the year the Voting Rights Act was passed, five years before the Joint Center opened its doors, and seven years before I would become the organization's president. At the time, I was director of the Office of Equal Opportunity in the U.S. Department of State, and Clark had been engaged to conduct a study of the Foreign Service Officer entry examination process. Going back to the days of Ralph Bunche, relatively few blacks made it into the prestigious State Department. Clark's job was to identjfy any discriminatory aspects of the examination. Asked later about his findings in this proprietary study, Clark smiled and said: ``My study will never see the light of day.'' It is still emtombed in the State Department vaults. Meanwhile, the scarcity of black employment and appointments there persists. In their 1981 essay, Clark and Franklin, both preeminent American intellectual pioneers, proposed a challenge to the Joint Center and indeed the nation as a whole: . To the extent that racial justice . . . must be defined in terms of the economic progress . . . of deprived blacks, new methods and approaches must be found to cope with . . . pervasive and insidious forms of racism. Black politics now, more than ever, must transcend the usual boundaries and methods of American politics. By mobilizing in [coalitions] blacks can directly influence the political system, and can win new allies who realize that it is in their self-interest to renew the struggle for racial equality and justice. Policy and Racial Justice Clark and Franklin did more than provide a historical framework for the Joint Center as a new kind of civil rights entity, one focusing on political participation and public policy engagement as new weapons in the fight for justice and equality. Drawing on the works of W.E.B. DuBois, they articulated an intellectual framework for the metamorphosis of the nation's first black think tank. In 1982 they collaborated with the Joint Center to create The Committee on Policy for Racial Justice, a group of 30 preeminent black scholars who would convene periodically over nearly a decade to explore the vast array of problems facing black Americans. The committee members published their views in three areas: the economy, the black family, and education. I think both KBC and Franklin would insist I list all of the scholars here to convey both the rich intellectual diversity and the think tank quality of the other Committee members. Many of these people were highly placed elected officials; the first black women to serve as a Cabinet secretary; and the first black female U.S. ambassador. They were: Bernard Anderson, economist; Mary Frances Berry, historian and lawyer; Derrick Bell, lawyer; Haywood Burns, lawyer; Lisle C. Carter, Jr., lawyer; Jewell Cobb, social scientist; James Comer, psychiatrist; Drew Days, lawyer; James Gibbs, anthropologist; Bernard Gifford, educator; Charles V. Hamilton, political scientist; Patricia Roberts Harris, lawyer; Matthew Holden, political scientist; Joyce Hughes, lawyer; Walter Leonard, lawyer; Sir Arthur Lewis, sociologist; Eleanor Holmes Norton, lawyer; J. Saunders Reddings, social scientist; William Shack, social scientist; Elliott P. Skinner, anthropologist; Mabel Smythe, Africanist; Howard Stanback, economist; Roger Wilkins, journalist/social scientist; William J. Wilson, sociologist. With this intellectual powerhouse, the Joint center moved from an organization providing technical assistance to black elected officials and civil rights leaders to a full-fledged one-stop-shop research and public policy institution, commonly referred to as a `think tank.' Such was the vision and influence of Kenneth Bancroft Clark. In addition to his many other laudable achievements, he launched a movement and an institution. A mighty oak has fallen, but its seeds have taken root and continued to flourish. The Joint Center is one of them.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize and celebrate a special occasion for our neighbors and friends in the Bahamas. Last Sunday, July 10, marked the 32nd anniversary of the independence of the islands of the Bahamas. I join my friends of Bahamian heritage and the many citizens of that multi-island nation in celebrating the beauty and uniqueness of their homeland. On July 10, 1973, the people of the Bahamas peacefully and successfully gained full independence within the British Commonwealth. Once a colony of the British Crown, the Bahamas has emerged as an important voice in international and regional affairs, impacting the Americas and the global community. The Bahamian culture is an intriguing mixture of its African, European, and indigenous population. The celebrations of this island nation are welcomed festivities and commemorations of the beauty of international culture and merriment. The people truly embrace and emphasize their rich historical backgrounds, national pride, and appreciation of human nature. This is a place where the simplicity of life is fully enjoyed and its complexities are dealt with one day at a time. While still facing economic and social challenges in its development, the Bahamas remain a popular tourist attraction which enjoys excellent relations with the U.S. The country and its government have worked diligently to uplift itself and move towards prosperity. The islands offer a rich diversity of geography, history, and beauty that attracts visitors and guests from around the world. Tourism alone provides an estimated 60 percent of the gross domestic product and employs about half the Bahamian work force. In 2000, more than 4 million tourists visited the Bahamas, 83 percent of them from the U.S. With help and assistance from its friends, the Bahamas will continue to grow in prosperity, peace, and beauty. I congratulate the people of the Bahamas on their 32nd Independence Day and know that many more years of successful growth and economic development are ahead of them. I also wish our friends in the Bahamas years of peace and tranquility, independence and justice, and a robust and prosperous economy. Bahamas Is Blessed--Dame Ivy Governor-General Ivy Dumont reminded Bahamians of how blessed the country has been over the years, as celebrations to mark 32 years of independent nationhood unfolded at Clifford Park on Saturday night. In her Independence Day message, Mrs. Dumont said since 1973, Bahamians have made much progress in national economic and political life. She challenged all political, spiritual and civic leaders to continue to adopt the fundamental doctrine upon which the country's independence was declared. That principle, she said, is a national commitment to self- discipline, industry, loyalty, unity and an abiding respect for Christian values and the rule of law. ``As a people we have many reasons to celebrate, not least being the blessings upon our nation flowing from our godly heritage. It is to this rich spiritual legacy that we, as Bahamians, attribute our orderly and sustained economic, social and political development. Accordingly, respect for and service to God must remain the centerpiece of our national life.'' Prime Minister Perry Christie also noted the importance of observing the founding of the nation in his Independence Day message. He pointed out that while other nations were forged out of war, revolution and bloodshed, The Bahamas emerged out of a peaceful transition from colonial rule to an independent state. ``For those of us who were witnesses to this momentous occasion--the birth of a nation--the enthusiasm, pride and reverence for this day will forever remain fresh in our minds,'' Mr. Christie said. ``It is important therefore, that we seek to pass on these same sentiments to the many who view the 10th July, 1973 as merely an historical date, so that the sense of patriotism and national pride will forever burn bright in the hearts and minds of all Bahamians.'' He recalled that Independence Day has always been a time of great festivity throughout the country. Mr. Christie expressed that every nation should celebrate its founding and development, because nationhood embodies, among other attributes, the culture, ethnicity, values, history and the collective strength of a people. Thirty-two years ago, under the watchful gaze of thousands of Bahamians, the Union Jack was lowered and the black, aquamarine, and gold-coloured flag of an independent Bahamas was hoisted for the first time on Clifford Park. The Bahamas was now a sovereign nation, having been a colony of Great Britain for 250 years.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to praise the release of a very timely report which documents an issue of growing importance to the United States. The report, entitled ``Breaking the Oil Syndrome: Responsible Hydrocarbon Development in West Africa'', was commissioned by the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, and argues that the United States must work to build a strategic alliance with energy producing Nations in the Gulf of Guinea region of West Africa--in an attempt to both broaden the supply of U.S. energy imports, and provide economic and political development to the West Africa region. The call for an alliance is warranted for several reasons. Firstly, the demand for energy resources within the United States, and globally, is predicted to surge in coming years. China and India with their enormous populations; and burgeoning economies, promise to one day rival the United States in terms of energy demand. Even when considering Western demand alone the situation is concerning. Just this month, Saudi Arabian officials predicted that the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) will be unable to meet projected western demand in 10 to 15 years. This increasing demand comes at a time when the U.S. needs to shift its reliance away from its traditional energy providers. The events of 9/11 demonstrated just how much of a liability our dependence on Middle East oil has become. Our over-dependence on Middle East oil--and our subsequent influence with Middle East governments--is a source of resentment and hostility in the region. This contributes to regional instability, which in turn helps to keep the price of energy resources high. Some have even posited that our dependence on Middle East oil weakens our posture in addressing the global war on terrorism. Equally concerning is the fact that Venezuela, a major non-Middle Eastern energy exporter, is not exactly an ally of the current U.S. Administration, and stability in that country is tenuous at best. With all of these worrisome issues swirling around the current international energy landscape, the Gulf of Guinea offers the United States a potentially significant and fruitful energy partnership--if we lay the proper foundation now. The Gulf of Guinea currently accounts for 14 percent of U.S. oil supply, with the region possibly poised to increase its share of U.S. imports to over 20 percent in coming years if the requisite investment and security environment is further developed. The region's share of global oil production is already predicted to rise from around 4 percent to nearly 6 percent by 2007, and attract $40 billion in investment within the current decade. As such the nations of the Gulf of Guinea--Nigeria, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Sao Tome and Principe (along with Angola)--must engender the focused and balanced engagement of U.S. policy makers. With the region also predicted to garner over $150 billion in oil- related government revenues by 2010, opportunities and pitfalls are ever-present. The region still suffers from serious deficiencies in the area of anti-corruption, transparency, and the rule of law. With such large financial windfalls predicted, the CBCF report asserts that the United States must work closely with its partners in the Gulf of Guinea region to help strengthen their capacities in this regard. If they fail, the results could be disastrous. Oil wealth has rarely translated into socio-political stability for most developing countries. In fact it has often had the opposite effect, because the institutional safeguards were not in place to ensure that the government was accountable to its citizens, and the country as a whole benefited from its own wealth. We can not allow that to happen in the Gulf of Guinea, especially considering the golden opportunity we now have. Again, I thank the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation for their report. I must especially commend the leadership of Congressman William Jefferson, Chair of the CBCF, as well as Dr. Maya Rockeymore, outgoing CBCF Vice President of Research and Programs, for their leadership in bringing this important issue to the forefront of the policy arena. [From the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, Inc., July 7, 2005] Congressional Black Caucus Foundation Calls West Africa a Strategic But Underutilized Partner in Quest for U.S. Energy Security Washington, DC.--As gas prices continue to skyrocket, the debate over how to address America's energy crisis has intensified among policymakers, analysts, and other key opinion leaders. Simultaneously, the U.S. faces increased international pressure to provide more aid, fair trade, and debt relief assistance to Sub-Saharan African countries. A new study by the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation (CBCF) entitled, ``Breaking the Oil Syndrome: Responsible Hydrocarbon Development in West Africa,'' argues that the U.S. must link these seemingly disparate concerns by forming a strategic alliance with West African hydrocarbon states that can help secure U.S. energy needs while advancing human and infrastructure development goals in West Africa. ``The fact of the matter is that West Africa is vital to the energy security of the United States,'' said Dr. Don Tharpe, President and CEO of CBCF. ``The region is poised to increase the world supply of oil but it has been largely overlooked as a key U.S. partner in this regard.'' ``Changing global geopolitical dynamics have once again increased U.S. interest in Africa and its natural resources. Yet, it will not be enough to conduct business as usual in West Africa,'' said Dr. Maya Rockeymoore, former CBCF Vice President of Research and Programs. ``The U.S. must embark upon a mutually beneficial alliance that increases U.S. energy security while promoting sustainable development in African oil-producing countries.'' The paper highlights that a mutually beneficial dynamic engagement framework will be especially important as the demand and competition for scarce oil resources increases in countries like China and India. According to Paul Michael Wihbey, the lead author of the study and President of Global Water and Energy Strategy Team, ``This report makes recommendations that could have significant implications for U.S. energy security over the short and long terms,'' Wihbey says. ``The U.S. has a very important opportunity at this critical juncture in world history. The country could benefit tremendously if it recognizes that good governance, infrastructure, and human development goals are keys to the security and sustainability of oil-exports from West African hydrocarbon states.'' The CBCF maintains that investment in alternative, non- carbon energy sources represents the greatest possibility for reducing U.S. dependence on foreign oil sources. Yet the Foundation recognizes that it will take time to develop mass technologies that utilize alternative energy sources across the various carbon-dependent industries. While it is important to support the development and application of non- carbon energy sources, in the meantime, it remains vitally important to diversify how and where the U.S. imports its oil. The paper will be released to the public on Tuesday, July 19, 2005 at 9:30 a.m. in the Members Room of the Library of Congress (Jefferson Building). The forum will be hosted by Congressman William J. Jefferson, Chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, and will feature Members of Congress, subject matter experts, key Bush Administration officials, private sector participants, and members of the African Diplomatic Corps. The CBCF, established in 1976, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan public policy, research and educational institute focused on leadership education, public health, economic development, and African globalism.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, events in Haiti over the last few months have been quite discouraging to those who seek stability and prosperity in that country. A year has passed since the forced removal of President Jean Bertrand Aristide, the Nation's democratically elected leader. At the time, members of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), as well as members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) regional block lamented and criticized Aristide's removal. Not only was Aristide's removal illegal, but it served to alienate those portions of the Haitian population which supported him, and further wounded their faith in democracy. This disillusionment and alienation is a cornerstone of the current situation in the country. Without question, conditions in the Haiti are worse since Aristide's removal, and continue to deteriorate. Since last September, more than 700 people have been killed. At the July General Meeting of CARICOM, Secretary General, Dr. Edwin Carrington voiced the organization's concern over the deteriorating conditions in the country, as it made the success of October elections unlikely. Indeed, the electoral picture continues to be discouraging. Out of a total of 4.5 million eligible voters only 150,000 have actually registered, with supporters of Aristide's Lavalas Party--a large portion of the electorate--refusing to participate. There is also widespread criticism about the disbursement of promised aid for Haiti from international donors. A recent editorial in the publication CaribNews argues that CARICOM, the CBC, and the Bush Administration should all increase their involvement in finding a solution to the Haitian crisis. While CARICOM and the CBC still remain disturbed by the removal of Haiti's democratically elected government, there is recognition that the situation in Haiti demands our increased engagement. The Bush Administration has continuously argued that the interim government in Haiti be allowed to prepare for elections, with the collaboration of the UN MINSTAH force. The CBC and CARICOM have waited warily, but the situation is getting worse. The U.S. Administration has seemed to place the blame squarely on Aristide/Lavalas supporters, but that is neither an accurate or fair assessment of the complex mix of factors which combine to create the current Haitian reality. Many groups are responsible for the instability. However, among most experts, there is very little disagreement that the root causes of Haiti's problems are economic. According to a recent report by the International Monetary Fund, economic conditions in Haiti deteriorated significantly during the early 2000s. The economic deterioration has been exacerbated by the political turmoil and devastating floods of 2004 which led to a contraction of 3.75 per cent of GDP. This has resulted in economic stagnation, high inflation, and widespread unemployment. Economic and trade development is the overarching need in Haiti, and will remain so, with or without elections in the fall. CARICOM, the CBC, and the Bush Administration are all well placed to ensure that such development takes place. There has been work towards that end already. Separately, members and supporters of the Lavalas Party must be persuaded to trust the system and participate in the transitional process. The problem is that major stakeholders such as the interim Haitian administration, the UN, and the Bush Administration have no credibility with Lavalas/Artistide supporters. The actions and positions of all three have at times been very counterproductive to national unity. This is another avenue where CARICOM and the CBC can become engaged. CBC and CARICOM may be the only groups with enough credibility to compel Pro-Aristide supporters to enter the process. I believe there is growing recognition of this fact. In the meantime, it is my hope that the Administration will take a more balanced and objective approach in helping Haiti to find the peace and prosperity that it deserves. [From the CaribNews, July 5, 2005] Why The Black Caucus, The Bush White House and CARICOM Should Become Engaged In Haiti The headlines rarely recall Haiti's glorious past when it defeated France's mighty army in 1804 and emerged as the first Black republic in the Western Hemisphere. Sadly, they certainly don't call to mind the Caribbean nation's rich cultural heritage. Instead, they draw international attention on a daily basis to what U.S. Congressman Charles Rangel in an interview with this newspaper on Monday quite correctly called the country's ``pain and suffering over such a long period of time.'' Some example of recent headlines: ``Gunfire erupts as New Haitian Ministers Take Office in Port au Prince.'' Boniface Alexandre, the country's interim President was delivering a speech at a ceremony installing four new cabinet ministers when heavy gunfire erupted near the Presidential Palace. ``Foreign troops likely needed in Haiti for years.'' A story built on the words of United Nations Under-Secretary- General, Jean-Marie Guehono, who told a news agency ``Haiti will need (UN) peacekeepers so long that there's not a credible, effective police and judiciary.'' ``Haitian refugees rescued from sinking Boat off St. Maarten.'' Authorities in the Dutch dependent territory rescued 63 migrants from Haiti from a sailboat that was sinking off the island's coast. Each story paints its own picture of a nation in the throes of yet another disaster, a chapter of anarchy, death and a further descent into further tragic circumstances, if that's possible. Hence, Congressman Rangel's sensible offer to use his considerable influence on Capitol Hill in a search for a solution to Haiti's apparent intent to destroy what's left of the 200 year old nation. Yes, he is right to try to bring together the U.S. Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, and CARICOM leaders who have behaved like Pontius Pilate, washing their hands of a troubled neighbor which seems unable these day to pursue peace and prosperity. The unfortunate and unnecessary ouster of Aristide and the installation of interim President Boniface Alexandre and stopgap Prime Minister, Gerard Latortue were the handiwork of the Bush Administration which hated Jean Bertrand Aristide with such a passion that it even sided with convicted murderers, drug traffickers and violent criminals to get rid of him. Having put a gun to Aristide's head and forced him to flee, the President said he was ``kidnapped'' and taken into exile, Washington has shown little interest in helping the country out of the quagmire. It has left the mess to the UN to clean up while starving the country of the hundreds of millions pledged by the international community to aid re-development and re- habilitation. It's a crying shame that the Bush White House, an architect of the Western Hemisphere's Democratic Charter, would turn around and blast holes into the document, thus making the whole exercise nothing more than a sham, a public relations exercise that was empty of any real morality. Clearly, Rangel, a decent public figure, should pursue his idea of reaching out to CARICOM and to Rice, not to mention Haitians who want to see their country move forward economically. An astute and experienced lawmaker, Rangel is fully aware that the task would not be easy. But it is worth a try. He also knows and was the first to point out that he couldn't achieve his goal by working alone. The Congressional Black Caucus, all 43 members in the House of Representatives and the Senate would have to bring their collective influence to the effort. ``I would be glad to get the 43 members of the Congressional Black Caucus to support anything that makes sense to stabilize the government of Haiti,'' was the way Rangel put it. Yes, we, like Rangel, are aware that others have tried and failed but we have a special responsibility to be unrelenting in our pursuit of reconciliation. For without it, we would stand accused of acting like Nero who played the fiddle while Rome was burning. Rangel and the other members of the Congressional Black caucus have the credibility and the interest to act as honest brokers. CARICOM too must be involved in the search for peace. It may have been justified in criticizing LaTortue for his role in the tragedy now unfolding in his country. And it has already made its point by declining to reinstate Haiti into the community until free and fair elections are held. But staying on the sidelines while the country moves closer and closer to civil war is not really an option.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the life and legacy of legendary R&B singer, humanitarian, and community activist, Mr. Luther Vandross, who died on Friday July 1st after health problems resulting from a stroke in 2003. Mr. Vandross was a Grammy award winning artist whose deep, lush voice on such hits as Here and Now and Any Love sold more than 25 million albums. Arguably the most celebrated R&B balladeer of his generation, his music provided the romantic backdrop for millions of couples worldwide. In an era of sexually charged and explicit lyrics, Mr. Vandross spoke to love and romance with heartfelt emotions. Even without gaining the crossover success which he sought, Mr. Vandross sold over 25 million records. He won eight Grammy Awards and many other accolades including the American Music Award, Soul Train, BET, and NAACP Image awards. He ranked as one of the most successful R&B singers of the 1980's and broke through to even wider commercial success in 2003 with his last album, Dance With My Father, which earned four Grammy Awards and has generated worldwide sales exceeding 3 million copies. Luther Ronzoni Vandross was born in 1951 into a New York City family steeped in the musical traditions of gospel and soul. He was the youngest of four children, reared by a single mother after the death of his father when Luther was still a boy. He began his career writing and performing jingles for television commercials. But his biggest early break came when he landed a job as a backup singer for the British artist David Bowie, who later hired him to work on vocal arrangements for the album Young Americans. After breaking into the music business Luther worked for artists from Bette Midler to Barbra Streisand as a highly sought-after backup vocalist and arranger. His 1981 debut album, Never Too Much, reached the top of the R&B charts and sold more than one million copies. Through the 1980's, he recorded a string of platinum albums, including Forever, For Always, For Love, Busy Body and The Night I Fell in Love. Luther Vandross had a career that most singers only dream about and has served as a source of inspiration for people throughout the world. Especially among his musical peers, writing songs for musical icons such as Aretha Franklin, Diana Ross, Whitney Houston and Dionne Warwick. He was a native New Yorker and before his funeral services on Friday, July 8th, a hearse carrying the singer's remains took him for one last tour of Harlem, pausing outside the Apollo Theater before heading west to the church. Before achieving stardom, Vandross had twice finished second at Harlem's famed Apollo theater and both the city and theater always maintained a special place in his heart. Luther Vandross' accomplishments in life speak to his character and personality. He was a loving individual known for his kindness and generosity as well as his musical accomplishments. He leaves to cherish and celebrate his life, his loving and devoted mother, Mary Ida Vandross, several nieces and nephews and millions of loyal fans. Official Obituary Submitted From Label J Records Luther Ronzoni Vandross, the silky-voiced R&B crooner who spun romance into hits like ``Here and Now and ``Any Love,'' died on Friday, July 1st, 2005 at John F. Kennedy Medical Center in Edison, NJ. He was 54. With a smooth yet soulful delivery, the highly admired singer/songwriter/producer has sold in excess of 30 million records worldwide, winning eight Grammy Awards, numerous Soul Train, BET, NAACP Image and American Music Awards. He ranked as one of the most successful R& B singers of the 1980s and broke through to even wider commercial success in 1989 with the Best of Luther Vandross, the Best of Love, which included the new song ``Here and Now,'' his first Grammy winning hit which became a signature wedding song. Born in New York City in 1951, Luther was the youngest of four children. In 1972, a song Vandross wrote, ``Everybody Rejoice,'' was included in the Broadway musical ``The Wiz.'' But his biggest early break came when he landed a job as a backup singer for David Bowie and created vocal arrangements for the hit album Young Americans. Luther soon became a sought-after backup vocalist and arranger, working for artists from Bette Midler to Barbra Streisand, and he helped pay the bills as one of the most popular jingle singers of the time. His 1981 debut, Never Too Much, reached the top of the R&B charts and sold more than one million copies. Through the 1980s, he recorded a string of platinum albums, including Forever, For Always, For Love, Busy Body and The Night I Fell in Love. His last album, Dance With My Father received 4 Grammy Awards (including Song of the Year for the title song ``Dance With My Father'') and has generated worldwide sales exceeding 3 million copies. Luther was also a prolific writer and producer for such musical icons as Aretha Franklin, Diana Ross, Whitney Houston and Dionne Warwick thereby fulfilling a lifelong dream. ``When history books are written, I'd like it to be said that I am one of the premiere singers of our time,'' said Vandross in an interview with BET. He leaves to cherish and celebrate his life, legacy, and wonderful memories a loving and devoted mother, Mary Ida Vandross, nine nieces as well as eight great nephews, three great nieces and a circle of close friends and colleagues, his musical family and millions of loyal, supportive fans.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise to bring to the attention of my colleagues an important visit by a delegation of Afro-Colombian leaders to Washington this week. The Vice President of the Colombian House of Representatives, the Honorable Dr. Edgar Torres, and the Governor of Choco, the Honorable Dr. Julio Ibarguen are the leaders of this auspicious delegation. These Afro-Colombian leaders have come to the United States to raise the awareness of the conditions of the Afro- Colombian community in Colombia, most specifically the province of Choco, and to request congressional assistance in obtaining and directing resources to the problems of this community. Representing a quarter of Colombia's population, Afro-Colombians are two-thirds of the nation's extreme poor, have illiteracy of 45 percent, and have inadequate access to health care. They have lower standards of living than most other groups in Colombia. They often live in isolated and remote communities with little access for advancement and improvement. As a leader in the legislative chamber, Dr. Torres is one of the most influential Afro-Colombians in the nation and has worked to raise awareness of the struggle of Afro-Colombians. He has championed and pursued greater multinational awareness and assistance for the people of Colombia. He has worked to raise the issue to the global community of the impoverishment and challenges facing his people. Dr. Torres has been a powerful, important and poignant voice for the struggle and desire for equality among Afro-Colombians. The department of Choco has the highest percentage of Afro-Colombians in the country. It also has the lowest per-capita level of government investment in health, education, and infrastructure. The people of Choco suffer daily with poverty, illiteracy, lack of medical care, and lack of opportunity. They have great plans for advancement but little opportunity. Governor Ibarguen has worked to improve the infrastructure for the province. He has advanced plans and strategies designed to provide new hope and opportunity to the people of Choco and to address the pressing and urgent needs of the community. He has seen firsthand the hardship and misery of Afro-Colombians and works with local, national, and international agencies to overcome these daunting challenges. He nonetheless could use the assistance and aid of the 109th Congress and the American people. These Afro-Colombian leaders are here in Washington to build a dialogue with the international community on behalf of the people of Colombia. They are trying to find allies and alliances with leaders of this country and the international community to help wage the fight for self-sufficiency and equal treatment of Afro-Colombians. They should be commended in their efforts to reach out and ask for our assistance. We should be gracious in our commitment to help their cause. They are trying to reach out to us and we must be prepared to respond. There are a number of opportunities available to this Congress to reach out to the Colombian people, and Afro-Colombians in particular. In August, there will be a dialogue hosted in Colombia to raise the awareness of the Afro-Colombian challenge. I and other members of the Congressional Black Caucus have extended our support to these efforts and I hope my colleagues in the House will join us. My colleague, the Honorable Gregory Meeks, is already planning a congressional delegation to visit the country and to participate in the dialogue on race. In addition to these congressional activities, the Pan American Development Foundation and the Afro-Latino Development Alliance are providing important information, awareness, and assistance to the Afro- Colombian struggle. They are hosting Dr. Torres and Dr. Ibarguen in their visit and tour this week. They have played an indomitable role in finding opportunities for assisting Afro-Colombians. I expect that these organizations will continue their hard work on behalf of Afro- Colombians. The United States has provided substantial assistance to the Government of Colombia, most of it through Plan Colombia to assist the Government of Colombia in waging war against political insurgents and narcotics traffickers. The Afro-Colombian delegation believes that a shift in resources from military to economic development purposes in communities such as the Choco province will achieve greater success than our military assistance. It is important that this Congress take action to help the Afro- Colombian people. It is unconscionable to think that an entire group of people would suffer in this manner in this day and age. We must do more as the representatives of this caring and loving nation. I urge my colleagues to reach out to Dr. Torres and Dr. Ibarguen while they are here this week. I urge my colleagues to extend aid and assistance to Afro-Colombian populations. I have introduced the following resolution (House Concurrent Resolution 175) to encourage greater assistance and recognition to Afro-descendant populations throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. This resolution is another step in addressing the Afro-Colombian struggle. I submit this copy of the resolution into the Record. Concurrent Resolution Acknowledging African descendants of the transatlantic slave trade in all of the Americas with an emphasis on descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean, recognizing the injustices suffered by these African descendants, and recommending that the United States and the international community work to improve the situation of Afro-descendant communities in Latin America and the Caribbean. Whereas during Black History Month it is important that we not forget that African-Americans are not the only survivors of the transatlantic slave trade; Whereas like the United States, many European nations benefited greatly from the colonization of Latin America and the Caribbean and their participation in the slave trade; Whereas the story of African descendants in all of the Americas remains untold, leading them to be forgotten, made invisible, and allowed to suffer unjustly; Whereas it is important to acknowledge that as a result of the slave trade and immigration, approximately 80,000,000 to 150,000,000 persons of African descent live in Latin America and the Caribbean, making them the largest population of persons of African descent outside of Africa; Whereas Afro-descendants are present in most all Latin American countries, including Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela; Whereas the size of Afro-descendant populations vary in range from less than 1 percent in some countries to as much as 30 percent in Colombia and 46 percent in Brazil and make up the majority in some Spanish speaking Caribbean nations, such as Cuba and the Dominican Republic; Whereas Afro-descendant populations have made significant economic, social, and cultural contributions to their countries and the Western Hemisphere from their unfortunate involvement in the transatlantic slave trade to their recent contributions to trade, tourism, and other industries; Whereas although persons of African descent have made significant achievements in education, employment, economic, political, and social spheres in some countries, the vast majority are marginalized--living in impoverished communities where they are excluded from centers of education, government, and basic human rights based upon the color of their skin and ancestry; Whereas Afro-descendants have shorter life expectancies, higher rates of infant mortality, higher incidences of HIV/ AIDS, higher rates of illiteracy, and lower incomes than do other populations; Whereas Afro-descendants encounter problems of access to healthcare, basic education, potable water, housing, land titles, credit, equal justice and representation under the law, political representation, and other economic, political, health, and basic human rights; and Whereas skin color and ancestry have led African-Americans in the United States and African descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean to share similar injustices, leading to economic, social, health, and political inequalities: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That Congress-- (1) recognizes and honors African descendants in the Americas for their contributions to the economic, social, and cultural fabric of the countries in the Americas, particularly in Latin American and Caribbean societies; (2) recognizes that as a result of their skin color and ancestry, African descendants in the Americas have wrongfully experienced economic, social, and political injustices; (3) urges the President to take appropriate measures to encourage the celebration and remembrance of the achievements of African descendants in the Americas and a resolution of injustices suffered by African descendants in the Americas; (4) encourages the United States and the international community to work to ensure that extreme poverty is eradicated, universal education is achieved, quality healthcare is made available, sustainable environmental resources, including land where applicable, is provided, and equal access to justice and representation under the law is granted in Afro-descendant communities in Latin America and the Caribbean; and (5) encourages the United States and the international community to achieve these goals in Latin America and the Caribbean by-- (A) promoting research that focuses on identifying and eradicating racial disparities in economic, political, and social spheres; (B) promoting, funding, and creating development programs that focus on Afro-descendant communities; (C) providing technical support and training to Afro- descendant advocacy groups that work to uphold basic human rights in the region; (D) promoting the creation of an international working group that focuses on problems of communities of Afro- descendants in the Americas; and (E) promoting trade and other bilateral and multilateral agreements that take into account the needs of Afro- descendant communities.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I would like to welcome to Capitol Hill today a contingent of veterans representing one of the most distinguished military units in American history. The individuals whom I speak of are known as the Tuskegee Airmen, and they are visiting the Capitol today as part of a `Tuskegee Airmen Legislative Day'. Many people may see these gentlemen strolling the halls of the Capitol and not know that they are living components of American history who changed this country and its military forever. The Tuskegee Airmen overcame segregation and prejudice to win the opportunity to fight for their nation and became one of the most highly respected fighter groups of World War II. In so doing, they destroyed the racist conceptions of their time, and inspired a generation of Americans to chase their dreams all the way to sky. Before 1940, African Americans were barred from flying for the U.S. military, just as they were excluded from other aspects of American public and civic life. However, in that year African American airmen won the opportunity to fight for their country as American patriots, though in segregated units. The airmen were trained and stationed in Tuskegee, Alabama, the city which would come to define them and their heroism. Young men from across the country answered the call to serve, and brought with them not only their own aspirations, but the hopes and dreams of an entire people. Many believed that African Americans did not possess the faculties to be military airmen, and predicted that the Tuskegee program would fail. However, failure was not an option for these men, and they delivered in amazing fashion. The Airmen completed 15,500 missions, destroyed 260 enemy aircraft, sank one enemy destroyer, and demolished numerous enemy installations. They would also have the WWII distinction of never losing an American bomber under their escort, despite flying in some of the enemies' most heavily defended areas. During their World War II service, the Airmen would earn 150 Distinguished Flying Crosses, 744 Air Medals, 8 Purple Hearts, and 14 Bronze Stars. There is currently an effort underway to bestow the Congressional Gold Medal on the Tuskegee Airmen. I have introduced H.R. 1259 here in the House, and Senator Levin has introduced similar legislation in the Senate. The Gold Medal was created and first awarded 200 years ago to Americans whose courage and determination in battle exemplified the spirit of our nation. In keeping with that tradition, I can think of no better recipients than the Tuskegee Airmen. They not only displayed courage and bravery, they changed our military forever. Today, many minority groups, especially African Americans, are overrepresented in the military compared to their numbers in the general population. They are the central core of the volunteer military and serve our nation with heroic distinction in Iraq and through out the world. With the significant role that minorities continue to play in the Armed Forces, our country is indebted to the Tuskegee Airmen for helping to lay that foundation. Today, the young men who roamed the skies of Tuskegee, Alabama, and World War II Europe, are seasoned veterans of war and life. Many of them are no longer with us, but the hope and pride that they inspired in all of us are reborn in the hearts and minds of every subsequent generation of Americans. I can attest to the hope they gave to a young kid from Harlem, as he set out to fight in Korea. Their example served me well in that war, and in life. At a time in our country when we hear a lot of rhetoric about patriotism, we can learn from the example of the Tuskegee Airmen. They fought for their country at a time when the rights they risked their lives to protect did not extend to them. They fought not just for America, but the promise of America--the promise of liberty, equality, and freedom for all people. As long as we aspire to fulfill this promise, so too will the spirit of the Tuskegee Airmen live. Again, I thank the Tuskegee Airmen for all they have done for our country, and I extend this welcome--a hero's welcome--to them.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, the plight of Africa has been the focus of much public discourse in recent months. The G-8 made commendable progress on the issue of African development in its Summit, but there is still much to be done. On a recent trip to the United States, Nelson Mandela visited the Riverside Church in New York City to thank the American people for their support in helping South Africa overcome apartheid, but also to remind us that Africa still faced enormous challenges. The Riverside Church where Mr. Mandela spoke has long been a leader within America's faith community in bringing attention to various issues of social justice, even when the cause was not popular. The Church was a major center of activism during the antiapartheid movement, and had hosted Mr. Mandela on his first visit to the United States after being released from prison in 1990. While Mr. Mandela won his fight against Apartheid in South Africa, he is still waging a battle against the many problems that face the African continent. The beginning of the 21st century sees an Africa affected by widespread poverty, the HIV/AIDS crisis, and crippling levels of debt. Mr. Mandela, through his Mandela Foundation, is fighting to address these critical issues. On that note, I submit for the Record a piece from the July 5th edition of the CaribNews. The piece is by Harry Belafonte, the internationally known entertainer and activist, and was used to introduce Mr. Mandela at the Riverside Church event in May. The words of this introduction provide us ample food for thought as we continue the still unfinished crusade for African development. Riverside Cathedral, a Platform for Truth a search for africa's development and the role of nelson mandela This (Riverside) Cathedral has vigorously embraced its covenant with truth in the midst of the exodus of so many houses of worship that have in the name of faith and God made treaty with the devil. Riverside Church has given us reason to believe in speaking truth to power. Many have claimed to be keepers of the flock. They have declared their right to pick who shall or shall not enter into the ``kingdom of Heaven.'' Others have hidden behind the cloak of morality as they indulge themselves and the nation in the sin of homophobia that crucifies fellow human beings. There are those religious leaders and institutions that have announced unjust wars and carry the cross before armies that destroy the innocent and plunder the earth. There are many Black church leaders who salivate in the midst of this new Christian inquisition for just thirty pieces of silver rewarded by the Caesar of faith-based oppression. All have made us understand how privileged we are that the (Reverend) James Forbes administers to our soul and can never be charged with patriotic treason. Riverside Church has generously yielded its pulpit to many of the greatest thinkers of the 20th century. It has blessed and embraced all those, regardless of faith, who have come here in defiance of the tyranny of the State. Powerful voices have been heard in these walls, which speak out against injustice and bring truth and humanity to rebellious cause. This cathedral inspires change in a world that hungers for more than the food of the body; it hungers for leaders with voices of courage that will provide food and moral plenty for the soul. In this place, we once gather to honor truth. After centuries of oppression and destruction, Africa, the greatest resource in the building of the empires of the world, has found no kindness from her conquerors. No one came to her with a Marshall Plan. She has found no generosity from the banks of her bleeders, Quite the contrary. Africa severely hemorrhages from the burden of the financial debt she carries. She cannot even repay the interest on the debt. In many places, the continent suffocates from the pollution of decaying bodies that have died from violence. Americans and Europeans often view nuclear bombs, germ warfare, chemical weapons, poison gas and planes crashing to buildings as the only weapons of mass destruction. But for Africa, with 15 million of her people dead and millions more wounded, handguns, automatic rifles and land mines are added to the list. The great irony is that Africa does not have the capacity to mass-produce weapons. America and Europe, however, sell her all the arms required while vigorously fueling the conditions that create the demands for them. For Africans, poverty, ignorance and illiteracy are also weapons of mass destruction. These realities, coupled with 27 million people infected with HIV/AIDS and 10 million children orphaned by the disease, ravage the population. And all of the sins attributable to Africa's pain, global indifference is the greatest offender. But a maturing Africa is coming together in ways that are different than before. She is making choices that are African choices. The Africa on the horizon will have no tolerance for colonial status in the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund's economic slavery system, a system that, while admitting to its share of guilt, defined as ``mistakes of the past'', stays tragically addicted to the same sins of the present. Africa will no longer endure these indignities. She will know a decidedly different future. With this new determination, Africa affirms her spiritual, cultural and historical allegiance to her decedents in the four corners of the earth. She is telling citizens of the Diaspora that they are first and foremost citizens of the continent and saying to them, ``Come, for by right of birth and of struggle and our common history, you are of us.'' Most of this vision set in motion by the entrance of the Democratic Republic of South Africa into the arena of democratic nations. The African National Congress commits itself and the nation to the development, welfare, peace and dignity of the entire continent and other nations in the world who are in need. Its voice speaks for all to hear that this 21st century will be Africa's century. Rolihlahla Nelson Mandela has stood here (at Riverside) before. From this Cathedral our nation was inspired when he spoke of his vision for the future of his South Africa. Through the guidance of his political genius and the compelling force of his moral authority he transformed his nation from a cruel oppressive state into one of the most advanced democracies humankind has ever known. Perhaps the most remarkable aspect of this achievement was Madiba and his comrades did this without the violence and racial upheaval the world anticipated. During the time of his presidency, he transformed his countrymen's mood for revenge into one whose desire to be a continuing search for national harmony rooted in truth and reconciliation. Now in the autumn of his winter years he comes again to America at a time when our nation faces one of the most critical crossroads in its history. Would that our nation could be touched by his humanity and be guided by his moral vision! (Harry Belafonte, the world famous actor, singer and human and civil rights advocate was introducing Nelson Mandela to a large audience at the Riverside Church during the South African Nobel Peace Prize winner's recent visit to New York City.)

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to draw our attention to the most important obligation of citizens in a democracy and to illuminate the discomfort of many Americans to the elimination of that obligation. I speak about the right to vote--the cornerstone of every democratic system of government, particularly ours. Democracies are based on the principle that their citizens participate actively in the decision-making processes of the government. Whether in small communities or throughout the vast expanse of the Nation, citizens cast ballots to express their preferences and choices for the direction of the country and to determine the policies and leaders that will be implemented throughout the Nation. The voice of each and every citizen is expressed equally through their ballot and their ability to cast a ballot. Generations of Americans have fought and died to guarantee that all Americans share in this right and obligation. Unfortunately, today we still face the predicament that millions of American citizens are denied their right to vote. They are denied the ability to influence policy, policymakers, political leaders, and the direction of the country that they belong to. Millions of American citizens who have been convicted of crimes in the past are denied the ability to cast ballots in elections. Regardless of the nature of their crime or any rehabilitation that may have occurred, these ex-felons cannot participate in the decision-making process of this great Nation. Though they have served their time, fulfilled their sentence, and paid back their debt to society, millions of ex-felons continue to be punished for their past criminal records. Those who turned a corner in their life and fled the criminal path can never again fulfill the most important obligation of citizenship--voting. They remain on the outside looking in at our political system. They want, they deserve, the right to be re-integrated as full citizens into our system. Yet, the system stands firmly in their way, stripping them of their right to vote. I bring this issue to the attention of the House of Representatives with the hope that this Congress will take the important steps of fulfilling the promises of democracy. I hope that the House of Representatives would take action to restore the right to vote to American ex-felons. They have paid their debts to society and we should permit their participation in our democratic process. Too many Americans fought and died for this right to vote and too many today are denied the ability to exercise their rights. I submit for the Record a Carib News article providing further evidence and argument for our consideration. Progress is being made on the restoration of rights to ex-felons, but immediate action is needed by this Congress. [July 5, 2005] Progress in Restoring Felons' Right To Vote Following victory in Iowa, where the Governor recently announced that he would reverse his state's lifetime ban on felon voting, advocates for restoring felons' right to vote expressed optimism that progress was being made in rolling back laws that disproportionately affect blacks and other minorities. According to Catherine Weiss, a lawyer with the Brennan Center for Justice at New York University, felony disenfranchisement laws represent the last vestiges of Jim Crow that disenfranchise African Americans. As of 2000, almost 5 million Americans couldn't vote because of laws that restrict those convicted of a felony from casting ballots; four in 10 of those disenfranchised were black. The full 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in New York is also expected to hear arguments in cases brought by two prisoners who claim that the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which removed barriers to black voters, should be used to argue that the felony laws are unfair. Forty-eight states restrict voting rights for felons while they are behind bars or serving parole or probation. Four states--Alabama, Florida, Kentucky, and Virginia--ban voting for life on the grounds that such restrictions are justified. In 2001, New Mexico lifted a lifetime ban, and Nebraska followed suit in March. In several states, felons can now apply to have their voting rights restored. The issue of disenfranchisement escalated in Florida after the 2000 presidential election, which was decided by fewer than 600 votes there. With more than 820,000 felons who could not vote as of 2000, Florida is said to have the largest disenfranchised population of any state. One driving force behind efforts to roll back disenfranchisement laws is the nation's swelling prison population. Though crime rates have fallen the prison population soared to 2.1 million by June 2004, according to figures compiled by the Justice Department. In 1970, that number was about 200,000. According to Theodore M. Shaw, president of the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, who will present arguments in the New York cases, ``As the numbers of prisoners have grown, more awareness of the injustice of it has also grown.'' With 13 percent of all black men barred from voting because of disenfranchisement laws, advocates contend that many have become disengaged since felons also face prohibitions in other areas of life, such as living in public housing, obtaining identification cards, and getting student loans. On June 22, in the shadow of the U.S. Federal Courthouse in Foley Square, standing before the African Burial Ground Memorial Sculpture, New Yorkers representing persons who have a felony conviction stood in silent protest to demand the full restoration of voting rights to the formerly incarcerated. In recognition of a historic en banc hearing in the cases of Hayden v. Pataki and Muntaqim v. Coombe, the silent protest was conducted as the Nation recognized the 40th anniversary of the passage and President Lyndon B. Johnson's signing of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The landmark legislation extended voting rights confirmed in the 15th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution to disenfranchised blacks in southern states. The Act has since been reauthorized and its protections extended to language minorities and northern jurisdictions with a history of vote dilution, voter intimidation, and discriminatory polling practices. The silent protest was staged to symbolically represent citizens, who for no other reason than having been incarcerated for felony offenses have been denied their voting rights while still being expected to fulfill all other obligations of citizenship, including paying taxes.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, today I come before this chamber to be heard on an issue of deep importance to US and Mexican relations. It is a concern that to many seems trivial but which in reality represents an important aspect of the cultural relationship and respect that exists between our two nations. I speak of the stamp intending to honor the comic strip Memin Pinguin. The decision to draw attention and promote this character that would be recognized by those in the international community as racist is an act of gross insensitivity on the part of the Mexican government. In this global day and age, the Mexican authorities should have been aware of the negative international impact of this characterization of the Negro race in grotesque imagery associated with the vilest forms of racism. They should have realized that the depiction of a childish apelike cartoon intended to draw attention to racial stereotypes would be seen as racist. They should have understood that the postage stamp would be seen as a reflection of the beliefs of Mexico and that to pay honor to a character that would signal tolerance with racism is disgraceful. While President Fox has defended this insulting portrayal as simply cultural differences, he must also understand the cultural message his government is sending to the rest of the world. Clearly, African- Americans and other African and Afro-descendant populations would see the uplifting of a black cartoon character, with monkey-like lips and head and a childish demeanor, as an attempt to malign them. At a time when the world is becoming increasingly interdependent, President Fox's government has decided to insult an entire race of humans--a race that has long suffered discrimination, insult, and abuse. Rather than highlight for the international community and the Mexican people a rich heritage of understanding and harmony, the Mexican government has chosen a symbol of offense and smear. Yes, we should be aware of the cultural differences that exist between the people of our two countries, but that awareness requires efforts from both sides. In this Congress and past congresses, I and members of the Congressional Black Caucus have worked to erase the elements of racism that exist towards Mexicans, Hispanics, African- Americans, and Blacks. We have reached out in the spirit of cooperation and harmony to our friends in the Congressional Hispanic Caucus to fight against discrimination and discord between our people. We have pursued policies and positions that call on our leaders to decry stereotypical comments that appeal to our most basic emotions. We have united to condemn characterizations and caricatures intended to offend, defame, or marginalize our people, our race, and our community. In the last month alone, I have been joined by a number of my colleagues in supporting an resolution to draw attention to the challenges and struggles of Afro-descendant populations in Latin America and the Caribbean. We introduced this resolution because too often the international community and the governments of Latin America and the Caribbean ignore, marginalize, and dehumanize the descendants of the transatlantic slave trade. Throughout the region, Afro- descendant populations have the lowest standards of living, the highest rates of illiteracy, the poorest standards of health care, the smallest per capita incomes, and the least amount of access to the political, social, and economic levers of power and opportunity. It was surprising to me that, the week after the House International Relations Committee favorably marked up this resolution to recognize and support Afro-Latino and Afro-Caribbean populations, the government of Mexico would issue a postal stamp honoring an apelike depiction of Afro-Mexicans. It was deplorable that the Mexican government would produce stamps that would remind Americans--white and black--of the humiliation and degradation of Sambo and Aunt Jemima. It is insulting that President Fox would defend the publication of this stamp as an example of our cultural misunderstandings, despite the call of the Asociacion Mexico Negro--a Mexican-based group representing the interests of over 50,000 blacks--for the recall of the stamps. This is not simply an example of cultural differences. Afro-Mexicans deplore the comparison of being described as apelike and childlike, just as much as African-Americans. To say that it is acceptable to depict an entire race of people in one's country as childish apes is to not understand the universal impact and role of race in this world. At a time when members of Congress are trying to find amicable ways of bringing our two countries together, the actions of President Fox's government apparently are to draw a line between us. President Fox has ridiculed the hard work and efforts of African-Americans. He has rejected repeated invitations to dialogue with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. His government has issued stamps that not only insult the character of his own people, but also those of Afro-descendant populations in the United States. and throughout the Americas. I am disappointed in these acts by my friends in the Mexican government and by President Fox. I hope that they will reach out once again to those with whom they have worked here in the United States and put aside these insulting and racist stamps. For us to achieve greater cultural sensitivity on the part of the United States and to obtain greater racial sensitivity in the Americas, it is important to have an equal awareness and effort on the part of our international allies.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Congressman Payne's resolution H. Res. 333--supporting the goals and ideals of a National Weekend of Prayer and Reflection for Darfur. The violence and ongoing humanitarian challenges that the people of Darfur continue to face necessitate that we keep them in our thoughts and prayers, and continue to ensure that the Darfur issue remains firmly within the purview of U.S. policymakers, until a final resolution is reached. Communities of faith in the United States have always played a role in eliciting action on an array of historic moral questions. From the anti-slavery and civil rights movements in this country, to the campaign to end the terrible Ethiopian famines of the 1980's, the power of faith was brought to bear in an attempt to address an issue of human suffering. The ongoing crisis in Darfur is one such issue, that warrants the continued engagement of the American religious community--especially when engagement from other sources has, in some instances, been lacking. The Darfur conflict has so far claimed as much as 400,000 lives, and displaced at least 2.4 million. The United States has to its credit taken the lead among world powers in addressing the conflict by providing humanitarian assistance to the Darfurian people, and applying pressure to the Sudanese government. America's religious communities have been instrumental in compelling the United States government to become involved. However, in recent months the Administration has been rather muted on the Darfur issue. Indeed, the Administration has backed away from classifying the actions of the Sudanese government and its Janjaweed militia as genocide, and U.S. and Sudanese officials have visited each other consistently in recent months. With the recent peace agreement between the Khartoum government and the oil-producing region of southern Sudan, as well as Sudanese cooperation on U.S. terrorism efforts, there is talk of the U.S. lifting sanctions on Sudan. Such hospitable relations are very concerning, considering the fact that the situation in the Darfur is still dire. While the killings in aggregate have decreased, the cease-fire is extremely fragile. In the absence of the small African Union peacekeeping force, and the humanitarian assistance provided by the international community, Darfur would easily fall back into chaos. Indeed, U.N. humanitarian coordinator Manuel Aranda Da Silva said that the situation could deteriorate quickly if foreign assistance stops coming. In addition, rape is still a widespread tactic utilized by government and its militia, as well as forced military recruitment of young people. According to officials from the United Nations High Committee on Refugees, areas outside peacekeeping observation remain very dangerous. As such, the United States must maintain its pressure on the Sudanese government, and clearly convey to them that any improvement in relations between our two countries is contingent on resolution of the Darfur crisis. The religious community is well placed, and equipped with the moral authority, to compel the United States government not to decrease its engagement on the Darfur issue. It is my hope that communities of faith will reflect this coming weekend on the continuing crisis in Darfur-- because only when we reflect, will we be emboldened to act. Again, I thank the Gentleman from New Jersey for this resolution, as our struggle for the people of Darfur is far from over.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in recognition of United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan for his outstanding leadership in the creation of the United Nations Democracy Fund. Under Mr. Annan's guidance, the UN has held leaders of the global community to a higher degree of accountability. In 2001, the Secretary- General issued a ``Call to Action'' to address the HIV/AIDS epidemic and proposed the establishment of a Global AIDS and Health Fund to stimulate the increased spending needed to help developing countries around the world confront the HIV/AIDS crisis. His dedication to spreading democracy has also been at the forefront of his agenda. In 1998, he was instrumental in a mission to help promote the transition to civilian rule in Nigeria. Earlier this year, Mr. Annan introduced his UN reform package, calling on world leaders to be responsible to the global community. His plan included strategies for achieving international development, maintaining security and ensuring human rights. Among these initiatives was the creation of the UN Democracy Fund. The fund promises to promote democracy throughout the world by providing technical assistance to countries seeking to establish or strengthen their democracy. Mr. Annan has urged Member States to show their support for democracy by financially contributing to the fund. These contributions will then be distributed within the UN Fund for International Partnerships. Mr. Annan's perseverance has allowed for international cooperation in spreading democracy. So far, twenty-six countries, including the U.S., have expressed their support to fund. It takes leaders from all over the world to deal with global threats and issues. Mr. Annan has taken an important step in holding these leaders accountable for doing just that. The following CNN article discusses Mr. Annan's reforms and the UN Democracy Fund. Annan: Adopt U.N. Reform Package United Nations (CNN)--U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan has urged world leaders to reconfigure the international body to reflect the world's population and better enable it to tackle environmental and human rights challenges. In the speech he delivered to the general assembly, Annan urged countries to adopt his entire reform package at a summit of world leaders in September. The report comes five years after the Millennium Declaration, in which the United Nations pledged to slash poverty rates around the world by 2015, and six months before a summit in New York to address achieving that goal. Annan described his plan--which gives equal weight to development, security and human rights--as a comprehensive strategy. ``Specifically, I ask developing countries to improve their governments, uphold the rule of law, combat corruption and adopt an inclusive approach to development,'' Annan said. The report, years in the making, comes days before Paul Volcker is expected to issue a report on Annan's handling of the corrupt oil-for-food program in Iraq. But Annan denied that there was any link. Volcker, a former Federal Reserve chairman, began leading an independent probe of the program for the United Nations almost a year ago. Annan's proposal establishes a specific charitable goal for prospering nations. By 2015, he wants developed countries to spend .7 percent of their gross domestic income on official development assistance. And he linked prosperity and the environment. ``Our efforts will be in vain if they are resolved by continued degradation of the environment and depletion of natural resources.'' Annan said he wants the Kyoto Protocol extended beyond its 2012 expiration. Security Council shifts Annan's proposals include a recommendation to expand the 15-member Security Council to 24 to make it more representative of today's ``geopolitical realities.'' He recommends three, non-permanent seats with two-year terms and six new permanent seats--two from Africa, three from Asia and one from Latin America. None would have veto rights. ``Five out of the six will come from regions and areas that are under-represented.'' Those seats would be in addition to the permanent seats the United States, Britain, France, Russia and China hold. Annan also proposed strengthening its human rights mechanisms by abolishing the Commission on Human Rights and replacing it with a smaller, standing Human Rights Council. Among other changes Annan requested were: Creating a ``Democracy Fund'' with contributions from member states to provide money and technical assistance to countries seeking to establish or strengthen their democracy. Asking all member states to sign and implement a comprehensive convention on terrorism, ``based on a clear and agreed definition'' of the term. Strengthening the rule of law, human rights and democracy and clarifying when the use of force is necessary. Reforming the secretariat to make it more transparent, and buying out some employees and replacing them with staffers who have the skills necessary to implement his proposals. Pursuing the establishment of a worldwide early warning system for natural disasters. ``What's needed now is not more declarations or promises, but action,'' Annan said. ``I believe my report provides a clear program of action.''

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, today my colleague from Connecticut, Mrs. Johnson, and I are introducing a concurrent resolution calling upon the Bush Administration to urge the Government of China to refrain from adopting new regulations that would make it nearly impossible for U.S. software companies to sell their products to the Chinese government. The resolution also calls upon the Administration to urge China to join the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Government Procurement, as China committed to do when it joined the WTO in 2001. The regulations that China has proposed would require U.S. software companies to manufacture all of their products in China, register their copyrights first in China and perform at least 50 percent of their development in China. Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of the proposed rules is a requirement that American companies outsource a specific percentage of their work to China. To be honest, I am amazed that China would propose these rules at a time when American companies already are facing significant impediments to doing business in China. Piracy rates of intellectual property-- including software--in China remain as high as 90 percent. In addition, China continues to provide subsidies to its manufacturers, and manipulate its currency--despite calls from international institutions and governments around the world to stop this practice. These unfair trade barriers contributed to a record $162 billion trade deficit with China in 2004. That deficit is on track to top $170 billion this year. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that Ambassador Portman, our U.S. Trade Representative, and Commerce Secretary Gutierrez are scheduled to travel to Beijing on July 11, to meet with Chinese officials at the annual U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade. I urge Ambassador Portman and Secretary Gutierrez to press upon the Chinese that the proposed software procurement rules are unacceptable. Further, it must be made clear that the U.S. Congress is growing increasingly frustrated that China is not living up to the obligations that the country agreed upon when acceding to the WTO in 2001. As a supporter of the legislation granting Permanent Normal Trade Relations status to China, I am particularly disappointed by its failure to comply with its obligations. One of the commitments China made in 2001 was to join the WTO Government Procurement Agreement ``as soon as possible.'' Three years later, China has yet to begin the process of acceding to this agreement. Its participation in this agreement is essential, as the GPA requires countries to ensure that their procurement processes are transparent and do not unfairly discriminate between domestic and foreign companies. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, with the G-8 Summit and its Africa-centered agenda approaching, there has been much discussion in recent weeks about the scale of U.S. development assistance to Africa, I find it appropriate to bring to the attention of this body a June 27th report authored by Susan E. Rice of the Brookings Institution. The report entitled ``U.S. Foreign Assistance to Africa: Claims vs. Reality'', gives a fresh analysis of U.S. aid to Africa, and puts into question many of the assertions put forward by the administration. `` In response to calls for increased Africa assistance, Bush has frequently stated that U.S. assistance to Africa has ``tripled'' under his administration to $3.2 billion. However, according to the Brookings report, U.S.-Africa assistance has increased only 67 percent in nominal dollars, or 56 percent in real--inflation adjusted--dollar terms from the period 2000-2004 of which President Bush speaks. The report further points out that 53 percent of the 4 year assistance increase to Africa was in the form of emergency food aid rather than actual development assistance. When looking at development assistance exclusively--which excludes emergency food aid and security assistance--the 4-year increase is only 33 percent in real dollar terms. It must be said that the Bush administration should be commended for its work to increase overall Africa assistance. In particular, HIV/AIDS programs in Africa have benefited from the administration's efforts. However, the closer examination given by the Brookings Institution shows that the scope and composition of U.S. assistance to Africa is somewhat overstated. Emergency food aid--which has been given in large quantities by the Bush administration, and is a large portion of the administration's Africa assistance package--is extremely vital and saves lives during a short term crisis, but it does not really help a country to ``develop''. Real development relates to the areas of health, education, infrastructure, and trade and business promotion. In these areas, the report points out, the overall aid increase is fair, but not overly substantial. This is important, because as the leaders of the G-8 have tried in recent months to find agreement on increased assistance to Africa, the Bush Administration has touted its Africa assistance track record and the existence of its Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) as reasons why it does not need to subscribe to Prime Minister Blair's development assistance recommendation. The MCA in particular does not help President Bush's argument that the U.S. is doing enough for Africa. The MCA, which Bush introduced in 2002, was supposed to have provided $10 billion in additional assistance to developing countries from 2003-2005 and five billion dollars a year starting in 2006. However, the Republican-led Congress has only appropriated $2.5 billion dollars total for the MCA over the past 2 years, and just 2 countries in Africa have received funding--Cape Verde and Madagascar at $110 million each. Indeed, the majority of the MCA's expenditures so far have gone to simple administrative costs. On a recent trip to the White House in early June, several African leaders lamented the slow pace of aid through the Millennium Challenge Account mechanism, and urged the President to do more to bring aid to African nations. So bad is the situation at the MCA, the agency's director suddenly resigned earlier this month. With all that said, the Bush Administration must be more aggressive in bringing increased aid to the continent--just as vigorous as it was in spearheading the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq, which has cost America over $200 billion and counting. In the report, Ms. Rice argues that the U.S. should commit to increasing their oversees development assistance to 0.7 percent of GNP by 2015, as called for by Prime Minister Blair, and several longstanding United Nation agreements. The EU has recently agreed to meet the 0.7 percent assistance benchmark, with half of the increase going to Africa. Canada is also currently considering ways in which it can meet the goal, with its Parliament urging action on the matter. Not only has the United States not committed to the 0.7 percent goal, but at 0.17 percent, it is currently second to last among industrialized nations in the percentage of GNP dedicated to development assistance. Some countries, such as Sweden and Holland, have long achieved the goal, and even surpassed it. The United States now has the opportunity to rise to the challenge and rewrite history. We dedicated 2.5 percent of our GNP to fund the Marshall Plan, which helped to reconstruct Western Europe. Why then, can we not now dedicate 0.7 percent to help development the entire world, especially when we would have 10 years to meet the objective? In the short-term, the doubling of assistance to Africa that Blair is advocating would require only $6 billion dollars a year on the part of the United States--or $1 billion dollars more than what President Bush had planned under the Millennium Challenge Account after 2005. I thank Ms. Rice and the Brookings Institution for their insightful report. It contributes to an increasing body of evidence that the Administration can do more to help Africa, and it will undoubtedly serve to embolden the chorus of individuals, organizations, and nations challenging the Administration to do its part to end the evil of global poverty. The Bush Administration Record The Bush Administration has significantly increased aid to Africa, but that increase falls far short of what the President has claimed. U.S. aid to Africa from FY 2000 (the last full budget year of the Clinton Administration) to FY2004 (the last completed fiscal year of the Bush Administration) has not ``tripled'' or even doubled. Rather, in real dollars, it has increased 56 percent (or 67 percent in nominal dollar terms). The majority of that increase consists of emergency food aid, rather than assistance for sustainable development of the sort Africa needs to achieve lasting poverty reduction. President Bush has thus far rejected Blair's call to double aid to Africa, as well as the benchmark set by the OECD and signatories to the Monterey Consensus, which called on developed countries to devote 0.7 percent of their gross national income to overseas development assistance by 2015. In declining to commit to either of these targets, President Bush frequently states that his Administration has ``tripled'' U.S. assistance to Africa over the past four years to $3.2 billion. On June 7, 2005, the President also announced that the U.S. will spend an additional $674 million, which consists of previously appropriated emergency humanitarian food aid. The U.S. recently agreed with G-8 partners to cancel the multilateral debt owed by 18 Heavily Indebted Poor Countries, a positive step forward. The Challenge As G-8 member states prepare to meet from July 6th to 8th in Gleneagles, Scotland, they will have to confront the challenge posed by their host, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, to double aid to Africa to $25 billion by 2015, preferably through the creation of an International Finance Facility. Part of a sweeping agenda set forth by Blair and his Commission for Africa to alleviate poverty and improve prospects for African security, democracy and sustainable development, this proposal includes scaled-up commitments by the G-8 to assist Africa with increased aid, trade opportunities, investment, debt relief as well as conflict prevention, conflict resolution and peacekeeping capacity. What the U.S. Should Do and Why The Gleneagles Summit poses an historic opportunity for the United States to lead the international community in providing increased development and other assistance to Africa. The Bush Administration should join the UK, France, Italy and Germany and twelve other developed nations and commit to devote up to 0.7 percent of U.S. gross national income to overseas development assistance by 2015. This commitment would place the U.S. in the forefront of international efforts to alleviate global poverty. Global poverty undermines U.S. national security by facilitating the emergence and spread of transnational security threats, including disease, environmental degradation, crime, narcotics flows, proliferation and terrorism. First, poverty substantially increases the risk of conflict, which in turn creates especially fertile breeding grounds for such threats. Second, poverty erodes weak states' capacity to prevent or contain transnational threats. Key Findings U.S. aid to Africa from FY 2000 to FY 2004, the period to which the President referred, has not ``tripled'' or even doubled. Rather, in real dollars, it has increased 56 percent (or 67 percent in nominal dollar terms). An analysis of actual U.S. appropriations from FY 2000 (the last full budget year of the Clinton Administration) to FY 2004 (the last completed fiscal year of the Bush Administration) reveals a different reality about U.S. aid to Africa than President Bush has maintained. In nominal dollars, total United States aid to Sub-Saharan Africa increased from $2.034 billion in FY 2000 to $3.399 billion in FY 2004. In nominal dollars, of the $1.365 billion overall increase, $728.9 million, or 53 percent, consists of emergency food aid rather than overseas development assistance, which contributes to sustainable development. The remainder of the increase is comprised primarily of funding for the President's HIV/AIDS initiative (distributed between two accounts, Child Survival and Global Health) as well as emergency and post-conflict assistance to Liberia and Sudan. Actual development assistance, excluding food aid and security assistance, increased only 33 percent from FY 2000 to FY 2004 in real dollar terms, or 43 percent in nominal dollars. In nominal dollars, less than $450 million of the increased foreign aid to Africa is official development assistance. Official Development Assistance to Africa (aid programs directed at sustainable development) increased by 43 percent from FY 2000 to FY 2004. Of these programs (in nominal dollars): Funding for the Child Survival and Health Programs Fund increased by 70 percent, primarily for HIV/AIDS. Development Assistance funding increased 1 percent over FY 2000. Global Health and HIV/AIDS Initiative, which did not exist as a separate program in FY 2000, received $263.8 million for Africa in FY 2004. Peace Corps funding increased by 19 percent. African Development Bank funding increased by 24 percent. African Development Foundation funding increased by 31 percent. African Development Fund decreased by 12 percent. The newly-created Millennium Challenge Account did not exist in FY 2000, and its entire FY 2004 budget went towards administrative expenses rather than country programs. The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries debt relief funding decreased by 32 percent. The only programs that both existed in FY 2000 and more than doubled by FY 2004 were Foreign Military Financing, which increased by 109 percent, and emergency food aid (PL 480 Title II), which increased by 159 percent. From FY 2000 to FY 2005 (estimated), U.S. aid to Africa will have increased by 78 percent in real dollar terms or 93 percent in nominal dollars--not quite a doubling, much less a ``tripling'' of aid. Of this increase, 50 percent consists of emergency food aid (PL 480 Title II). Actual development assistance, excluding food aid and security assistance, will have increased an estimated 74 percent from FY 2000 to FY 2005 in real dollar terms, or 89 percent in nominal dollars.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, right now in the Committee on Ways and Means there is a lot of discussion going on in reporting out a Central American Free Trade Agreement, which includes the Dominican Republic. This is part of an effort on the part of our great country to try to open up the doors and to make certain we give an opportunity to people throughout the world, but especially those in our own hemisphere to have an opportunity for a better quality of life. This concept has been extended to Communist China, to North Korea, and to other countries. But here, we believe, in Cuba, it has nothing to do with anything except politics. It has nothing to do with the economy. It has everything to do with a small group of people in Florida. With all due respect to their strong feelings against Castro, it would seem to many of us that the best way to get rid of a dictator is to really open up the country; to be able to go to send remittances to families; to be able to travel; but certainly to be able to have an exchange of commodities between their country and ours. It seems to me that American businesses are losing billions of dollars by not being able to trade. And who is being hurt? It is certainly not Castro. It is the poor people in the country. And if we cannot believe or bring ourselves to see that this policy for over 45 years has cost us in prestige around the world that respects international trade agreements; that has cost us in money; but I really believe it has cost us by allowing Castro to tell the people in Cuba that every economic crisis that they have is based on the United States' embargo. As an American, if every country in the world has recognized this man, why can we not say that we recognize the Cuban people? Why can we not allow our business people to establish a relationship so that we are not blamed for what is happening in Cuba? We have tried to do this before. The United Nations believes that we are in violation of international law. The CARICOM nations in the Caribbean believe that we are violating the law. The World Trade Organization certainly cannot support what we are doing. In many areas it is considered an act of war to surround a nation and not allow ships to go in or to penalize a country. Most importantly, however, this is an un-American concept. We should not be afraid that any small island nation can take away from the strong deep-seated principles of democracy that we enjoy here. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Capps).

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Emanuel).

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate what was pointed out by the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee). I have no idea why the gentleman from Florida would refer to the victim of this atrocity that was committed in Cuba as being black. I do not see what that adds to the discussion as to whether or not as a free country we should not continue to respect international trade. I think that is what we are trying to do. We are trying to say the best way to get after dictators is to make certain that we have communication between nations. The best way to have people to understand what democracy is all about is to demonstrate what democracy is about by allowing Americans to go where they want to go when they want to go, to allow Americans to send money to whomever they want to send money to in Cuba. I truly believe all of the things that have been said, we would all agree. I believe that Saddam Hussein was a terrible man; but I do not believe we had a right to have a preemptive strike against a country. What we are trying to talk about is the value of trade, the value of countries communicating with each other. Who is being penalized? No embargo works when only one country is perpetrating the embargo. If all of the countries in the world are trading with Cuba, the best we do is lose money and restrict ourselves from showing that when it comes to competition, quality goods, farm goods, that America is the best. But when people say they do not want to offend a handful of people in Cuba, and therefore we put an embargo against an independent country, it is not the democratic, American thing to do.

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise to begin a formal acknowledgment of the injustices imposed on African descendants of the transatlantic slave trade in all of the Americas, with an emphasis on populations in Latin America and the Caribbean, and to encourage United States and international efforts to work to improve the situation of Afro- descendant communities in these regions. In the 108th Congress, my colleagues and I concluded that, for too long, this country and other nations had ignored the struggle and challenges faced by Afro-descendant populations in the Americas. While the U.S. has been compelled to take steps to address our race problem in this country, we have often unintentionally forgotten or deemphasized the impact of that struggle throughout the Western Hemisphere. The transatlantic slave trade had a devastating impact on the region's economies. While the exact events and conditions of slavery that dominated the U.S. did not necessarily permeate into Latin America and the Caribbean directly, Central and South America did have to deal with its own ``peculiar institution.'' Slavery transforms the body politic and the institutions of power and culture. It lifts one group of nations above another group, makes some the superior to others, and discriminates against those in the minority. In this country, it led to three centuries of segregation, discrimination, and prejudice. It remains a battle that African- Americans continue to suffer through today. Rising above the harmful effects of centuries of racism has not been easy for us; neither has it been for countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. In 2005, the struggle of Afro-descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean continues. Representing the largest population of African descendants outside of Africa, Afro-descendants have not fared well in the region. Afro-Latinos for instance account for about 30 percent of the Latin American population and make up over 60 percent of its poor. Afro-Latinos also have extreme high rates of suicide, homicide, infant mortality, and illiteracy. Brazil has the largest population of Afro-descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean. Shockingly, only one in three Afro- Brazilians attends secondary schools. Colombia has the second largest Afro-descendant population in the region and Afro-Colombians have shorter life expectancies, limited access to medical and health care facilities, and the highest rates of illiteracy. Our involvement, dependency, and complicity in the transatlantic slave trade require action by this country to help address the issues of Afro-descendant populations. With my House colleagues, I have introduced legislation (H. Con. Res. 175) to call for the recognition by this Congress of the struggle of Afro-descendant populations and to encourage and promote efforts to assist Afro-descendant communities. The resolution calls on the President, the Congress, and the international community to devote resources and services to help eradicate the economic and social disparities that exist in Latin America and the Caribbean. I also must acknowledge the productive support, insights, and assistance of the Afro-Latino Working Group: The Honorable Mr. John Conyers, Mr. Donald Payne, Ms. Barbara Lee, Mr. William Jefferson, and Mr. Gregory Meeks. Their counsel, advocacy, and commitment to these issues have been instrumental in raising the importance and awareness of this cause to me and this Congress. I appreciate their support. I would also like to thank the number of colleagues that have extended their support to this resolution and are currently listed as cosponsors to the legislation. They are a sign of the bipartisan and broad support of this resolution by this Chamber. Today, the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere of the International Relations Committee marked up this legislation and voted to support it. I hope the 109th Congress will give it the same attention and support. I would like to submit the text of House Concurrent Resolution 157 for the Record.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker, as the people of the Caribbean prepare for another chaotic hurricane season, I rise today to bring to the attention of my colleagues some important advice on the preparation and prevention efforts in the region. During last summer's hurricane season the small island nations of Grenada, Jamaica, and Haiti were severely impacted with terrible destruction of essential infrastructure and significant loss of life. This catastrophe caused the Members of the last Congress to include $100 million in relief assistance in the supplemental appropriations bill for Florida. Our neighbors in the Caribbean were harder hit than even Florida. Homes, lives, and economic prospects were destroyed in the wake of hurricanes that beat down on the island nations of the Caribbean and the United States southern coastline. Many were shocked and surprised by the destructive force of these natural phenomena. Many felt the devastating blows of the hurricane splitting and eroding homes, towns, and communities. Others witnessed the indiscriminate winds that ripped roofs from homes, merchandise from store fronts and children from homes. Hurricane season routinely strikes the Caribbean harder than the U.S. The fragile economies of these noble neighbors too often succumb to the might and power of these natural disasters. As staples of their economy, tourism and agriculture suffer significantly in the wake of the floods, winds, and aftermath of a destructive hurricane. The effect of hurricanes on the United States alone is often breathtaking and requires a mammoth community mobilization and effort of the surrounding states. Imagine its impact on the Dominican Republic, Jamaica, and St. Vincent. As we enter this annual season of threat in 2005, this Congress should take the lead in preparing our Caribbean neighbors for the events to come. We should be ensuring that the resources are available to meet the humanitarian needs of the region. We should be securing the supplies and gear necessary for recovery. We should be certain that the regional infrastructure can handle the health and welfare needs that will arise. CaribNews recently hosted a Caribbean conference in the Bronx on the subject of disaster preparedness. They focused on the planning and preparation of the region for the next major natural disaster. In a recent article, they established some important steps that should be taken to ensure that the region is prepared and ready to deal with the consequences of this year's hurricane season. I submit for the Record the following editorial from the CaribNews on their conferences and recommendations for addressing the challenges of hurricane preparation. We Need to Be Ready for the Consequences Preparation, they say, is the mother protection. In this case, we are talking about protecting lives, property, and in many ways the future against the ravages of Mother Nature. In the Caribbean and the South and the southwest of the United States, the need is to prepare against the often- ferocious high winds and the rain of hurricanes. And now that we are into hurricane season, and with the experts predicting some of the strongest weather patterns in recent years, it's important that the U.S. and the Caribbean nations be ready for what may befall us. Just the other day, Adolfo Carrion, the Bronx Borough President, and this newspaper focused the city's spotlight on disaster preparedness. That was done at a highly successful Caribbean conference in the Bronx and participants in a panel discussion emphasized that we can't wait until a hurricane or other natural disasters strike and then respond. After all, the geological and geographic features of the Caribbean archipelago almost guarantee that a hurricane can strike at any time during the second half of the year. While we can prevent trade conflicts, end political rows or avoid military adventures, there is precious little we can do to stop hurricanes, earthquakes, or floods from hitting us, affecting all those who live in a particular country or the region. Last year's devastation in Grenada brought on by Hurricane Ivan was a case in point. Not only was it unstoppable but its effects will be felt for many years to come. The floods, which took thousands of lives in the Dominican Republic and Haiti, could not have been thwarted by human effort but the pain and suffering was prolonged by the inability to respond effectively once the tragedy had occurred. Similarly, the damage caused by Ivan and other hurricanes in the Bahamas, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Florida, St. Vincent and the Cayman Islands spoke more of the resilience of these countries to bounce back and the relatively good fortune that prevented them from being struck a mightier blow than to anything else. We shouldn't forget too that Dominica was hit but spared extensive damage when an earthquake shook the Caribbean island. Unlike hurricane warnings, earthquake prediction didn't have any value in Dominica's case. That's why the meeting in the Bronx was of such significance and why Caribbean nations, the international community and immigrant groups in New York, Miami, Boston, Hartford, and elsewhere must plan ahead in case the vulnerability of the small islands are exposed once again. For as 2004 showed us, the twinkling of the proverbial eye and the decades long effort to build a country and put it in very good shape to propel living standards forward can be undone in a matter of hours. Clearly, because natural disasters are inevitable, the emphasis must be placed on minimizing damage and responding to the needs of those affected. To begin with Caribbean and U.S. governments must take measures to lessen pain, suffering and damage. Mutual assistance and self-help scheme at the institutional and individual levels are vital and must be integrated into sound natural disaster strategies. Building codes must be enacted and enforced to limit the effects of the troubles we have seen in recent years, not simply in the Caribbean but in the U.S. as well when entire villages come tumbling down. It's incumbent upon home owners and business places whose structures were built several years ago or even recently to check to see to what extent their buildings can resist hurricane force winds, floods, or even seismic shocks. Although Caribbean governments are already strapped for cash, they should consider providing tax incentives to property-owners to promote disaster mitigation. The tax system can be an important tool to achieve the goal of increasing the number of buildings that can withstand the winds and the rains spawned by hurricanes. As for the Diaspora and the international community, not to mention local and state governments in New York State and other parts of the country, they must extend their disaster preparations schemes to include the Caribbean. After all, in places such as New York where hundreds of Caribbean immigrants live the inevitability of natural disasters is of great concern to many. So they must be included in the planning and the response. Caribbean immigrants have in the past responded well and with alacrity to disasters in their respective homelands and in the region as a whole. But there is also an urgent need for a greater coordinated approach to relief. The counterparts of the Bronx Borough President in Brooklyn, Queens and Manhattan should also consider the approach he adopted recently when he brought people and institutions together to consider the problem before it occur again. Assembling folks to discuss the potential perils ahead and putting mechanisms in place can go a long way in bringing relief after disaster has struck.

Mr. RANGEL

Mr. RANGEL. Mr. Speaker I rise to discuss the ongoing progress towards meetings the objectives of Prime Minister Blair's G-8 objectives. The announcement of a tentative debt relief agreement for certain developing countries, mostly in Africa, is an extremely promising development for Africa that is long overdue. The recent agreement on 100 percent debt relief will initially benefit 14 nations in Africa, and is largely based on the Heavy Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) Program, which already offers some debt relief to the world's poorest nations. Several countries not included in the initial package are still technically eligible. An additional 9 African countries could qualify for full debt cancellation in the next 12 to 18 months, and a further 9 countries in Africa may potentially benefit from the agreement sometime in the future, if they continue to progress in meeting HIPC objectives, such as tackling corruption. But these additional countries are by no means guaranteed debt relief. The current $40 billion debt relief package must be commended. It is by far the most significant and comprehensive debt relief package ever given to Africa. However, a recent article entitled ``Plan That Falls Far Short of Global Needs'' in the publication CaribNews suggests that the plan must be closely scrutinized. One glaring issue is that the current package at most cancels only one-sixth of Africa's $295 billion debt and leaves out several countries such as Nigeria and Kenya. Nigeria, despite having a per capita GDP in line with HIPC eligible countries, and a staggering $36 billion debt, is not currently included in the deal, though G-8 representatives say that some type of Nigeria specific arrangement is in the works. As a leader in West Africa, if not the entire continent, its fate is closely linked to that of the region. As such, the inclusion of Nigeria in a debt relief package is crucial. In addition to debt relief, the issue of increased assistance must be addressed. This was reiterated in a recent Op-Ed release by Bernice Powell Jackson, Executive Minister of the Justice and Witness Ministries of the United Church of Christ, which calls on the U.S. to do more to help Africa. President Bush has so far rejected Blair's call to double aid to Africa, as well as establish the UN sanctioned benchmark which calls on developed countries to devote 0.7 percent of their gross national income to overseas development assistance by 2015. Of the G8 countries, France, Germany, Italy and Britain, have all pledged to hit the 0.7 percent target in the allotted period. The European Union also a collective body has also agreed to the benchmark. In 2004, the United States, the largest economy in the world, was second to last among industrialized nations in the amount of development assistance it gave as a percentage of Gross National Income--it was dead last in 2003. In sheer volume the U.S. gives the largest total amount of foreign development aid, but as a proportion of national income only 0.16 percent goes to aid, far short of the 0.7 percent UN target. While we claim to be the leader of the free world, small countries such as Norway and Denmark dwarf us in the percentage of their national income dedicated to development. Indeed, these countries have long exceeded the 0.7 percent aid target that the U.S. has yet to adopt. In addition, a recent report released by the Brookings Institute argues that the extent of U.S. assistance in recent years is not as large as the Administration has asserted. Lastly, the issue of trade liberalization must be tackled if Africa is to experience real and sustainable development. Africa has a population of 860 million, accounting for 13.6 percent of the world's population, yet it only accounts for only two percent of global trade volume--down from 6 percent in the 1980's. This is compounded by industrialized countries' usage of unfair trading mechanisms, such as subsidies, which have prevented African farmers and firms from competing on an equal footing with other nations. While industrialized nations battle with each other over increasing the $50 billion they give in annual development assistance, they continue to spend over $300 billion on domestic agricultural subsidies. For its part, the U.S. gives billions of dollars annually in subsidies to a very small group of largescale agricultural producers-- while compelling poor countries to further open up their markets. The World Bank has estimated that an end to Western agricultural subsidies would allow developing countries to earn hundreds of billions--on their own. Concessions on trade may prove to be the hardest sell in Blair's G-8 agenda, but his agenda is one the world cannot afford to ignore. Helping the Least of These: Cancel Africa's Debt and Share the Wealth (By Bernice Powell Jackson) If you were only to read most of the newspaper headlines, you'd think that the U.S. government is being quite generous to the world's poorest continent, Africa, but it just ain't so. In fact, we're being awfully stingy and while President Bush is trying to put a happy face on his meetings with British Prime Minister Tony Blair, Mr. Blair must be pretty disappointed at how little he is coming away with for Africa. The truth is that 34 of the world's 48 poorest nations are in Africa, which is also facing a rampant AIDS epidemic, where thousands die every day. Moreover, a number of African nations are still recovering from civil wars and/or enormous national debts, many of which were incurred by unscrupulous dictators and illegitimate governments who never used the funds for the hospitals and schools for which they were intended. The truth is that Africa is a continent whose natural resources of gold, diamonds, oil, chromium and other much-needed minerals have been ravaged by much of the rest of the world. Moreover, tens of millions of its most precious resource--human beings--died or were stolen in the African slave trade a century ago. I remember being on a World Council of Churches panel in 1998 in Zimbabwe, where an African leader reminded us that when you count the billions of dollars lost to Africa through these ways, ``we don't owe Europe and America anything. You still owe us,'' he said. The truth is that for many of the poorest nations, paying back these huge national debts is not only burdensome, it is impossible. For most, they will never be able to pay off the principle, while the interest costs continue to mount. But many of these nations are forced to make these interest payments, which means that they cannot put funds into health care and education, which are critical to their national survival. Even the new World Bank President, Paul Wolfowitz; has said that a case can be made for more funds going to development in Africa. President Bush, however, doesn't seem to agree with his protege, Mr. Wolfowitz. In his meetings with Prime Minister Blair, President Bush has expressed an openness to canceling debts, but he has refused to increase substantially U.S. foreign aid to Africa. Instead, he has agreed to use $674 million already allocated by Congress for emergency famine relief to a few African countries. The extra $25 billion a year for Africa sought by Mr. Blair, are not budgeted President Bush replied. Nevermind that almost the entire $220 billion allocated for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have been unbudgeted by this same administration. Many Americans believe that we spend about 25 percent of our Federal budget on foreign aid to poor nations when we actually spend about 1 percent. Many Americans believe the headlines when our government agrees to fund programs like the $15 million announced for AIDS in Africa. The reality is that little of that money has been sent. Similarly, three years ago the U.S. signed onto the United Nation's Millennium Project. In it, the world's riches nations agreed to increase their aid to .7 percent by 2015 to the poorest nations. Two weeks ago the European Union agreed to double their aid by 2015. But, it seems the President Bush has told Mr. Blair that we won't be doing the same. It's the old story of the check is in the mail. In a recent editorial, the New York Times pointed out that .7 percent of the American economy would equal about $80 billion. That's roughly equivalent to the amount the Senate approved for additional military spending in Iraq and a little more than half of the corporate tax cut last year. Three hundred million Africans live on less than $1 a day on a continent trapped in $300 billion in foreign debt. If we're serious about fighting the war on terrorism and serious about living out the moral values we're so quick to talk about, then we must not only cancel the debt of Africa's poorest nations, but we must also substantially increase our foreign aid to Africa. You can write or call President Bush and tell him so. You can write or call your Senator. You can ask others to join you--it's up to us, all of us.