Ileana Ros-Lehtinen

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I want to thank my friend and colleague and chair of the Republican Women's Policy Committee, Congresswoman Renee Ellmers, for leading the charge on this Special Order so that we can discuss issues of national security. As we have heard, Madam Speaker, and will continue to hear tonight, there is no shortage of national security threats that are facing us today. That is not what should scare us. What should scare us is that the Obama administration has no strategy, no plan in place, to address some of the most serious threats that are out there. Perhaps the most pressing issue currently facing U.S. national security, the security of our friend and ally, really--the Democratic Jewish State of Israel--and, indeed, global security is a nuclear-armed Iran. If we want to discuss national security threats, we can spend all day discussing the ones the administration just set into motion when it and the rest of the P5+1 nations announced this nuclear agreement with Iran. Let's set aside for a moment, Madam Speaker, the fact that the administration just guaranteed that Iran will become a nuclear threshold state as a result of this deal, and we can all set our timers on when that first Iranian bomb will be produced thanks to this weak and dangerous deal. Let's focus on the fact that the administration just guaranteed that the Iranian regime's billions of dollars that it is going to have to fill its coffers to underwrite its support for terror aimed at the U.S. and aimed at our interests around the world and especially our ally the democratic Jewish State of Israel. Remember, this is the same regime that was responsible for building and providing the vast majority of roadside bombs that killed and injured thousands of our brave men and women who served valiantly in Iraq. It is the same regime that has propped up the murderous Assad regime in Syria, that supports the Shiite militias, all of which contributed greatly to the rise of the Sunni terror group ISIL, which has now become one of the greatest threats to U.S. national security as well. This regime is responsible for the bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks and the U.S. Embassy bombings in Beirut and continues to support Hezbollah and Hamas as the terror groups that target Israel. If this terrifying scenario wasn't bad enough, Madam Speaker, the Obama administration has included in this sweetheart of a deal for the Iranian regime lifting all U.N. Security Council resolutions, including the arms embargo, and that won't even last the duration of the deal, but it will be only in 5 years. Madam Speaker, what has Iran done to deserve a lifting of the arms embargo, the lifting of sanctions against its ballistic missile program, its support for terror? Iran, in fact, continues to stoke sectarian violence, foments instability in the Middle East, flexing its muscles with the arms and military equipment that it already has. Now, we are prepared to lift the arms embargo on that murderous regime, lift the restrictions in place on its ballistic missile program, the most expansive program out of any country in the region. What kind of message did we just send to our partners in the region who fear Iran's hegemonic ambitions? We just allowed their most feared enemy to become a nuclear state, to have access to have even more money to support its illicit activities, and to bolster its conventional weapons and ballistic missile program. Talk about threats to our national security, Madam Speaker--wow. This nuclear deal that the Obama administration announced this morning just guaranteed an all-out conventional and nuclear arms race that very well could lead to what the President claimed he was trying to avoid, a war. Whether it is Iran or whether it is Cuba, as Mrs. Black of Tennessee pointed out, President Obama is going legacy shopping. I fear that Israel will be next on Obama's legacy shopping list. I worry that President Obama will force Israel to accept a bad peace deal with the Palestinians. Madam Speaker, let's shut down Obama's legacy store. We just can't afford it. I would like to thank Mrs. Ellmers for her leadership on this national security threat.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, earlier today, the Supreme Leader's handpicked puppet, Rouhani, prematurely tweeted about what he called a victory of diplomacy and, get this, mutual respect before a nuclear deal between the P5+1 and Iran was actually sealed. This is the same regime that openly calls for death to America and to our ally, the democratic Jewish State of Israel, and the same despots who support terror all across the globe aimed at U.S. interests. Now we hear that we may capitulate and end the arms embargo on Iran, its conventional military and ballistic missile program, and that the U.S. will lift all sanctions on day one. And for what, Mr. Speaker? So that Iran can keep in place every major piece of its nuclear infrastructure, and Iran can claim victory over the Great Satan and the Little Satan. This will be more than just a defeat for diplomacy. It will be a disaster that will set in motion a nuclear and conventional arms race in the world's most volatile region. And who knows what dangers that will bring.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to visit the graphic display that is exhibited right now at the Rayburn foyer called the Venezuela of Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow. This exhibit carries the hopes and dreams of Venezuelans and Venezuelan Americans who worked hard to restore democracy, freedom, and prosperity to their homeland. The Maduro regime has destroyed the economy of a once wealthy nation, causing widespread shortages and long lines for consumer goods. Innocent men and women who demand the protection of democratic principles are arrested with false charges and tried by kangaroo courts, where their fate is already sealed. Madam Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to join the Educational Foundation for Democracy and IVAC for a tour of this impressive collection of photos that documents the prosperous democratic past, the oppressive present, and the bright future that awaits Venezuela, for which they are fighting now.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank all of my colleagues who are here tonight at this late hour to talk about the weak negotiations that are taking place in Vienna on the nuclear deal with Iran. We have a number of distinguished speakers tonight who will address this looming topic that is of great urgency. Let me begin by yielding to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Johnson).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Speaker, that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on the topic of our Special Order.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Chair, I thank Mr. Johnson for his comments. I think he highlighted the basic problems that we have in dealing with a rogue regime like Iran that cannot be trusted, that has not been dealing with us in a straight manner. I thank the gentleman very much for his leadership on this issue. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I yield to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Rodney Davis) to address this threat as well.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Davis, I quite agree with you. The more we know about this deal, Mr. Speaker, the more we know it is a weak, dangerous, bad deal. Thank you, Mr. Davis, for sharing your insight with us. I yield to Mr. Lance of New Jersey, who has long been speaking about the dangers of a nuclear Iran.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you very much, Mr. Lance. May it be so; from your words to God's ears, may we get this strong deal that can truly be verified. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Curbelo), my colleague, a man with whom I have had the honor of talking about this issue, the danger that a nuclear Iran imposes for the stability of the world, not just for Israel, not just for the neighborhood, and not just for the United States. Thank you, Mr. Curbelo, for your leadership on this issue.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Curbelo, you certainly have been a leader in this fight. It is interesting that you should bring up the dangerous clown, Khamenei, because he has been replaced by an equally murderous, sadistic thug, Rouhani; but now, the international community likes to call him the ``moderate'' leader, where they have had more executions in Iran under the so-called moderate then ever. The ``Death to America,'' ``Death to Israel'' chants continue, just as they continued during Ahmadinejad's time. Whether it is Ahmadinejad, whether it is a moderate Rouhani, it is a Supreme Leader who calls the shots. Nothing in Iran, sadly, has changed. They are calling for the destruction of our ally, and they are calling for destruction of this great country. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you very much, Mr. Collins. I think you laid it out in a thoughtful manner. No deal is better than a bad deal. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Zeldin).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Thank you so much to the gentleman from New York. Mr. Speaker, I yield to my colleague from Florida, Dr. Yoho.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I thank you, Dr. Yoho, and I think you laid out the chronology of the long timetable of the deceit that Iran has been dealing with in terms of their nuclear program. I thank all of my colleagues, Mr. Speaker, who joined tonight's Special Order to discuss Iran's nuclear negotiations that are going on in Vienna as we speak. After missing deadline after deadline and allowing for extension after extension, we are now hearing that these negotiations may be open-ended. It is our job in Congress to conduct proper oversight on any proposed deal and to reject any deal that is not in the best interests of our national security or the security and stability of the entire region. As current law stipulates, if a deal is submitted for congressional review before tomorrow, then Congress only has a 30-day review period. However, if this deal is submitted after tomorrow, we will have 60 days to review the terms of the agreement. Why should the administration fear an additional 30 days of review? If this deal is so good, as the administration keeps telling us, then it should be strong enough to stand up to congressional review and congressional scrutiny; but the administration knows just how weak this deal will be. Mr. Speaker, let's review, as my colleagues have done, how far back we have slid from conditions that we placed on Iran when we started and how much the P5+1 countries have caved through its concessions to this rogue and dangerous regime. Let's start with this: there are six United Nations Security Council resolutions against Iran and its nuclear program. Each one of those resolutions puts restrictions on Iran and calls for a complete stop on uranium enrichment, a complete stop. The Supreme Leader argued that it had a right to enrich under the nonproliferation treaty, the NPT, to which it is a signatory, but of course, all of these alleged rights should have been forfeited once it was discovered that Iran had been in violation of the nonproliferation treaty and other international obligations for decades because it has been operating a covert nuclear program; yet the P5+1 countries inexplicably ceded the so-called right to Iran. In fact, in 2009, the President clearly stated: ``Iran must comply with U.N. Security Council resolutions and make clear it is willing to meet its responsibilities as a member of the community of nations.'' That ended up not being true, as the President has caved on that commitment. The President has repeatedly stated in the past that Iran doesn't need to have a fortified underground facility in Fordo, a heavy water reactor in Arak, or some of the other advanced centrifuges that they currently possess in order to have a peaceful nuclear program; yet where are we now? Well, Iran will maintain Fordo and its capacity to produce and store heavy water while continuing to not just operate advanced centrifuges, Mr. Speaker, but to also test and conduct research and development on them as well--how far we have moved those goalposts. There is also a serious and dangerous issue of the possible military dimensions, PMD, and Iran's past nuclear activity. Just 3 weeks ago, Secretary Kerry confirmed what we long suspected, that disclosure of past nuclear activity is no longer a must-have for this administration in this nuclear deal. How would any agreement that doesn't demand that Iran at least come clean about the extent of its program going to be a good deal, Mr. Speaker? Don't forget that the Supreme Leader has also repeatedly stated that Iran's military sites would not be accessible to international inspectors. Let's not forget one of the most important things here, the ultimate gift we have given Iran. This deal will help legitimize this rogue regime that will not only allow Iran to be viewed as a responsible nation, but it is no longer going to be the pariah state. We are going to say it is a trusted member of the international community, and we have done that. We have granted that legitimacy with these conversations. Also, the reports indicate--and I don't hear any words to the contrary--that Iran may receive a $50 billion signing bonus, as if this is the NFL draft, a signing bonus which it will then use to support terror, which it will use to foment instability, which it will use to stoke sectarian tensions, which it will use to continue to threaten Israel, which it will continue to undermine U.S. national security interests. Mr. Speaker, that is what their signing bonus will do. That is what sanctions relief will do. If the United States is willing to overlook all of these transgressions, all of these crimes, and negotiate a deal with Iran without pressing for changes in its actions, then it will be seen as an endorsement of those actions. Mr. Speaker, we have every indication that we are not going to get what any of us would remotely consider to be even a halfway good deal. The requirements for a good deal went out the window when the negotiators allowed Iran to maintain its entire nuclear infrastructure and continue to enrich uranium. It is our obligation, then, to conduct our proper oversight and review and reject any nuclear deal that we feel is not in the best interests of our U.S. national security. If we do that, we must move swiftly to reimpose any sanctions that have been suspended, any sanctions that have been waived against the regime, and to ensure that all sanctions are fully and vigorously enforced. Then we must move to enact additional sanctions on the regime until it meets its international obligations and abandons its pursuit of an illicit nuclear weapons program. Once upon a time, that was the goal. From the very beginning, Mr. Speaker, I have been saying that Iran is following the North Korean playbook: offering to negotiate in return for concessions but never delivering on anything tangible, only to break off when they no longer need what we have been giving them. I wrote this op-ed on October 19, 2012, ``Ros-Lehtinen: Obama Still Trying to Sweet-Talk Iran Out of Building the Bomb,'' and I was talking about the North Korea deal and how that dovetails with the Iranian deal. I wrote of the dangers of the Obama administration's naive view that if we keep talking, if we keep engaging with this rogue regime, then Iran will stop its drive for nuclear capability. I stated then, and I believe now, that this is what we are witnessing today, Mr. Speaker, that the Iranians will give the impression that a deal will be likely only to then pull away, that Iran benefits from dragging out the negotiations as long as possible because, as Mr. Collins of Georgia said, the centrifuges are still spinning, and they want to provide its nuclear program extra time in order to convince the world that an agreement is possible, leaving the administration and the EU to quietly ease sanctions enough to revive the stagnant Iranian economy that had been on the brink of collapse thanks to the sanctions that Congress placed on them; because that was the intent and the purpose and the objective of the sanctions, not to get them to negotiate, but to collapse their economy so that they could not pour money into their terrorist activities and their covert nuclear program. But what we are seeing now is the administration and other P5+1 countries will allow the terms of the JPOA and, thus, the easing of sanctions to continue to be in place despite having overextended several deadlines. Iran never had any intention of coming to a real agreement, and we would be foolhardy to believe that it does now, not when it is already getting everything it wants. Why should they concede anything now? Mr. Speaker, the only way that Iran will say yes to a deal is if it is so bad and so weak that Iran would be stupid and silly to walk away from it. Yet that is precisely what we are looking at right now, Mr. Speaker. Either Iran keeps dangling an agreement in front of the P5+1 and continues to get more sanctions relief, or the P5+1 completely and utterly capitulates to Iranian demands. So it is incumbent upon us, Mr. Speaker, to reject any deal that we view to be weak, any deal that we perceive to be a bad deal, any deal that is not in the interests of our U.S. national security interests. We must also continue to push back on this false binary notion that tells you that it is either this deal--no matter how bad it is--or going to war. That has been a fundamental misunderstanding of the purpose of the Iranian sanctions themselves. The fact that some believe that Iranian sanctions were designed only to get Iran to the negotiation table could not be further from the truth. The Iranian sanctions were designed to force the region to abandon completely its nuclear weapons ambitions, to give up its enrichment, and to dismantle its nuclear program. I should know, Mr. Speaker, because I am the author of several Iran sanctions bills, including the toughest set of sanctions against this terrible regime that are currently on the books right now. Sanctions, I might remind my colleagues and the American people, that the Obama administration fought us every step of the way or until it was clear that the administration could not stop our sanctions from becoming law, and then they said, Okay, we will accept them. So there is an alternative to these misguided talks. That is how I am going to conclude my Special Order tonight, Mr. Speaker. We must abandon these talks that are just patently a farce. We immediately reinstate all sanctions against Iran that have been eased, that have been waived, that have been lifted, and that have been ignored by the Obama administration and enact even tougher sanctions on the regime. We were on the brink until Iran received the lifeline that it needed. We gave it to them, and now we are the ones dangling on it as Iran's economy is being brought back to life because of sanctions relief, and the regime has been gaining concession after concession while never once making any change that would substantially and significantly set back its nuclear ambitions. So, Mr. Speaker, in the end, I will conclude with this: Reinstating and strengthening these sanctions, coupled with the credible threat that all options are on the table, including the military option, could act as the deterrent, but only if Iran recognizes that we are in a position of strength. That is why it is important that this body speak up. That is why it is important that we reject any deal we find to be insufficient, but we must also not let billions of dollars flow to the Iranian regime. We must start passing legislation that would impose tougher sanctions. This is a matter of utmost concern to our national security. I urge my colleagues to remain engaged on this issue. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to submit statements or extraneous materials for the Record on this measure.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 907, which is before us, is a simple, straightforward, commonsense bill that not only helps secure U.S. national security interests, but also the security interests of one of our closest allies in the Middle East, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. This bill will give Jordan the ability to buy defense articles, defense services, and major defense equipment under the Arms Export Control Act, as long as any sale is fully consistent with United States security and foreign policy interests and objectives. The bill also supports the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan in its response to the Syrian refugee crisis to help alleviate the domestic burden to provide basic needs for the assimilated Syrian refugees, and the bill also calls for greater cooperation with Jordan to fight the terrorist threat from the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant--ISIL-- or any other terrorist organization. Late last year, Mr. Speaker, I introduced this bill after leading a congressional delegation to Jordan. We traveled to Jordan to see how the people of Jordan were dealing with the strains put on them from the humanitarian crisis developing in Syria. The King of Jordan had taken in somewhere in the neighborhood of 1 million refugees, despite the toll it has taken on his country's infrastructure and resources; but despite the added pressures the Kingdom was facing from the refugee crisis, the King told us that one of the most pressing issues he was facing was the encroachment of ISIL toward his borders. He stressed that he was willing to help lead the fight against ISIL, but he just did not have sufficient military equipment with which to do so. I understand how important the stability and security of Jordan is not just for the region, but also for another strong ally of ours, the democratic Jewish State of Israel. It made sense that, in order to maintain the fragile stability in some of the countries in the region, we would need to help bolster the capabilities of our friends who are committed to defeating this radical extremist threat. We marked up the bill in November of last year, but simply ran out of time at the end of the Congress. I reintroduced the bill again this year, alongside Mr. Ted Deutch of Florida, the ranking member of the Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee; Kay Granger, chairman of the State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Subcommittee; and Nita Lowey, ranking member of the State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Subcommittee. I thank Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel because it is through their leadership that we were able to pass the bill out of the Foreign Affairs Committee unanimously this past April. Mr. Speaker, in Jordan, the U.S. could not ask for a more committed partner in the fight against ISIL. King Abdullah is committed to that fight. He understands the urgency and need to address ISIL head on, and he has shown that he is willing to take the necessary measures to defeat these extremists, but he needs more resources to fight ISIL. He needs these resources to protect the security of his people. Congress must do everything that we can to help our friends defend themselves and defeat this scourge of terror. I urge my colleagues to support this important bill. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 907) to improve defense cooperation between the United States and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, as amended.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, we have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I thank my good friend, the gentleman from Virginia, for his comments. I know that it comes from great experience. I believe that he also served as a staff member on the Foreign Relations Committee in the Senate. That has definitely helped him form his opinions and expertise.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I yield to the gentleman from Virginia.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Reclaiming my time, this bill could not come at a more important time, Mr. Speaker. In March, I was honored to join Speaker Boehner on a congressional trip to Jordan in order to discuss the growing threat to that region. I had previously gone there on my own CODEL. Now, going back in March, I see how ISIL has created an even greater threat to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the refugee crisis continues to build up for the Kingdom of Jordan. We expressed our appreciation to His Majesty for his steadfast commitment, to support his efforts to fight this ISIL threat, and help him with the burden of the refugees. The King reiterated again his commitment to defeating ISIL and the need for more assistance from the international community. We told him that we would do what we could to ensure that he had all of the tools needed to win this fight against ISIL. Since the coalition campaign against ISIL began, Mr. Speaker, the terror group has made great gains in Iraq and Syria. It has expanded its influence across the globe to places like Libya, Tunisia, Sinai, Europe, and even here in the United States. Congress needs to do our part. We need to step up. We need to show our allies that we are committed to help them. They are taking the fight to ISIL. Let's help them with these tools. We need to show ISIL and all of our enemies that we will stand by our allies. We will stand by our friends and help them do what is necessary--all that is necessary--to defeat terror and to defeat radical extremism. I urge my colleagues to support this vital, important bill and support our key ally, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. I would like to thank Mr. Royce and Mr. Engel again for their leadership, as well as Mr. Deutch, Ms. Granger, and Mrs. Lowey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise this morning to support Gustavo Perez Silverio, an historian in Cuba who has had to endure continued threats from Castro's state security forces. This week, Castro's thugs threatened Gustavo Perez Silverio by telling him that he would be prosecuted for terrorist activities, but his only crime was to support activism and engagement in Cuban civil society. That is not a crime. This is not the first time he has had to endure these dire threats. While in the United States last year, Gustavo issued statements about the current difficult situation in Cuba for human rights, but when he returned to the island, he learned that he lost his job as a professor at the university where he was teaching. This is another attempt by the Castro regime to silence peaceful opposition leaders. We cannot let this continue. What is happening to Gustavo happens to dozens of Cubans every day, innocent but brave dissidents who try to speak the truth about the human rights violations occurring in Cuba, violations that go unpunished due to the undeserved concessions given to the Castro brothers by this administration. Let's stand with the oppressed, the brave dissidents like Gustavo Perez Silverio, and not stand with their oppressor, the Castro regime. Claudia Puig

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to honor Claudia Puig, a leader in television and radio broadcasting, on her receipt of the Bill Brooks Award from the Florida Association of Broadcasters. Claudia is a prominent figure in our south Florida community, and with over 25 years of experience, her opinion is trusted and credible. Claudia has been recognized by Radio Ink magazine as one of the 50 Most Influential Women in Radio and has been honored as Manager of the Year with the prestigious Medallas de Cortez Award in 2012. Claudia has served on many prestigious boards, including Florida International University's Board of Trustees, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, and the Orange Bowl Committee. For those of us who know her, the Bill Brooks Award is a deserved honor and a testament to her hard work. Congratulations, Claudia. I wish you many more years of continued success. 22nd Anniversary of Amigos for Kids

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to congratulate Amigos for Kids, an organization in my congressional district that works to mitigate the harmful effects of child abuse and neglect. It has now embarked on its 22nd year of service to families in my congressional district in south Florida. As part of its mission, this noble organization, Amigos for Kids, administers an afterschool program at Jose Marti Park in Little Havana that provides kids with academic and extracurricular enrichment activities. Funded by the Children's Trust, Amigos for Kids also offers workshops to fortify the family bond. On June 20, Amigos for Kids will host its annual Miami Celebrity Domino Night. It is an event at which guests will enjoy live entertainment and culinary delights, which will benefit these kids. I thank Amigos for Kids for its commitment to assisting the less fortunate, and I encourage our community to get involved for the betterment of children and families. A united community can make a positive and lasting difference for all of us. raising alzheimer's awareness in june

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, June is Alzheimer's Awareness Month, and I rise today to shed light on one of the fastest growing and costliest epidemics facing our Nation. Having lost my mother due to complications of Alzheimer's, I am all too familiar with how it impacts not only the person, but the person's loved ones and the caregivers. Over 5.3 million Americans are living with this disease, including half a million Floridians. The Alzheimer's Association projects that, within the next 10 years, every State will experience significant increases in the number of people living with Alzheimer's. That means skyrocketing healthcare costs for impacted families and across all levels of government. Research is our best hope to save taxpayer dollars, and most importantly, to save lives. My thanks to all who are working every day toward curing Alzheimer's, a devastating disease. I also thank them for improving the patient's well-being and the caregiver's.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I thank the chairman for yielding. As the chairman points out, do we really want to trample on the property rights of innocent Americans whose properties were illegally stolen by the Cuban regime? The gentleman from South Carolina is correct, the concept is simple, but the concept he doesn't seem to understand is this: it is not about travel to Cuba. This is about protecting American properties that were illegally seized by the Castro government. We are selling out these legitimate property claims to thousands of American citizens. Respect for private property rights, Mr. Chairman, has been a consistent American policy since the founding of our Republic. The Cuban regime illegally confiscated property from American citizens. Our citizens have not been compensated, and we know there is no respect for the rule of law in Cuba. If an American's property has been seized, what does that American do? Well, there is no fair court for recess. Let me tell you what the Inter-American Law Review has noted about the Cuban regime's confiscation of U.S. assets. It says it is the ``largest uncompensated taking of American property by a foreign government in history.'' So this is what this amendment is about. If this amendment to strike the use of confiscated property were to pass, we would be, in essence, allowing and condoning the trafficking of stolen goods. Currently, there are over 8,800 claims certified by the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission, which is under the U.S. Department of Justice. American citizens whose properties were seized illegally--almost 9,000 have filed claims--the Castro regime doesn't care. These certified claims, are they just small? No. They are worth approximately $8 billion. This body must protect the interests of those citizens, of all of our citizens, so I implore our colleagues to not support these misguided attempts to normalize relations with the Cuban regime on the backs of American citizens. We are better than that. We must not allow this amendment to pass. We are about protecting American private property rights. This language in the bill protects American citizens, constituents that we represent in our congressional districts. Is this Chamber really going to side with a Communist tyrant in Cuba over American citizens? The Cuban regime should not be allowed to use American properties stolen from our citizens for its commercial benefit. If the U.S. endorses such a practice, what message will we be sending to other rogue regimes who would love to be confiscating American properties? So, if we want to help the Cuban people, and I am sure that all of us do, let's not give their oppressors more resources to violate their rights. We are here to protect private property rights of American citizens. We must reject this amendment, and rather than striking the provisions directly, which my colleagues could have done, they are offering limitation amendments that would prohibit funds to enforce those same provisions. Let's not do this. I urge my colleagues to oppose this amendment. Let's not trample on the rights of American citizens.