Ileana Ros-Lehtinen

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I just wanted to thank Ms. Waters for offering this resolution, for Mr. Engel, the ranking member on the subcommittee for his remarks, Mr. Faleomavaega for his leadership on our International Relations Committee. Mr. Speaker, I especially want to thank two staffers from each side of the aisle who have worked tirelessly not only on the issue of democracy for Haiti, but on all of the issues that impact Western Hemisphere: Mr. Paul Oostburg, thank you, Mr. Oostburg, for your leadership. And on our side, Ted Brennan. Thank you, Mr. Brennan, for your valuable work.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Foley), who just got back from a trip to Haiti with Ms. Waters, the author of this resolution.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this concurrent resolution that commends the people of Haiti for holding peaceful and democratic elections on February 7 and expresses the sense of the United States Congress that the U.S. should actively support efforts in Haiti to move that country toward national reconciliation, democracy, and development. Further, the resolution acknowledges the Haitian people's needs for sustained support and assistance from the United States and indeed the international community to ensure social and economic development. The elections took place February 7 with 2.2 million Haitians, over 60 percent of the registered voters, participating. There were only minor reports of violence and voting flaws. This bill recognizes the perseverance of the Haitian people as they struggle to maintain democracy. Many Haitians walked miles on election day to reach a polling station, and they waited hours in line to exercise their right to vote. The participation of an overwhelming number of Haitians in these elections clearly demonstrates the commitment of the Haitian people to democracy. I support the Waters resolution, House Concurrent Resolution 353, a resolution to commend the people of Haiti for the success of their recent election and congratulates President-elect Rene Preval on his victory in the elections. President-elect Rene Preval defeated a large field of candidates and won the election with over 51 percent of the vote. The people of Haiti have suffered tremendously as a result of violence and natural disasters, and the elections are a sign of hope for the future of the Haitian people. This resolution pledges the support of Congress and the assistance of the United States for national reconciliation, democracy, and development for the people of Haiti. Finally, this resolution embodies the hope that many of our colleagues on both sides of the aisle share, that democracy, stability, and prosperity will be realized as Haitians move beyond these recent elections and put the turbulent chapter behind them. I urge my colleagues to show their support for democracy in Haiti by supporting this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 353) commending the people of the Republic of Haiti for holding democratic elections on February 7, 2006, and congratulating President-elect Rene Garcia Preval on his victory in these elections.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call your attention to an extraordinary young woman from South Florida, Arielle Chikovsky. As a young girl, Arielle learned that she suffered from Ushers Syndrome, a genetic disease which causes the hearing-impaired to lose their eyesight. Yet Arielle has not let her condition detract her from her daily life. Remarkably, last year, at the age of 22, Arielle graduated from law school. Arielle is a finalist in the American Eagle Live Your Life Essay Contest. If named the winner, she plans to donate the $25,000 reward to Hope for Vision. Hope for Vision is a nonprofit organization dedicated to discovering treatments and cures for retinal degenerative diseases. I congratulate Arielle, who sets an example for everyone she encounters, and I support Hope for Vision and its leader, Isaac Lidsky, for their efforts to find a cure for this disease.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I rise today to address the House in honor of Greek Independence Day that was celebrated on March 25. Greek freedom fighters brought sovereignty back to their country, 185 years ago, allowing the Greek people to decide their fate for themselves again. I speak here today to honor all persons and nations who have successfully fought for their right to live according to the rules of democracy and freedom, denying the rule of tyranny and autocracy. As the oldest democracy in the world, the Greek nation has passionately struggled to uphold democracy as its form of government. The significance emanating from the year 1821 is outstanding, not only in the Greek context, but also as a strong symbol of the inspiration one brave nation can provide to the world. When in 1821 the Greek people regained their independence, more than four centuries of occupation and oppression by the Ottoman Empire came to an end. The peoples of the Balkans were soon to follow the Greek example and sought freedom from the Ottoman rule. The courage and vision of the Greek freedom fighters also transcended the borders of the former Ottoman Empire. The independence movement received broad support from intellectuals abroad, including English poet Lord Byron and U.S. Senator and Secretary of State Daniel Webster. The Greek flag symbolizes the legacy of 1821. The cross in the upper left part of the flag stands for the Greek Orthodox Church, which significantly helped Greeks to preserve their ethnic, cultural, and linguistic heritage during the years of occupation. The cross is embedded by nine alternating blue and white stripes, each representing one letter of the Greek word for freedom. While the flag was developed in the early days of independence, it took more than 150 years before it became the official Greek flag. After the end of the Ottoman occupation, Greeks had to struggle for another century before their land was truly freed. In the 1970s, Greeks once again fought for freedom and independence, stripping off a 7-year rule by a military junta. Shortly after democracy had been reestablished, the Greek nation finally adopted the cross-and-nine- stripe flag as its official flag. The United States is a proud partner of the Greek nation, which has given the gift of democracy to the world, and which throughout history has fought to uphold this gift as its guiding principle. Greeks and Americans share a common vision to have everyone on this planet enjoy the gift of freedom and democracy. Greece is one of our strongest allies in the international war against terror. The United States and Greece have consistently joined forces to fight the global threats of terrorism and state-sponsored terrorism, nuclear proliferation, illegal narcotics, and international crime. As a strong NATO ally, the Greek military has taken on a strong and abiding commitment in Afghanistan as well. Greece has given the United States both military and financial support for Operation Enduring Freedom. It contributes to it is International Security Assistance Force and has pledged to fund educational programs. Located on shores of the Mediterranean Sea, Greece is of the greatest geopolitical importance. Neighboring with the Balkans, it serves as a shining beacon of peace and stability in the region. Bordering with Turkey, it serves as the bridge to the Muslim world. I commend Greece for its strong work in the Middle East Partnership Initiative, MEPI, and its strong participation in the Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative. However, many pressing issues in the region remain unresolved, Madam Speaker. The ongoing conflict over the final name of the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia causes grave concern, just as it grieves me to see the continued division of Cyprus and the unbalanced approach that has been taken to overcome this division. I hope that we will soon be able to witness the end of the occupation and a reunification of Cyprus on fair and equitable terms. The emergence of a strong, vibrant and justly unified Cyprus would provide stability, both politically and economically, to the Mediterranean region. I urge Congress remain engaged in the search for a just and lasting reunification that will promote peace and stability. Recalling the Greek routes of democracy, I am proud to represent the interests of my Greek American constituency. With currently 1.5 million members, the Greek American community contributes significantly to the prosperity of our Nation. Madam Speaker, I am proud of the friendship that binds the United States, the land of freedom, and Greece, the country of freedom fighters. Together, we can promote democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human rights worldwide.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I offer congratulations to members of the Cuban-American Jewish Community who have contributed greatly to our Nation. They were elementary school classmates at the Plantel del Centro Israelita de Cuba and graduated from the sixth grade on June 20, 1958. Some of them were part of the Peter--Pedro--Pan Operation, which brought over 14,000 children and teenagers from Cuba who came to this country without their parents, thanks to the generosity of the U.S. Government. These Cuban Jewish children were cared for by the Hebrew Immigration Aid Society, HIAS, which assisted them in finding housing in foster homes and orphanages. Despite the fact that they all left Cuba after 1959, they have remained in contact since. Most of these individuals will be celebrating their 60th birthday this year and are holding a reunion in Miami. It will be their first gathering as a group since they risked their lives in search of freedom and liberty to come to this great country that warmly accepted them with open arms. They are proud citizens and are very grateful for the opportunities they have enjoyed in this country such as freedom, peace and prosperity, opportunities that our brothers and sisters in Cuba do not enjoy. I am glad to see such a wonderful group of people committed to bringing freedom and democracy to Cuba. Many members of the Cuban-American Jewish Community have had long and successful careers that span many years of outstanding service, dedication, hard work, devotion, and love for our country. They are successful parents, professionals, businessmen, community leaders and grandparents. I am proud to recognize the Cuban-American Jewish Community for their tireless dedication to the well being of our South Florida residents. I ask my colleagues to join me in congratulating the Cuban-American Jewish Community for their wonderful service to our great Nation. Below, I have included the names of the individuals that are part of this distinguished group. In parentheses are the married names of the women. Aliva Lipschitz (Mingel), Aron Lew, Becky Gol (Eshkenazy), Berta Perelmuter (Faigenblat), Betty Kozolchyk (Savariego), Cecilia Lurie (Berenthal), David Vainstein, Eli Bick, Enrique Bekerman, Enrique Goldberg, Zolia Eva Becker (Don), Gela Arber (Altman), Isidoro Stein, Jacobo Fridzon, Jacobo Rydz, Jose Kluger, Joseph Roisman, Judy Derechinsky (Feder), Leon Kopel, Leon Papir, Luis Kosobucki, Luis Lidsky, Luisa Kopel, Manny Feinstein, Marcos Kerbel, Mark Faigenblat, Moises Golobovich, Nicky Vaserstein, Perla Radlow (Stein), Polita Rubinstein (Chyzyk), Rebeca Rosenzweig (Shapiro), Rebecca Roth (Glinsky), Richard Novigrod, Ruth Silber (Kurkin), Sara Hochman (Zands), Sarita Zditowsky (Blaugrund), Tere Treibich (Ben Hain), Toni Rosenberg (Taubenfeld), Vivian Celniker (Mechaber). I would also like to recognize the loving memory of those who are no longer with us: Salomon Milner and Alberto Rabinsky.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I yield to the gentleman from California.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Chairman, last year Hurricanes Katrina, Rita and Wilma dealt a triple blow to the residents of my district. Florida's commercial fishermen were among the hardest hit, yet these small business owners did not receive any special disaster assistance from last year's Hurricane Supplemental Appropriations Bill and minimal aid from other Federal agencies. Both their livelihoods and the future of this important industry are threatened. That is why I am requesting the gentleman's help in securing the necessary resources to assist these hard-working men and women.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize a south Florida leader for his widespread community involvement and his dedication to keeping alive the memory and the lessons of the Holocaust. Ezra Katz has been the president of the Greater Miami Jewish Federation, a member of the board of directors of the Foundation for Jewish Renewal, and a founder and life trustee of the Holocaust Memorial Committee of Miami Beach. Ezra Katz immigrated to the United States in 1958 from Israel. He has stood up for the rights of the Jewish people and has been a staunch supporter of the State of Israel. Ezra is a role model and a model citizen for all of us in south Florida, young and old alike. It is my pleasure and honor to commend Ezra Katz as the inaugural recipient of the Simon Wiesenthal Legacy Award.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to urge other nations to join us in the United States in voting against the proposed United Nations Human Rights Council. This council is by no means true reform. Some may argue that we have actually gone from bad to worse; that it is easier for the likes of China or Syria, Iran, Burma and Cuba to get on this council than it would be for the United States. That is what we are dealing with in the current proposal. All countries on the U.N. General Assembly are eligible to become members no matter what their human rights record. This is the same General Assembly that in November of last year, amidst the horrible genocide taking place in Darfur, could not agree that Sudan was guilty of human rights violations. For the sake of the victims of human rights abuses, we must take immediate action to prevent this travesty. Let us support our ambassador, John Bolton, in rejecting this so-called reform package which is nothing but a sham.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, a year ago we were filled with hope that the proposed United Nations Human Rights Council would correct the deeply flawed human rights mechanisms in that body. We thought that once and for all repressive regimes would be held accountable for their crimes. However, our hopes were quickly dashed last Thursday when the latest proposal for the new Human Rights Council was made public. Rather than taking the time to do something constructive, to make things right, the international community chose consensus over substance. There was a race to the lowest common denominator. And the result? A flawed proposal which empowers dictatorships while weakening democratic countries such as the United States and Israel. Much more work needs to be done, Mr. Speaker. We must ensure that the new council is not mere cosmetic changes, but true reform. Let us support our U.S. Ambassador, John Bolton, by rejecting this so-called reform. It is nothing but a farce.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to voice my objections to the proposed United Nations Human Rights Council. The proposal offered by the U.N. General Assembly President is a far cry from the reforms that we envisioned just a year ago. If adopted as is, the proposed Council could continue the U.N.'s roll down to irrelevance and would inhibit the efforts of the United States to promote and protect human rights worldwide. Mr. Speaker, in creating the United Nations, an entity born from the ashes of the Holocaust and the struggle against tyranny in World War II, the nations of the world committed themselves to one goal: ``Never again.'' We would never again tolerate violations of fundamental freedoms and liberties endowed to each and every human being. A Commission on Human Rights was established to ensure that we would not waver in this commitment. It sought to protect the oppressed while holding the oppressors accountable for their actions. However, this commission has become a rogue's gallery, a country club for pariah states, a speaker's forum for dictators. No farmer would designate a fox to guard his henhouse. No member of the international community in 1945 would have Heimler serve as a judge in Nuremberg; yet the United Nations deemed it acceptable and credible to have the likes of China, Cuba, Iran, and Sudan to sit on its Human Rights Commission. We had to take action. As a result, the U.N. Reform Act was adopted by the House not once but twice, and it contained provisions to fundamentally reform the entities dealing with human rights at the United Nations. The Henry Hyde bill called for the United States to leverage our influence as well as our financial contributions to the United Nations in order to ensure that countries could only serve with members of any human rights body if they uphold the values embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We provided specific criteria for membership, criteria which seemed obvious, even self-evident, or so we thought. It appears that it was not so obvious, not so self-evident, given that the current proposals for the U.N. Human Rights Council have no concrete human rights prerequisite for membership. But that is just the tip of the iceberg. There are other areas of grave concern. The draft for the creation of the U.N. Human Rights Council does not establish criteria for membership. All members of the U.N. would be eligible for membership. This means that gross human rights violators could easily serve on the newly renamed council. It would give greater power and influence to certain regional groupings. These nations would hold 55 percent of the votes, therefore marginalizing the influence of Western democracy while heightening the collective power of despotic regimes. It also makes it easier to call for special sessions of the council. Due to the new composition of the council, democratic nations such as ours and Israel would become targets for these special sessions. It would also require members to rotate off every two terms, which means that every 6 years the United States would be off the council. The United States must stand firm against these attempts. I commend John Bolton, the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, for doing just that and raising the bar for other democratic nations to do the same. We must make it clear to the United Nations that we will not accept a simple reshuffling of the deck chairs on the Titanic. We will not be pressured into a hasty vote on this Human Rights Council while much needs to be done, much needs to be reconsidered and studied. Let us recall our promise of ``Never again.'' Let us ask ourselves, does the proposed U.N. Human Rights Council fulfill that promise? If it does not, then let us make every effort to ensure that it does. We must prevent the Human Rights Council from also being hijacked and manipulated into a tool of oppression and tyranny, rather than standing for freedom and democracy.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to claim the time of the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, pursuant to the previous order of the House, I call up the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 341) condemning the Government of Iran for violating its international nuclear nonproliferation obligations and expressing support for efforts to report Iran to the United Nations Security Council, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Reserving the right to object, we understand that the ranking member is on his way, and he seeks time on the bill. Therefore, accordingly, I would object to that request.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume in closing. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman, my good friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), for his wise words. It is always a pleasure to work with him as well as with our chairman, Henry Hyde. Mr. Speaker the International Atomic Energy Agency in its February 4, 2006 resolution said that after nearly 3 years the agency is not yet in a position to conclude that there are no undeclared nuclear materials or activities in Iran. Iran needs to hear our message loud and clear. The United Nations Security Council now has the Iran case after 20 years of Iran's covert activities and after 3 years of mocking the international community. Let us send a message loud and clear today. Let us pass this resolution.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to refute some of the statements that have been made against the resolution. Madam Speaker, H. Con. Res. 341 clearly outlines the Iran threat, not just as assessed by the United States, not just as assessed by the Europeans, but by the International Atomic Energy Agency. After dealing with the Iran case for over 3 years, it reaffirms the position of the United States, of the U.S. Congress, as articulated through the passage of previous measures, that Iran has forfeited any right for any access to nuclear technology or materials. In response to previous statements regarding this resolution and sanctions, stating that it would isolate the Iranian people, on the contrary, Madam Speaker, sanctions would empower the Iranian people because it would weaken this regime. More importantly, due to the Iran economy's vulnerabilities, the sanctions and the denial of billions of dollars of oil investments would deny the regime in Tehran the funds that they need to carry out this nuclear program and to continue with its extremist terrorist activities. In closing, I would like to remind my colleagues that in the summer of 2001 Iran's ayatollah expressed Iran's commitment to bring America to its knees. Those were his statements. He added that ``the giant will fall,'' the giant being the United States of America. Combine this with what the director of the National Intelligence Agency, John Negroponte, said in his recent testimony. He said, while the assessment of when Iran would go nuclear is about 5 to 10 years from now, he also expressed grave concerns that we did not really know the extent of Iran's nuclear activities. He said that Iran's 20-year pursuit of a covert program means that we cannot truly confirm any specific timeframe. Mr. Negroponte also said that Iran's missile program, with a nuclear capability, posed a serious concern for our U.S. security interests. Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul), a member of the International Relations Committee. (Mr. PAUL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of House Concurrent Resolution 341, a resolution that I had the pleasure of drafting with my good friends, the distinguished chairman of the House International Relations Committee, Henry Hyde, and our ranking member, Congressman Tom Lantos. I want to express my appreciation to our leadership for recognizing the importance for the House to be heard on this important issue and for moving this resolution expeditiously to the floor today. Madam Speaker, for at least two decades, the Iranian regime has been pursuing a covert nuclear program using multiple approaches and technology to achieve a nuclear status. It has undertaken a number of efforts for the manufacture and testing of centrifuges, including at facilities owned by military industrial organizations. It has sought completion of a heavy water reactor that would be well suited for plutonium production, while seeking uranium enrichment through the use of lasers. The Iran saga within the context of the International Atomic Energy Agency began almost 4 years ago. Every step along the way, Iran has demonstrated contempt for the request of the International Atomic Energy Agency and has mocked the EU 3 nations composed of France, Great Britain and Germany, as they provided incentives to convince Iran to suspend its enrichment activities. It is important to quickly summarize the sequence of events of the last few years, Madam Speaker, in order to fully comprehend the need for this resolution as a basis for stronger legislative action regarding Iran. In November of 2003, for example, the IAEA reported that Iran had been developing an undeclared nuclear enrichment program for close to two decades and had covertly imported nuclear material and equipment, had carried out over 110 unreported experiments to produce uranium metal, it had separated plutonium, and it had concealed many other aspects of its nuclear facilities and activities. That same month, Iran informed the International Atomic Energy Agency of its decision to temporarily suspend enrichment-related and reprocessing activities. It stated that the suspension would cover all activities in the Natanz enrichment facility, the production of all feed material for enrichment and the importation of any enrichment- related items. But that was not to be, Madam Speaker. Iran continuously reinterpreted its commitment. By September of 2004, Iran announced that it had resumed large-scale uranium conversion. The International Atomic Energy Agency called on Iran to stop. Then Secretary of State Colin Powell called for the Iran case to be referred to the United Nations Security Council for sanctions to be imposed. Faced with this possibility, Iran temporarily halts these activities in those nuclear facilities known to the International Atomic Energy Agency and the EU 3. By April of 2005, Iran announces that it will resume uranium conversion in the Isfahan facility. This was met with a warning from the EU 3 that their negotiations on trade and economic incentives with Iran would end if Iran acted on this threat. In August of 2005, the new radical leader is installed as Iran's new president. Immediately following, Iran proceeded to remove the International Atomic Energy Agency seals on the uranium conversion plant at Isfahan, announced that it could successfully use biotechnology for its nuclear program, decreasing the cost for the production of the feed material for nuclear weapons. It announced that it would provide nuclear technology to other Islamic states. Iran's defense minister said that it is Iran's absolute right to have access to nuclear arms, and Iran's leader publicly stated his willingness to share nuclear expertise with other Islamic nations. The IAEA inspectors were finally allowed into the Parchin military site. However, after all the time Iran was given to sanitize this site, that is to hide, to remove all signs of their nuclear activities, even IAEA inspectors and foreign diplomats acknowledged in news reports that they did not expect the inspections to yield any firm results. Experts further noted that there may be no nuclear material present at Parchin if the Iranians did dry testing of nuclear bomb simulations. Fast forward to Tuesday of this very week. Madam Speaker, on Valentine's Day, 2006, the Iranian Atomic Energy Organization announced it has restarted uranium enrichment efforts which could also be developed for use in nuclear weapons. In sum, referral of the Iran case to the U.N. Security Council has been a long time coming. We are gratified that the International Atomic Energy Agency Board of Governors earlier this month voted to report the Iran case to the Security Council, but it should not stop there, Madam Speaker. H. Con. Res. 341 therefore calls on all members of the U.N. Security Council to immediately consider the report and take the necessary steps to address Iran's behavior. The resolution frames the debate by condemning in the strongest possible terms the Iranian regime's repeated violations of its international obligations. More importantly, it underscores that, as a result of these violations, Iran no longer has the right to develop any aspect of a nuclear fuel cycle. As President Bush stated on February 11, 2004, proliferators must not be allowed to cynically manipulate the NPT to acquire the material and the infrastructure necessary for manufacturing illegal weapons. H. Con. Res. 341 reiterates previous U.S. calls to responsible members of the international community to impose economic sanctions to deny Iran the resources and the ability to develop nuclear weapons. But the grave threat posed by Iran is not limited to its nuclear pursuit. H. Con. Res. 341 therefore refers to Iran's support for Islamic jihadist activities worldwide. Madam Speaker, it includes language highlighting that Iran has been designated as a state sponsor of terrorism for over two decades and, according to our own State Department reports on global terrorism, it remains the most active state sponsor of terrorism worldwide. Madam Speaker, too much time has already passed. Let us not waste anymore. Let us begin by adopting this resolution and send a strong message to the Iranian regime and other potential proliferators that this behavior will not be tolerated. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.