Ileana Ros-Lehtinen

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. This resolution before us clearly and explicitly states that this body is committed to achieving victory in Iraq. The United States should not go back on its commitments to confront tyranny and to ``make the world safe for democracy.'' Failure is not a part of the American nature nor of our moral fiber. It is certainly not a concept that is acceptable to our men and women in the Armed Forces. When we talk about progress in Iraq and concrete benchmarks for measuring success, we need only look back at yesterday's landmark nationwide elections in Iraq. Iraq's Independent Electoral Commission reported that at least 97.5 percent of planned voting centers were opened, monitored by up to 120,000 observers, including 800 accredited by international observer groups. The U.N. envoy to Iraq said that the initial signs are very positive, adding that ``anecdotal evidence shows that there has been good turnout, that it was inclusive, and that security was well maintained.'' Are we not in agreement that yesterday's vivid example of democracy taking root in Iraq was a profound victory for the Iraqi people, for our sons and daughters who continue to place themselves in harm's way, and a resounding defeat to the brutal Islamic jihadists? Are we not in agreement that this election empowers the people of the region who have toiled under brutal dictatorships for far too long and that the success of democracy yesterday in Iraq aided our efforts in the global war against terror? Are we not in agreement that these elections could not have been possible without the presence of our men and women in the Armed Forces? If we are in agreement that these most recent Iraqi elections were a success and were met with very little violence and widespread participation due to the presence of U.S. forces in support of Iraqi security, then we should be in agreement with the totality of the text of the resolution before us. We should not leave the Iraqi people at this most critical juncture. We should not leave before they are fully capable of protecting their own nation, their people, and their incipient democracy from those who seek to destroy what they have been creating because they wish to turn Iraq into a safe haven for Islamic militants and extremist elements like Iran and Syria. This is not in our nature, Mr. Speaker. This is not what our troops want, and it is not what the Iraqi people want. References have been made to calls for U.S. withdrawal, but let us review some of those. Iraqi officials have not made such requests to the U.S. Government. The Arab League, for example, their statement says that it was the result of undue political pressure by rogue regimes, particularly Syria and Iran, whose foreign minister was involved in the drafting of the final communique. We are fully aware that these pariah states have a vested interest in seeing Iraq fail and assisting the foreign fighters who are launching attacks against Iraqis and our U.S. and coalition forces in Iraq. We have achieved significant progress thus far in Iraq. The political and the psychological transformation that has taken place in Iraq will have long-term positive impact on our efforts to curtail the spread of Islamic extremists and jihadist activities. Saddam Hussein would not be on trial today for his crimes against humanity, and most of the villainous heirs to his legacy would not be neutralized were it not for the critical role played by our U.S. Armed Forces personnel. Without the presence of our forces, the people of Iraq would not have had the opportunity to participate in the January 30, 2005, nationwide elections. They would not have returned to the polls on October 15, again to approve their Constitution and would not have been celebrating their new found democratic freedoms by participating in yesterday's yet another historic election. Our mission, however, Mr. Speaker, remains only partially accomplished. Iraqi security forces are taking up more of the military burden, and the new coalition for strategy for ``clear, hold, and build'' is denying the insurgents many of their former sanctuaries. The Iraqi Army and the police forces are growing larger, better trained, more effective. These forces are also becoming increasingly professional. Today, Iraqi security forces are now strong enough to garrison and control cleared areas, as recently illustrated by the resoundingly successful joint U.S. and Iraqi offensive in Tel Afar. The Iraqi security forces are improving, but they cannot yet stand on their own. To abandon them now would be to leave them at the mercy of the brutal Islamic jihadists and would destroy the progress that we have achieved thus far. Again, this is not in our nature. As clause 5 of this resolution states: Our presence in Iraq ``will be required only until Iraqi forces can stand up so our forces can stand down and no longer than is required for that purpose.'' Are we not in agreement on this critical point? Is it the contention of those who oppose this resolution that we abandon the Iraqi people after they have displayed immeasurable courage in the face of attacks from Islamic jihadists and their state sponsors? We should not base our strategy on artificial timelines. The criteria governing our eventual withdrawal from Iraq must be performance based, not chronologically based. Victory defined is: ``Final and complete defeat of an enemy in a military encounter. Success in a struggle against . . . an opponent, or an obstacle.'' Who is the enemy, the common enemy of Iraq and coalition forces, the enemy of the American and Iraqi people, of those who want freedom and democracy to flourish in Iraq? They are the Islamic jihadists and the militants who are seeking to destroy what we have helped the Iraqi people accomplish. And what is our strategy for victory? One developed by our military and policy planners in coordination with our coalition partners and our Iraqi partners. Our military and policy planners track numerous indicators to map our progress and adjust our tactics as necessary to meet our strategic goals. I would further add, Mr. Speaker, that despite some of the references made to the alleged lack of a clear path to victory, the President has, in fact, articulated our approach in the recent National Strategy for Victory in Iraq. Many of these reports with metrics on our efforts, our strategies, our goals, our accomplishments are readily available not just to us in this Chamber but to the American people. We are not just winning in Iraq, but we stand on the precipice of something far more profound: a decisive shift away from the world of brutal dictatorships which ruin their own societies through a combination of state-sponsored murder and incitement, and toward the emergence of a modern, democratic Middle East that takes its rightful place among free nations. However, if we leave prematurely, Mr. Speaker, before the Iraqi people are able to stand on their own, we risk endangering all that we have worked so hard for and that some of our brave men and women in our Armed Forces have also sacrificed for. Let us not diminish their sacrifice by leaving their mission incomplete. Let us stand behind them as they seek to bring home a definite victory for us in this war on terror. In closing, I would ask that we all recall the words of former President Ronald Reagan, who said: ``It is up to us . . . to work together for progress and humanity so that our grandchildren, when they look back at us, can truly say that we not only preserved the flame of freedom but cast its warmth and light further than those who came before us.'' We have prevailed in the struggle against tyranny and fascism after 40 years in a global conflict. We prevailed in the battle of ideas against communism. We will again prevail in defeating Islamic fascism if we fulfill our mission in Iraq and do not heed the nay-saying of defeatists. With freedom on our side, we cannot fail, Mr. Speaker. I am proud of the service of my stepson, Doug Lehtinen, and his fiancee, Lindsay Nelson, who are marine officers serving in Iraq flying F-18s. They will tell us that setting an artificial deadline for withdrawal would put them in harm's way. They are fully trained military officers who understand that war is difficult; but they believe in their mission, a mission for victory in Iraq, a mission without a surrender statement. As Joseph Lieberman, the Senator, said just a few days ago a withdrawal, a withdrawal on an artificial timeline would discourage our troops because it seems to be heading for the door. It will encourage the terrorists. It will confuse the Iraqi people. I agree with Senator Lieberman, and I hope my colleagues do as well today. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to my good friend from Georgia (Mr. Kingston).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess), the original sponsor of the resolution.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, an independent judiciary is one of the hallmarks of good government and is an essential check on the power of judicial and legislative branches of the modern state. Indeed, a requirement for evenhanded justice is an element of natural law and is called for in the Bible and the Koran which require equal justice for the poor and the rich. In the case of Iraq, it would have been simple for a kangaroo court of some sort to have convened, held a trial of such obvious violators as Saddam Hussein and then had them shot immediately. This has been the case in some uprisings, both in the Middle East and elsewhere, such as when Romania's regime fell. This is not the path that the Iraqis have chosen, and we should honor them for this choice. The trial of Saddam as it is being carried out stands in sharp contrast to the actions of the Hussein regime against its dissenters who were usually executed after some paperwork was completed but where there was no semblance of a fair trial. The resolution before us expresses our support for an independent Iraqi judiciary. This judiciary may disappoint from time to time. That is the nature of independent judges, to make unpopular decisions based strictly on law. Adherence to the rule of law and the existence of an independent Iraqi judiciary will be a critical component to the consolidation of Iraqi sovereignty and democratic governance, and I appreciate the efforts of the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess), the author of this resolution, who traveled to Iraq, met with the Iraqi judges and came away so deeply impressed that he decided to put forward this resolution tonight. I also thank the chairman and the ranking member of the Committee on International Relations, who expedited its consideration on the floor, and to the House leadership for including it among the matters scheduled this week as we move to the end of the House session. Mr. Speaker, with that, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King). (Mr. KING of Iowa asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 534) recognizing the importance and credibility of an independent Iraqi judiciary in the formation of a new and democratic Iraq.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 598) condemning actions by the Government of Syria that have hindered the investigation of the assassination of former Prime Minister of Lebanon Rafik Hariri conducted by the United Nations International Independent Investigation Commission (UNIIIC), expressing support for extending the UNIIIC's investigative mandate, and stating concern about similar assassination attempts apparently aimed at destabilizing Lebanon's security and undermining Lebanon's sovereignty, as amended.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Issa), the author of this resolution. (Mr. ISSA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, today I rise in support of House Resolution 598, which seeks to condemn the actions by the government of Syria that have hindered the investigation into the assassination of former Prime Minister Hariri, investigations led by Mr. Mehlis. Since the attempted assassination of Marwan Hamadeh in October 2004, Lebanon has suffered a series of attacks and assassinations that have targeted political leaders and journalists who have been critical of Syria. The assassination of former Prime Minister Hariri on February 14, 2005, prompted the passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1595, which established an international independent investigation commission based in Lebanon to assist the Lebanese Government in finding those responsible for that terrorist attack. The first report of that commission was delivered on October 19, 2005, and its findings point to Lebanese and Syrian involvement in the assassination of Prime Minister Hariri. The report states: ``Given the infiltration of Lebanese institutions and society by the Syrian and Lebanese intelligence services working in tandem, it would be difficult to see a scenario whereby such a complex assassination plot could have been carried out without their knowledge.'' Furthermore, the commission reported on difficulties it was encountering with regard to the cooperation being extended by the Syrian authorities. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1636 extended the mandate of the commission and addressed the urgency of Syria to cooperate with the investigation. On December 12, 2005, the second report of the commission was delivered. It presented the progress of the investigation, reinforced preliminary findings of Lebanese and Syrian cooperation in the assassination of Prime Minister Hariri, and outlined progress with regard to the form and content of Syrian cooperation with the commission. That same day, a member of parliament, who was also the publisher of a leading Lebanese newspaper known for its opposition to Syria's political control and influence in Lebanon, was savagely murdered in a car bomb. After the assassination of his colleague on June 2, 2005, the parliamentarian and the publisher said the following: ``The Lebanese security authorities and the remnants of the Syrian system in Lebanon, and directly the Syrian regime from top to bottom, is responsible for every crime and every drop of blood spilled.'' As this resolution notes, Mr. Speaker, there has been a concerted effort to undermine Lebanon's security and sovereignty by targeting opinion leaders. The perpetrators of these evil attacks are attempting to silence Lebanon's most profound thinkers and voices of public opinion. The assassination of these two leaders and the attempted assassination of another one earlier this year indicate that Lebanon's press and freedom of expression are themselves targeted through the elimination of their leading figures. However, the people of Lebanon see through these cowardly and unjustified acts, and they will not be intimidated. The people of the United States of America stand with the people of Lebanon in their time of sorrow and support their demands to see international investigations into all the unjustified attacks since October 1, 2004. The United States Government should do all that we can to win the support of the international community and to ensure that the international investigation into the assassination of Prime Minister Hariri is extended so that justice can be served. I support this resolution and its passage. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 575), providing that Hamas and other terrorist organizations should not participate in elections held by the Palestinian Authority, and for other purposes, as amended.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of House Resolution 575, and I commend my distinguished colleague and friend, Congressman Cantor, for introducing this resolution and Congressman McCaul for his efforts on this measure. I thank also the House leadership, Chairman Hyde and Ranking Member Lantos of the International Relations Committee for helping to bring House Resolution 575 to the House floor today. This resolution takes a united stand against the attempts of the murderous Islamic extremist organizations to hijack the elections that will be taking place within the Palestinian Authority. Hamas, in particular, is inserting itself in the political process while fully maintaining and reportedly expanding its militant activities. That organization's continuing violence against Israel and its refusal to disarm has been a constant and incendiary impediment in the U.S. efforts to promote peace and security in the region. Allowing a group with a track record like Hamas to obtain significant influence and legitimacy within the Palestinian Authority severely jeopardizes our goal of eliminating jihadist safe havens through preemptive democratic reform. Conversely, allowing these organizations to masquerade as political parties and abuse the political process would be a triumph for those who wish to spread fear and violence throughout the region. The participation of Islamist jihadist organizations, such as Hamas, in Palestinian elections will destroy any hope for peace and security for Israel, or for peace, democratic governance, and economic growth and prosperity for the Palestinian people. A mistake was already made this summer, my colleagues, by allowing Hezbollah, another military jihadist entity, to participate in the Lebanese elections. Despite Hezbollah's refusal to disarm their militias and dismantle their terrorist infrastructure in violation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559. Hezbollah's participation this summer in Lebanon's first elections after Syrian military withdrawal was allowed despite its continued targeting of Israelis, including the recent violence on Israel's northern border. The U.S. must not allow a similar error with respect to Hamas in the upcoming Palestinian elections. The stakes are too high, and the negative consequences are far too ominous. We must continue to raise our strong opposition to the participation of jihadist organizations in Palestinian elections. Their participation will run counter to both U.S. policy priorities and statements from the Palestinian leadership regarding political reform and the fight against worldwide terrorism. For the sake of peace and security, and for the benefit of both the Palestinian and the Israeli people, we must leverage our influence to promote and support positive change within the Palestinian Authority and prevent Islamist extremist organizations like Hamas from hijacking the process. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul), and I ask unanimous consent that he be permitted to control the time as the author of the resolution.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his leadership on all the free trade agreements and his leadership on so many difficult issues. I rise in strong support of the U.S.-Bahrain Free Trade Agreement. This FTA represents an important step toward a more prosperous and economically vibrant Middle East. The broad scope of this agreement and its consideration for environment and labor standards, as well as provisions that address other foreign policy concerns, makes the U.S.- Bahrain agreement an important model for future FTAs. This agreement encompasses more than just economics. It also reflects a broader commitment to an ally that hosts the fifth fleet of the U.S. Navy and has assisted us here in the United States in our pursuit of al Qaeda and other Islamic extremist organizations. Additionally, it highlights and rewards Bahrain's reform efforts thus far, as illustrated by the elections held in 2002 in which women fully participated and by Bahrain's consistent rating by the Heritage Foundation as the freest economy in the Middle East. Bahrain's recent decision to pull out of the Arab League boycott of Israel also represents the government's rejection of intolerance and anti-Semitism and its commitment to fully integrate into the world economy. To affirm this commitment and establish a positive precedent for the future of FTAs with countries in the region, rejection of the Arab League boycott of Israel is incorporated as a provision of the U.S.- Bahrain FTA. While significant strides have been made by Bahrain, I hope this agreement serves as a catalyst for further reforms, because they are needed to address the remaining concerns over its human rights records, starting with the reopening of the Bahrain Center For Human Rights. Mr. Speaker, according to the 9/11 Commission report, economic reforms will be vital in transforming the Middle East into a region which rejects despotism and terrorism and, instead, embraces freedom and democracy. This FTA strikes at the heart of that.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, we heeded the call to action during World War II as the greatest generation battled oppression and led the effort to help Europe rebuild. Today, we are faced with a similar mission in Iraq, one that will help focus momentum in the region toward the causes of freedom and democracy. Our men and women serving in Iraq are part of another great generation of patriots committed to a mission that became clear on September 11, 2001, another day that will live in infamy in our Nation's history. Freedom is not free, but it is always worth fighting for. As John F. Kennedy once stated, the cost of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose is the path of surrender or submission. We have the mission for victory in Iraq. Let us honor that pledge.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, 65 years ago today our Nation was attacked by enemies of freedom, and we heeded the call to action. The Greatest Generation battled tyranny and then led the effort to help Europe rebuild. On September 11, 2001, another day that will live in infamy in our Nation's history, our mission once again became clear. On that day 4 years ago, Islamic fanatics killed 3,000 souls, but would have delighted in killing 10 or 100 times that number. Our shores and subsequently those of our allies were attacked. Collectively, we resolved to root out and eliminate the scourge of evil responsible for these threats. And as a global leader, refusing to be victimized and surrender to those who seek our destruction, the United States assumed the responsibility, as it has done many times before, to protect not just our homeland but, in the words of Woodrow Wilson, to make the world safe for democracy. And so it is that for freedom's sake we must fulfill our mission in Iraq. I am proud that my stepson, Douglas Lehtinen, and his fiancee, Lindsay Nelson, are serving as marine officers in Iraq, flying F-18s. The men and women in their squadron are proud of their mission of victory in Iraq. Vice President Dick Cheney summed things up quite appropriately on Tuesday of this week when he addressed our troops in Fort Drum, New York. He said, ``Were we to leave, Iraq would return to the rule of tyrants and become a massive source of instability in the Middle East.'' Our mission is not easy. But our efforts and the noble sacrifice of our fine troops are yielding results. The naysayers and the fatalistic, those who question the ability of our U.S. forces to succeed refuse to acknowledge the political and psychological transformation that is taking place in Iraq, and the long-term positive impact that our efforts in Iraq will have in helping to curtail the spread of Islamic extremist and jihadist activities. Today, Saddam Hussein is on trial for his crimes against humanity. And most of the villainous heirs to his legacy have been neutralized. Together with our Iraqi allies, we are prevailing against a brutal insurgency and assisting the people of Iraq in their efforts to create a truly representative free market Arab democracy in a region polluted with despotic regimes. Tangible examples of success include, in January, the people of Iraq held their first free democratic election for the transitional national assembly. The turnout for this election was astonishing. Roughly 8.5 million Iraqis risked their lives to participate. This was followed by the drafting of a new constitution. The debate on the various provisions in the Constitution was a perfect example of how the Iraqi people are exercising those fundamental freedoms protected from a Democratic society. Today, the Iraqi people prepare for elections next week that will continue Iraq's transformation from a brutal totalitarian state to a free and Democratic Nation. But it is not just our observations that tell the story of the progress that we are making and the need to forge ahead. Iraqis themselves are expressing optimism as shown by a survey last month by the International Republican Institute. This survey indicated that 56 percent of Iraqis thought that things would be better in 6 months. Just the other day, The Washington Post quoted an Egyptian democracy advocate who was an early opponent of the war in Iraq, admitting that any way you look at it, toppling Saddam Hussein has unfrozen the Middle East he said, just as Napoleon's 1798 expedition did. Elections in Iraq forced the theocrats and the autocrats to put democracy on the agenda, he said. Not least significantly, Mr. Speaker, Iraq's quest for liberty has had an interesting ripple effect throughout the region. For example the Syrians have been significantly pushed back in Lebanon, and Assad's tyrannical regime has been impressively weakened. To those who claim that we need to pack up and depart, mission incomplete, who demand the need for benchmarks and the transfer of authority, I say open your eyes. For 2 years, we have been doing just that. Setting benchmarks and meeting them. Benchmarks relating to the transfer of authority. Benchmarks for Iraqis to take helm of leadership positions, for elections to choose a national assembly. Benchmarks to select a constitution. My colleagues, let us recall the words of former President Ronald Reagan, who said, the ultimate determinant in the struggle now going on for the world will be but a test of wills and ideals, a trial of spiritual resolve for the values we hold, the beliefs we cherish, and the ideals to which we are dedicated. With freedom on our side, we cannot fail.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 438) urging member states of the United Nations to stop supporting resolutions that unfairly castigate Israel and to promote within the United Nations General Assembly more balanced and constructive approaches to resolving conflict in the Middle East, as amended.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of Hope for Vision, a dynamic new organization dedicated to raising awareness of retinal degenerative and other blinding diseases, to providing information to help those coping with vision loss and to developing the tools required to support funding for research. The organization was founded by my dear friends and constituents, the Lidski family. The premise of Hope for Vision is that the American people can help speed the pace of development of treatments so that those losing sight will see again. Each of the tens of millions of afflicted individuals in our great country has a community of friends and families and colleagues. Hope for Vision seeks to reach those communities and to enlist their support for their mission of vision. I urge my colleagues to join me in spreading the uplifting mission of Hope for Vision until sight is a reality for all.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, devastating storms affected most of the Western Hemisphere this hurricane season, and many people throughout the region will spend the next few months and years rebuilding their lives and their communities. Many people in the U.S., as well as our neighbors in Central America, are in this situation in the aftermath of hurricanes Katrina, Rita, Stan, Wilma, and Beta. These hurricanes and other tropical storms that barreled through the Caribbean, along Mexico's gulf coast, and along parts of Central America and up to our shores, brought heavy winds and destructive rainfall. The torrential downpours caused widespread flooding and severe mudslides, killing an estimated 2,000 people and affecting millions of others across Central America, including the people of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Mexico. Some of these areas sustained severe damage to residential and commercial infrastructure and crippled destruction of transportation as well as food crops. In some of the hardest hit areas, schools, homes, roads, hospitals, and other buildings were simply washed away. Some villages in Guatemala were swept away by mudslides and have been turned instead into mass graves. Our prayers are with these communities. House Con. Res. 280 was introduced last month to urge expedited humanitarian relief, as well as stronger efforts to provide technical assistance to Central American governments in order to strengthen the capacity of first responders and governmental institutions at the national, provincial, and local levels. Furthermore, this legislation urges assistance which targets immediate and long-term infrastructure needs, with a special emphasis on improvements that aim to increase emergency preparedness and withstand future natural disasters. I urge my colleagues to support House Con. Res. 280. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the concurrent resolution under consideration.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 280) mourning the horrific loss of life caused by the floods and mudslides that occurred in October 2005 in Central America and Mexico and expressing the sense of Congress that the United States should do everything possible to assist the affected people and communities, as amended.