Ileana Ros-Lehtinen

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I might consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Resolution 573, which commends the efforts of the American people and advocacy groups to confront genocide in Darfur, Sudan. As the resolution notes, there has been no other grassroots advocacy effort in the United States aimed at addressing mass atrocities and human rights abuses in Africa that has been conducted with as much vigor since the anti-apartheid movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Mass demonstrations and protest marches have been organized. Days of prayer have been observed by churches, synagogues and mosques across the country. Countless fund-raisers for humanitarian relief have been conducted. In my own district, school children as young as the first grade joined in an effort to collect hundreds of toys for the children of Darfur, which I had the opportunity to deliver while I visited that war-torn region. I am extremely proud of the contributions that these children made and all the people in my community, for it helped bring some joy to the youngest victims of a modern-day genocide. Advocacy efforts on the Hill have also been extremely effective. Congressional offices have been inundated by phone calls, letters and visits by individuals committed to making a difference. It is due in no small part to the efforts of these groups that this body has considered 10 separate bills and resolutions which seek to address conditions in Darfur this year, including three that will be considered today alone. I commend the efforts of those who have dedicated so much of their time and energy to raising awareness about the carnage that continues to unfold in Darfur, and I urge my colleagues to support this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Gold Medal ceremony that was held for His Holiness the Dalai Lama earlier this month served to remind us all once again that the Chinese leadership has a long way to go before it becomes a responsible stakeholder in the international community. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the callous disregard of Beijing of its international treaty obligations with regard to refugees, both North Korean and Tibetan. The international press has reported incidents of Chinese border guards shooting and killing both North Korean and Tibetan refugees as they sought to flee China. These reprehensible acts must stop at once. Earlier this month, Beijing demonstrated once again its continued contempt for the international refugee conventions. Chinese police entered the South Korean international school in Beijing to drag North Korean refugees from their hiding places. North Korean refugees had sought sanctuary there. In the process, the Chinese police roughed up South Korean diplomats who were sent by their government to assist these refugees. I call on Beijing to act in accordance with the international refugee conventions that it has signed and to end the disrespect that it has shown toward the diplomats of a major ally of the United States. This resolution, put forward by my good friend, Ed Royce of California, is particularly timely and essential with the approach of the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing. Olympic hosts should not include oppressors of refugees. The forced repatriation of North Korean refugees is both irresponsible and immoral. If ever there was a refugee population who faced the immediate threat of persecution upon return to their homeland, it is the tens of thousands of North Korean refugees now hiding in China. The office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR, must also do a much better job in holding Beijing accountable for its reckless disregard of its obligations. If Beijing does not begin to address this urgent issue in a responsible way, then there should be dire consequences. Television viewers around the world next summer could possibly see on their screens the scene of a North Korean woman with her baby seeking safe haven in an athletes' dormitory at the Olympic village as Chinese police ruthlessly pursue her. This resolution, therefore, Mr. Speaker, is of vital importance for the reaffirmation of our commitment to the protection of refugees and, most importantly, for the North Korean refugees themselves. I rise in strong support of Mr. Royce's resolution, and I urge my colleagues to do the same. With that, Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the author and the sponsor of this resolution, Mr. Royce of California.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 2671, to designate the United States Courthouse located at 301 North Miami Avenue in my district of Miami, Florida, as the C. Clyde Atkins United States Courthouse. I would like to commend my Florida colleagues for working together in a bipartisan manner to bring this bill to the floor today. I also want to thank our Florida Senators, Bill Nelson and Mel Martinez, for taking the lead and introducing this bill in the Senate. As the author of this legislation, I am pleased that this bill would take the next step toward ensuring that we can properly pay tribute to one of Florida's great jurists by naming the courthouse in Miami in honor of the stellar career of Judge Atkins. After receiving his law degree from the University of Florida in 1936, C. Clyde Atkins worked as a distinguished attorney and held prestigious posts such as the president of the Miami-Dade County Bar Association, as well as president of the Florida Bar. In 1966, Atkins was nominated to the bench by President Lyndon Johnson. The late Judge Atkins brought tremendous honor to the legal profession through his dedicated service as a United States District Judge for the Southern District of Florida from 1966 until his death in 1999 at the age of 84. Judge Atkins was committed to the administration of the rule of law without consideration of race, creed, or national origin. He was recognized for his devotion to equality by the National Conference of Christians and Jews and the Anti-Defamation League, to name just a few, Madam Speaker. Judge Atkins was the first Catholic to be appointed to the bench in the Southern District of Florida. His faith to his church was recognized by Pope Paul VI through his selection of Judge Atkins as a Knight of St. Gregory. Judge Atkins was a fair and capable judge and rendered important decisions in the area of civil liberties and civil rights. Judge Atkins declared that segregation in Miami-Dade County public schools was intolerable. He ruled that homelessness was not a crime and affirmed that freedom of expression was a constitutional right. Judge Atkins was a man of principles who had the utmost respect for the rule of law. Therefore, I ask my colleagues to join me in support of this legislation. The C. Clyde Atkins United States Courthouse at 301 North Miami Avenue in Miami will serve as a lasting tribute to the incredible life and great accomplishments of this distinguished man.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to be a cosponsor of House Resolution 740, which condemns the horrible and cowardly attacks that occurred last month in Haskanita. According to reports, as we've heard, up to 1,000 heavily armed rebels believed to be associated with the Sudan Liberation Army ambushed the small base that had been occupied by the African Union peacekeeping mission on September 29 of this year. Ten AU peacekeepers were killed, including seven Nigerian soldiers and three unarmed military observers and civilian police officers from Mali, Senegal, and Botswana. Seven others were wounded, and 50 peacekeepers went missing. This was the worst attack against the AU, African Union, mission since it first deployed in July of 2004. Khartoum deployed its forces to secure the area on October 6. Three days later, the entire village was found burned to the ground. Though Khartoum has not publicly claimed responsibility, there is little doubt about who burned the village. The initial attack against the African Union peacekeepers and the subsequent burning of the small base must be condemned in the strongest possible terms. It is outrageous that rebels would attack those who had been sent to secure the peace in Darfur, particularly as the international community prepares to deploy a much larger hybrid United Nations/African Union peacekeeping mission to the region. It is equally outrageous, Mr. Speaker, that the Sudanese armed forces would seek retribution for the initial attack by burning the village to the ground and leaving an estimated 150,000 people homeless as a result. It must be made clear to all parties to the conflict, the regime in Khartoum, its armed proxies, and the various rebel forces alike, that the ongoing attacks against peacekeeping forces, humanitarian operations, and civilian populations in Darfur are completely unacceptable. Those who are truly interested in peace in Darfur must stop these senseless attacks, fully commit themselves to a binding cease-fire agreement, and rigorously pursue a political settlement. Failure to do so will send a clear signal to the international community about who is and who is not interested in peace. And let there be no doubt that the United States has done much to alleviate the suffering in this war-torn region. The United States has provided more than $2 billion in humanitarian assistance and assistance to the African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur. The U.S. has also led the debate at the U.N. Security Council to get a larger, more capable United Nations/African Union hybrid peacekeeping mission approved and deployed. We have built and maintained the camps for the African Union forces, and we will continue to expand those camps until the U.N. takes over. We have also provided air lift for troops, and will fund 25 percent of all peacekeeping costs. We have a dedicated special envoy who has led international efforts to bring peace to Darfur. We have funded and supported critical peace talks. We have imposed comprehensive sanctions against Khartoum. Meanwhile, China and Russia continue to allow their business interests in Sudan to override their concern for human rights. Both have failed to take meaningful action at the United Nations and have blocked consideration of sanctions against Khartoum. So all obstructionists to peace in Darfur, regardless of their association, must ultimately be held to account. It is particularly appropriate that we are considering this resolution as Darfur peace talks are getting under way in Tripoli, Libya because, despite the best of intentions, the international community cannot impose peace on Darfur. The burden is on the Sudanese themselves to find a lasting political settlement. The time for Khartoum and the rebel factions to roll up their sleeves and get to work toward that end is long overdue. And, frankly, the people of Darfur deserve better. I thank the sponsor, Ms. Jackson-Lee, for introducing this important and timely measure. I urge the support of all of my colleagues. With that, Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, finding an internationally- acknowledged name for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) is an issue that threatens the peace of the Balkans and the stability of the region. Particularly troubling is the ongoing insensitivity displayed by officials of FYROM with respect to provocative propaganda and rhetoric that is offensive to Greece. The latest example of this occurred on September 25, when Dr. Srgjan Kerim, President of the United Nations General Assembly and a native of FYROM, introduced to the Assembly, FYROM's President as ``President of the Republic of Macedonia.'' Resolution of this issue could bring substantial stability to the region and pave the way for further integration of FYROM into the international community. I would therefore like to bring to the House's attention excerpts from the following article that appeared in the September 27, 2007 issue of The National Interest by His Excellency Alexandros P. Mallias, Ambassador of Greece to the United States. When U.N. General Assembly president H.E. Dr. Srgjan Kerim, a native of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), introduced on September 25 the president of his home country, Mr. Branko Crvenkovski, he implied that the national interest of FYROM prevails over his duties to the UN body. He therefore addressed Mr. Crvenkovksi as the ``President of the Republic of Macedonia.'' Some people may think that what happened in the UN constitutes a minor or isolated incident. Nevertheless, this is not the case--this has deeper roots both on a regional and international level. Challenging UN resolutions and decisions and ignoring commitments undertaken through international agreements, as FYROM has systematically done by violating the US-brokered Interim Accord with Greece, is a bad precedent. This is a violation of the principle of good-neighborly relations and puts sustained regional stability in jeopardy. Dr. Kerim, obviously acting under instructions from his government, has irreparably damaged his standing and credibility as president of the General Assembly. He did not respect the resolutions of the body over which he is presiding nor of the Security Council of the United Nations, the organization he has been called upon to serve. The actions of Dr. Kerim and FYROM are a clear indication of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia's lack of respect for international law and international institutions. They are also a blunt violation of the US-brokered Interim Accord. Many Americans may think this is a minor issue. But the history of the region, not to mention of Europe as a whole, demonstrates that whenever irredentist claims are left unaddressed, the seeds of future conflicts are sown. Europe today is governed by the rule of law; the completion of the European project in the Balkans--and the extension of a zone of peace and prosperity--rest upon the willingness of governments to live up to their international commitments. Obligations are like a tapestry; even pulling on what might appear to outsiders to be a small and insignificant thread can end up unraveling the entire work. We have too much invested in the stability of the region to allow this to happen.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague, Representative Roskam for introducing H. Res. 605, in support of Gold Star Mothers. Gold Star Mothers is a tremendous organization that honors our nation's brave sons and daughters in the Armed Services that have made the ultimate sacrifice. Gold Star Mother's outreach and volunteer efforts help to bring comfort and solace to family members and loved ones during their time of need. My stepson Doug and his wife Lindsay continue to serve overseas in the Marines so I greatly appreciate the support and devotion the Gold Star Mothers have for our Armed Forces and Veterans. I am also proud to have Georgianna C. Krell, a past and future National President of Gold Star Mothers from my Congressional District. Georgianna's son PFC Bruce Carter was killed defending our nation on August 7th 1969 in Vietnam. Private Carter was posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions in battle. It is with great pleasure that I have been working with Georgianna to have our local VA hospital in Miami renamed after her son and I look forward to my continued relationship with Georgianna and Gold Star Mothers to honor our nation's heroes.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, Hurricanes Felix, Dean, and Henriette delivered a devastating toll to the countries of Mexico, the rest of Central America, and the Caribbean. Between the three hurricanes, nearly 200 lives were lost, hundreds of thousands of people were displaced, and thousands of homes were destroyed. I join my colleagues today to express our sincere sympathy and support for the people who have suffered as a result of these destructive storms. The resiliency of the people of these nations to overcome the tremendous power of these catastrophes has been truly tested. When Hurricane Felix hit on September 4, Honduras and Nicaragua were still in the midst of rebuilding following the effects of Hurricane Mitch in 1998. Especially vulnerable to natural disasters due to their dependence on agricultural exports and the potential for damaging mudslides, the historic occurrence of two category 5 storms in 1 year had an overwhelming impact for several of the countries in this region. I commend the courage that our neighbors in Mexico, the rest of Central America, and the Caribbean continue to demonstrate in their efforts to overcome the damage wrought, and I admire the courage and the contributions made by relief agencies, private citizens, and the international community to assist in the aftermath of Hurricane Felix, Hurricane Dean, and Henriette. Our prayers are with the family and friends of those who were harmed by the perils of this terrible storm season. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, if I might, I would like to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bachus), the ranking member of the Committee on Financial Services and an original cosponsor of the resolution before us.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the gentleman's bill, H.R. 1302, the Global Poverty Act of 2007. We certainly have serious needs and poverty right here in our own country. The suffering of the world's extremely poor, however, is beyond the imagining of most Americans. Many Americans might be shocked to know just how many men, women and children around the world die each hour of every day simply because they are too poor to obtain food, shelter or basic medical care. While we quite often see the fatal impact of famines or natural disasters, we rarely see the images of the ongoing suffering caused by persistent hunger and chronic poverty. The bill seeks to better organize the approaches to fighting poverty that are employed by the Agency for International Development and other agencies in our own government. It would seek to accomplish that by calling on the President to create an overall strategy for these efforts. I note that the sponsor of the bill, my good friend, Mr. Smith from Washington, agreed to an amendment adopted by our Foreign Affairs Committee that made two important changes. First, while referencing foreign aid and debt relief as components of a strategy to address global poverty, the bill now makes it clear that the strategy that the President would draw up would not have to be based on the assumption that the United States foreign aid and debt relief will always continue to rise. The United States certainly has been generous in its provisions of foreign aid and debt relief. But no one can predict whether those two types of assistance will always rise. Moreover, to address poverty comprehensively, the President may want to focus on expanding other types of interactions with countries suffering from widespread poverty, such as promoting trade, promoting investment, for example. The bill, in the amended text before us today, Mr. Speaker, will allow the greater flexibility in deciding what might work best at a given time, in the particular circumstances, rather than insisting that he devise a strategy that assumes that more foreign aid and debt relief are always required. Secondly, the bill, as amended, requires that the President submit to Congress a report on the implementation of the strategy once every 2 years, rather than once a year, as originally intended. And I appreciate the sponsor of the bill agreeing to that change. The change in the frequency of the reports, of the submission of the reports, Mr. Speaker, will enhance the substance of the periodic reports as significant statements on the progress being made under a global poverty reduction strategy. Mr. Speaker, it is my hope that Mr. Smith's bill will promote a greater focus on how we might best provide assistance to those in dire poverty overseas, while ensuring a realistic view of the resources and the means available to us to provide such assistance. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of our time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Resolution 548. I would like to thank the gentleman from New York, my good friend, Mr. Ackerman, for introducing this important resolution, and for Chairman Lantos of our Foreign Affairs Committee for bringing it before the floor today. With the execution last Wednesday of an anti-Syrian Lebanese parliamentarian in a Christian suburb of Beirut, and the announcement today that the Lebanese Parliament will delay until next month the election of a new Lebanese president due to a Hezbollah-led opposition boycott, both Syria and Iran are now one step closer to their strategic goal of once again dominating Lebanon. Four anti-Syrian parliamentarians are all that stand in the way of the detestable efforts of pro-Syrian forces within Lebanon to impose their presidential candidate on all of Lebanon and deny Lebanon its true sovereignty. They will undoubtedly use the time afforded by the delay in the presidential election to effectively finish the job they started in the wake of the coalition's March 14 electoral victory. And what is the goal of these pro-Syrian forces? To gain a parliamentary majority through assassination and terror. Led by Hezbollah, the pro-Syrian parliamentary bloc has repeatedly demanded that a compromise candidate who will bring national unity be elected to the presidency next month. However, Mr. Speaker, just the opposite is true. A compromise and a unity candidate can only serve to bring about the election of yet another Syrian and Iranian puppet to the presidency. Like the outgoing so-called president, such a leader will work to prevent Lebanon from extricating itself from Iranian and Syrian influence and total control. Furthermore, the inclusion of pro-Syrian and Iranian elements in the Lebanese Government renders the government, regardless of the individual desires of the members, and indeed the entire electoral process, an effective tool of Syria and Iran. Some had hoped that Hezbollah's entry into Lebanese politics would signal its integration into Lebanese society and force its leaders to dismantle Hezbollah's military and terrorist infrastructure. Sadly, the opposite has occurred. Allowing an Islamic terrorist entity to use the political process and legitimatize itself without first demanding that it stop its objectionable behavior only serve to perpetuate and enhance the threat. Last October, Iran and Syria changed their calculations as to how to best use Hezbollah to advance their interests and undermine the sovereignty of Lebanon. They instructed Hezbollah to withdraw from the government. Since then, Hezbollah, joined by other Syrian and Iranian proxies, has worked steadily to overthrow the government by politically paralyzing it in parliament and assassinating its supporters. At the same time, they have reportedly provided massive amounts of arms, training, and financial support to Hezbollah as it rebuilds from the conflict with Israel last summer. Additionally, reports that the Lebanese Army has enabled Hezbollah to reassert its control over southern Lebanon continues to gravely concern us. Mr. Speaker, simply put, we cannot afford to continue to pursue a policy toward Lebanon based on willful negligence. We must accept that a moderate government will only materialize after the Syrian and Iranian proxies in Lebanon are defeated and dismantled. This resolution represents a step in the correct direction by voicing its unequivocal support for a true democratic government, and all those within Lebanon who have struggled against Syrian and Iranian control over their homeland for far too long truly deserve our support. I strongly urge my colleagues to support Mr. Ackerman's resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. I have no additional speakers, and I'd like to yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kirk), the cochair of the Congressional Iran Working Group.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I again thank the chairman, Mr. Lantos. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, at this time, I would like to yield 6 minutes to Mr. Pence, the ranking member on the Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia of our Committee on Foreign Affairs. (Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, today is a day of contrast. Today as we stand here in this hallowed Chamber of democracy discussing the threat that Iran poses to the United States and, indeed, to global security, to its own people as well, Iran's leader will later be spewing his venomous rhetoric before the United Nations General Assembly. Last year, the leader of the Iranian regime called for Israel to be wiped off the map and for a new wave of Palestinian attacks to destroy the Jewish state. He further stated that anyone who recognizes Israel will burn in the fire of the fury of Islamic nations. This is not the first time that the Iranian leadership has called for the destruction of Israel. On December 14, 2001, former Iranian leader Rafsanjani threatened Israel with nuclear attack, saying that the use of even one nuclear bomb inside Israel would destroy that country while it would do little harm to the Islamic world. Given the Iranian regime's history of acting on its declarations, we should be under no illusions regarding its intentions. And its intentions are to get a nuclear weapon. In fact, they are even taking out advertisements about it. Let me show you this very revealing ad that appeared in the May issue of the Economist. As they say, ``a picture is worth a thousand words.'' Even as the International Atomic Energy Agency reported that ``gaps remain in the agency's knowledge with respect to the scope and content of Iran's centrifuge program . . . including the role of the military in Iran's nuclear program . . .'' and voiced concern regarding ``undeclared nuclear material and activities in Iran,'' and even as additional sanctions were being considered against Iran by the United Nations Security Council, this request for proposals for two new large nuclear plants appeared in a major western magazine. And let me point out that the ad clearly identifies the name of the bank, a European bank. For the record, it is Austria Bank Creditansalt, with the account number clearly evident in the advertisement. Mr. Speaker, for over 5 years, Iran has been manipulating the international community, buying time to expand and to hide its nuclear program, and it is making rapid progress. The International Atomic Energy Agency report of August 30 of this year stated that Iran is running almost 2,000 centrifuges with as many more being tested or under construction, indicating that it has already overcome many of the roadblocks to manufacturing nuclear fuel, including weapons-grade material. The estimate of the International Atomic Energy Agency, however, may be too conservative. Iranian leader Ahmadinejad put the number of centrifuges at 3,000 and said that the program was making great strides. His comments underscored his regime's intense focus on its nuclear weapons program and should increase our focus and our sense of urgency. When thinking of the consequences of an Iranian nuclear bomb, we must always remember that Iran is the number one state sponsor of terrorism, supplying weapons, funding, training and sanctuary to terrorist groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas that have murdered countless civilians and threatens our allies in the region and elsewhere; that Iran continues to supply Shiite Islamic groups in Iraq with money, training and weapons that fuel sectarian violence; that Iran is responsible for the deaths of U.S. troops by providing the resources and the materials used for improvised explosive devices, or IEDs, and other much more powerful weapons; that Iran is also supplying the Taliban with weapons to use against our troops serving in Afghanistan. My daughter-in-law is proudly wearing our Nation's uniform right now in Afghanistan, and Iran's work is a danger to her and all of our sons and daughters serving overseas. However, Tehran's pursuit of these destructive policies has one weakness, namely, its dependence on the revenue derived from energy exports. For that reason, the U.S. has targeted Iran's energy sector, attempting to starve it of its foreign investment. U.S. law prohibits American firms from investing in Iran, but foreign entities continue to do so. To address that problem, my distinguished colleague, my good friend from California, the chairman of our committee, Mr. Lantos, and I introduced the Iran Freedom Support Act, which was enacted into law in September of last year. This legislation under consideration today, however, H.R. 1400, builds upon that foundation, reiterates the application of the Iran Sanctions Act, ISA, to parent companies of foreign subsidiaries that engage in activities that ISA would prohibit for U.S. entities. Like its predecessors, the Iraq Freedom Support Act and H.R. 957, this bill before us, H.R. 1400, expands the application of the Iran Sanctions Act to any financial institution, insurer, underwriter, guarantor, or other business organization including any foreign subsidiary of the foregoing. Mr. Speaker, this bill enlarges the scope of the ISA sanctions to include the sale of oil or liquefied natural gas tankers. In addition, the bill before us states the sense of Congress that the United States should prevent foreign banks from providing export credits to foreign entities seeking to invest in Iran's energy sector. And in line with the Iran Freedom Support Act, which urged the President to instruct the U.S. ambassador to the U.N. to push for United Nations Security Council sanctions against Iran, this bill before us commends the U.N. Security Council for its previous action and urges additional action. H.R. 1400 also restricts U.S. nuclear cooperation with any country that helps Iran's nuclear program or transfers advanced conventional weapons or missiles to Iran. This puts countries seeking to maintain good relations with the U.S. on notice that we will not allow ourselves to be used as indirect purveyors of nuclear assistance to Iran. Finally, let me emphasize, Mr. Speaker, that this bill speaks directly to the people of Iran. The regime in Tehran continues its brutal crackdown on human rights advocates, on religious and ethnic minorities, on opponents in the universities and the press, and on dissidents in general. And to address their plight, the bill before us expresses the unwavering support of the American people for the tens of millions of Iranians suffering under a brutal medieval regime. We must always remember that we share a common enemy, the regime in Tehran, and a common goal, which is freedom. Mr. Speaker, thank you for this time. But I mostly want to thank the chairman of our committee, Mr. Lantos, for his leadership on this issue, and I strongly urge my colleagues to support its adoption. And with that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 3 minutes to Mr. Shays of the National Security and Foreign Affairs Subcommittee of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of House Resolution 557, introduced by my friend Congressman John Campbell of California and his Democratic coauthor also from California (Mr. Berman). The activities of the United Nations Human Rights Council during its first year in operation has been a travesty, but it should not come as any surprise to us. Over the summer the council, which embraces serious human rights abusers as members, celebrated its first birthday by giving gifts to repressive dictators and Islamic radicals. It stopped unfinished investigations into human rights conditions in Cuba and Belarus and created a permanent agenda item relating to Israel, the only country singled out for such scrutiny. Darfur, apparently the Human Rights Council sees no problem in southern Sudan. North Korea, no evil there. China, according to the U.N. Human Rights Council, there are no human rights abusers in that workers' paradise. The bloody repression in Burma, in Zimbabwe, the council members have never heard of these actions. Unfortunately, these are exactly the consequences that many of us expected given the flaws inherent in the council's creation. For example, there are no criteria for membership in the council. Certain regional groups also are given greater power than democratic countries. And special sessions are easier to call, with Israel being the target for condemnation. The council's structure and agenda are hopelessly compromised by political manipulation. The only country, again, singled out for actual condemnation has been the democratic State of Israel, which was the subject of three special sessions and 75 percent of all council resolutions and decisions expressing concerns about human rights conditions. In June, because of such outrages, the House adopted an amendment that I proposed to the State and Foreign Operations appropriations bill which prohibited United States funding for the council. Mr. Campbell and Mr. Berman's resolution before us today presents this body with another important opportunity to protest the farce, the insult, the travesty, the sad joke that the U.N. Human Rights Council has become. I urge unanimous support for its adoption. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the author of this measure, the gentleman from California (Mr. Campbell).

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I rise to commend my good friend, Rabbi Fred Klein, for his uplifting prayer that he delivered for us this morning, as well as for his tireless efforts to strengthen the Jewish community in my home district of South Florida. Rabbi Klein serves as the Director of Community Chaplaincy at the Greater Miami Jewish Federation and is the Executive Vice President of the Rabbinical Association of Greater Miami. In these roles, Rabbi Klein offers counsel to the physically and mentally ill in their greatest times of need. I have long been aware of Rabbi Klein's commitment and contributions to academia, to the Jewish community, and the social welfare of all of South Florida. But his greatest achievement, Mr. Speaker, is his family, including his four children, Moshe who is 11, Shuli who is 9, Benny is 6 years old, and Aryeh almost 4. The opening prayer that Rabbi Klein delivered today reflects his intellectual fiber, as well as his determination to improve our community and our country. I thank Rabbi Klein for his invocation, and I look forward to working with him in the years ahead.

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN

Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. In recognition of his efforts to peacefully protest an immoral and unjust system while leading some 20 million South Africans toward freedom, Desmond Tutu was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984. In presenting the award, the chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee recognized that the repression of the apartheid regime was so brutal that ``a violent rebellion would be an understandable reaction.'' However, he stated, that on a broad front a campaign that is being fought with the weapons of spirit and reason, a campaign for truth, freedom, and justice, the contribution that Desmond Tutu has made and is still making represents a hope for the future. He is an exponent of the only form of conflict solving which is worthy of civilized nations. With that, I reserve the balance of my time.