Ed Royce

Mr. ROYCE of California

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 259) expressing concern and condemnation over the political, economic, social, and humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, as amended.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. ROYCE of California

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Foreign Affairs be discharged from further consideration of the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 92) recognizing the deep and abiding friendship between the United States and Israel, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. ROYCE of California

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the 21st Century Flood Reform Act. I think what Chairman Jeb Hensarling was able to do here, and Chairman Duffy, is put forward a bill that has really brought together the Montagues and the Capulets, I mean, when you think about the fact that, on one hand, you have got the environmental community supporting this and you have got taxpayers' advocates; you have got conservative think tanks and you have got affordable housing groups; you have the reinsurers and you have the insurers. We talked about two priorities that at least I was pushing to reauthorize in the National Flood Insurance Program. One of those was to provide better disclosure to consumers about flood risk. We wanted them to know. And the second was to decrease the number of repeatedly flooded properties. This bill accomplishes both of those things. Section 108 of the bill includes language that I authored, which will provide information to home buyers about past flood events, about the damage, about insurance claims, about any obligation they might have to carry flood insurance; and the National Association of Realtors supports this commonsense approach. Section 402 of the bill includes the bipartisan Repeatedly Flooded Communities Preparation Act, sponsored by Representative Earl Blumenauer and me. This means that repeatedly flooded properties, which comprise less than 2 percent of NFIP policies but account for one-third of all claims, are dealt with. Responsible, community-driven mitigation is a win-win proposal, one which will help our neighborhoods become stronger in the face of floods and address the fiscal footing of the overall program by decreasing the cost as this is addressed to community level. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I would particularly like to thank the Pew Charitable Trusts, their flood-prepared communities initiative, for their support of our reform efforts.

Mr. ROYCE of California

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the order of the House of November 1, 2017, I call up the resolution (H. Res. 599) expressing the sense of the House of Representatives with respect to United States policy towards Yemen, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Francis Rooney), vice chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks, and to include extraneous material in the Record on the resolution.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, the purpose of this resolution is to pressure the Saudis to take those steps to reopen access to those ports. That is what we are doing. We need to be talking about the other aspect of what we are also trying to do here, and that is to try to get the Houthis to respond to the actions taken by the U.N. and to try to get the Houthis to lift their impediments that they have put in place. They need to respect the neutrality of aid and stop diverting humanitarian convoys away from those who are in need, as we know from the U.N. that this is the problem. The Houthis, according to the United Nations, need to accept the U.N. plan that would allow for neutral actors to administer the port of Hodeidah so deliveries of essential food and medicines can resume. Part of our difficulty here is the Houthis are, or have become, under the tutelage here of their Iranian supporters. You know, they are a minority in Yemen, but Iran uses them to exploit divisions between Yemeni society. This is part of the complexity of this. The Houthis' slogan is derived from Iran's own anti-U.S. slogans. Their slogan, if you listen to them on the broadcast, is: ``Death to America, Death to Israel, Damn the Jews.'' Now, they didn't pick that up on their own. Part of the problem here is the leaders of the Houthi militia were indoctrinated in Qom, in Iran, as part of an Iranian attempt to construct a Hezbollah-like proxy in Yemen. They have done it. What we are trying to do is figure out a way to both convince them to reopen the port under the U.N. auspices here for these deliveries and convince the Saudis and the other members of this coalition that they should cooperate on this access as well. This is the attempt of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul), chairman of the Committee on Homeland Security.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), a senior member on the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I want to thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, including the gentleman from California (Mr. Khanna), for working in good faith toward achieving a resolution that productively addresses a very complex issue and a very serious issue, namely, the strategic and humanitarian implications of the ongoing conflict being fought in Yemen. I should also recognize the good work of our Foreign Affairs Committee ranking member, Mr. Eliot Engel of New York. This resolution will send a strong and needed message to all involved in this conflict that is causing so much human suffering. According to the U.N., more than 20 million people in Yemen--that is 76 percent of the population--are in need of humanitarian assistance. More than 2 million people are affected by either moderate or by severe malnutrition. Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 599 is a bipartisan alternative to H. Con. Res. 81. That initial proposal had claimed procedural privileges by invoking section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution, which applies only when U.S. forces are engaged in hostilities abroad without authorization. Though we provide logistics to our Saudi partners in the region, United States forces are not conducting hostilities against Houthi forces in Yemen. The initial resolution also neglected a key facet of the Yemen crisis, and that is Iran, which has been providing increasing support-- very nefarious support--to the Houthi rebels. We must not forget that in April of 2015, the U.N. Security Council, acting under Chapter 7 of the U.N. Charter, condemned the violent Houthi government overthrow ``in the strongest terms'' and obligated all U.N. member states to comply with and enforce an embargo on arms and military assistance ``of all types'' to the Houthi forces. This makes Iran's acts to fuel this deadly conflict a gross violation of international law, as our ambassador has pointed out. I am glad that the new H. Res. 599 addresses these shortcomings, and I rise to support it today. Even before this latest conflict, Yemen was the poorest country in the region. It was wracked by violence and unrest. For years, the countries of North and South Yemen were in conflict before they became a single state. That was in 1990. After an uprising in 2011, Yemen embarked on a path of attempted national dialogue, of unification, and of constitutional reform; but hopes for stability and progress were dashed in 2014. That is the time when an Iranian-backed Houthi rebel group in alliance with former Yemeni strongman, Ali Abdullah Saleh, forcibly deposed the internationally recognized government of President Hadi. In response, the United States Security Council adopted Resolution 2216, which sanctioned individuals involved in destabilizing Yemen and demanded that the Houthis unconditionally end their use of violence, withdraw their forces, relinquish their seized weapons, and refrain from threats to neighboring states. Unfortunately, the Houthi-Saleh rejection of this U.N. Security Council resolution, with Iran's backing, has sabotaged the prospects for peace. Mr. Speaker, the United States has longstanding, critical national security interests in this region. Members will recall that the deadly bombing of the USS Cole occurred there in Yemen. Other terrorist plots against Americans originated in Yemen, including the unsuccessful 2009 underwear bomber attack on a Northwest Airlines flight that was going to Detroit. We and our partners continue to conduct operations against al-Qaida inside Yemen, and that is pursuant to the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force with the permission of the internationally recognized Government of Yemen. Although al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula may not grab a lot of international headlines, it still continues to threaten Western nations, and it still maintains a significant network in South Yemen, which we are working to disrupt. Making matters worse, Yemen has become another front in Iran's quest for regional dominance, which has accelerated in the wake of the previous administration's nuclear deal. Consider that Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps has transferred increasingly sophisticated weapons systems to the Houthis and specialists to train and advise their units. Also consider that Iran's top terror proxy, Hezbollah, is helping the Houthis, who have launched numerous missiles and raids into Saudi Arabia, killing innocent civilians. Just last week, a ballistic missile was intercepted over the Saudi capital of Riyadh. This Iranian meddling in Yemen thwarts peace by empowering the Houthis to resist a return to political negotiations. The Iranian regime could not care less about the human suffering it is responsible for. Of course, beyond our national security, the region is also vital to the U.S. and the global economy. The southwest coast of Yemen constitutes one side of the Bab al-Mandab Strait, a narrow, strategic chokepoint in the flow of international goods headed to and from Europe, Asia, and the United States. At times, Iranian-supported Houthis have attacked international shipping, including an American vessel. Disruptions to shipping along the waterway mean disruptions to employment and wages. So it is no wonder that, in response to these threats, a Saudi-led coalition of 10 nations began military operations against Houthi-Saleh forces in March of 2015. Its mission was to reinstate the internationally recognized government. However, 2\1/2\ years later, military progress remains elusive and battle lines are hardened. The Saudi-led coalition controls the port city of Aden and the lowland areas in the south, while the Houthis continue to hold the capital and the highlands of northern Yemen. Civilian casualties have been distressingly high, including from Saudi airstrikes in the early months of the campaign. Today, Yemen is in shambles. It is simultaneously experiencing the world's largest food insecurity crisis and largest cholera outbreak, with more than 900,000 suspected cases. Last week's moves by the Saudis to further close ground, air, and seaports only threaten to make things worse. The United States remains committed to providing much-needed relief to innocent men, women, and children affected by this crisis. In fact, we remain the single largest donor of humanitarian aid to Yemen, by far. USAID and U.N. aid to agencies report that all parties to the conflict, including the Saudi-led coalition, have been responsible for bureaucratic impediments and disruptions to humanitarian operations, complicating our ability to effectively deliver lifesaving assistance. Our resolution says this must stop, by all sides. Mr. Speaker, this all provides for a very complex policy challenge. Some say the United States should distance itself from longstanding military cooperation with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other Gulf Cooperation Council partners. But this would only strengthen Iran's malign influence in the region and would not solve the humanitarian crisis. Indeed, it would likely worsen it. At the same time, others say our only focus should be neutralizing Iran and terrorist threats. But we cannot ignore the moral and strategic costs of civilian casualties and deteriorating humanitarian conditions. To this end, I believe that H. Res. 599 appropriately balances the shared, bipartisan concerns of this body: The urgent need for a political solution in Yemen consistent with Security Council Resolution 2216; A call for all parties to prevent civilian casualties; Support for the Saudi-led coalition's commitments to improve targeting and abide by their no-strike list; and, Condemnation and sanctions for Iran's destabilizing activities in Yemen in violation of Security Council Resolution 2216. Here, we should note that this body has taken strong, bipartisan action in recent months to challenge Iran's aggression, including by sanctioning its ICBM program and its support for the terrorist group Hezbollah. Make no mistake about it: Iran is an avowed enemy and our biggest security threat in the region; on the other hand, the Saudis are our partners. The resolution calls for all parties to allow unobstructed access for humanitarian organizations, human rights investigations, medical personnel, and journalists. In general, it brings attention to a Yemeni conflict that deserves more international notice. As we debate this measure, I suspect we may hear different views of War Powers and authorizations for use of military force as they relate to Yemen. As I said, I don't believe our security cooperation with the Saudis triggers War Powers. This is the type of support we provide to many other governments. But just because it does not arise under that particular statute does not make it immune from our scrutiny. I share Members' concerns that Congress must be as attentive as possible to the roles and missions of our Armed Forces overseas and monitor the ways in which our security assistance is being used. In this sense, Yemen does warrant closer watching. That is what I believe this resolution does. I again want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Khanna), the majority leader and minority whip of the House, and my good friend Ranking Member Eliot Engel for the good work that went into this text, which I support. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), chairman emeritus of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and current chair of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, part of the complexity here in this tragedy is that Iran does want to turn the Houthis into a Yemeni version of Hezbollah, thereby turning Yemen into a second Lebanon, where a militia is constantly holding the government hostage. We do face a challenge here in the sense that they are firing Iranian missiles on a regular basis into Saudi Arabia, at cities across Saudi Arabia, including firing on Riyadh, the capital. Now, we have not committed American forces to fight against the Houthi rebels in Yemen, and I do not believe the American people want us to. We should not. Our main involvement has been in the form of humanitarian assistance and our longstanding preexisting security relationships with regional partners, including Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Gulf Cooperation Council. I don't disagree that we must push them to improve their operations to better avoid civilian casualties and humanitarian harm, but it is a dangerous delusion to think that distancing ourselves from those security relationships would serve the cause of peace and security in Yemen and the region. It would do the opposite. House Resolution 599, in my opinion, is a very responsible reaction to the ongoing crisis, but it expresses the urgent need for a political solution in Yemen, calls on all parties to prevent civilian casualties and promote humanitarian access, and condemns Iran for its continuing destabilizing activities in Yemen in violation of the U.N. Security Council. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Khanna for this resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE of California

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, today I rise in support of the Fair Investment Opportunities for Professional Experts Act. This is a bipartisan bill. It expands economic opportunities for many, many Americans because, to date, only an individual's wealth has been taken into consideration when defining whether he meets the qualifications or she meets the qualifications of an accredited investor under our securities laws. The simple fix proposed by this bill will empower those with financial expertise and those with experience to join the ranks of those who can invest in private, high-growth companies. It was explained very eloquently here by the bill's author, and I think that this commonplace change is going to broaden the pool of startup capital. That is going to help companies looking to grow, companies looking to add jobs. At the same time, it provides an investment opportunity, one with greater upside and more risk, to those previously locked out of the private placement market. This includes many educated young Americans who have not yet had time to grow their pocketbooks but do have the expertise in these areas. Mr. Speaker, in closing, I have seen firsthand that the entrepreneurial spirit is certainly alive and well in California and all across this country, and this bill before us today ensures that more Americans can participate in both the risk and reward of the startup economy. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support passage of H.R. 1585.

Mr. ROYCE of California

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, in view of the National Defense Authorization conference, and in view of the fact that, from the House side, Mr. Engel and I both serve on that conference, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), and I ask unanimous consent that she may control that time on this legislation.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend any remarks and to include extraneous material on this measure in the Record.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, today we will consider legislation targeting Hezbollah, Iran's leading terrorist proxy, with tough, new sanctions. It was 34 years ago this Monday that a truck bomb filled with explosives detonated outside the United States Marine Corps barracks in Beirut, Lebanon, killing 241 of our servicemen. Between 1982 and 1984, we had 272 marines, soldiers, and sailors from 39 States and Puerto Rico lose their lives while serving as peacekeepers in Beirut. Hezbollah was behind those attacks. Since that fateful day, Hezbollah has collaborated with Iran to expand terror throughout the region, taking hundreds of thousands of lives if we count the lives of human beings lost in Syria, in Yemen, in Iraq, and in Gaza. Today, as a leading Iranian proxy, Hezbollah continues to be Iran's front line against Israel. Since its 2006 war with Israel, Hezbollah has dramatically grown its supply of rockets and missiles, allowing it to strike throughout Israel with great precision and force. It is by putting that military power to very effective use that it has gleaned through what it has learned on the ground in Syria. In Syria, its fighters are key to Tehran and its efforts to prop up the Assad regime, working with the Revolutionary Guard and also working with Russian troops there. So now Hezbollah and Iran are reportedly working to introduce game- changing weapons into Lebanon and Syria, and that is what brings about this particular bill. What they are trying to do is produce facilities for sophisticated rockets and missiles there on the ground, on the border in Syria, on the border, also, in Lebanon, and that could lead to another war. It is not a cheap effort to do this. That is why the committee is focused on dismantling Hezbollah's financial networks. In 2015, we led the way to enact the Hezbollah International Financing Prevention Act to target those that facilitate financial transactions for Hezbollah. Now this bill builds on that effort to further ramp up pressure on the Iranian proxy, Hezbollah. It sanctions regimes, including Iran and Syria, that provide weapons to Hezbollah--in other words, an attempt to stop the transfer of these weapons. It targets Hezbollah's innovative fundraising and recruiting efforts, including its attempts to crowdsource small donations to support its fighters, which is the latest evolution of Hezbollah's efforts. Hezbollah launched an online crowdsourcing campaign entitled: ``Equip a Mujahid,'' which calls for donations, large or small, payable in installments or in one sum, to equip suicide bombers and Hezbollah fighters. This bill recognizes that Hezbollah is no longer only a terrorist group, but is also a global criminal organization, which has developed a global criminal network that profits from drug trafficking, money laundering, counterfeiting, and cigarette smuggling, and it gives the administration the tools to respond accordingly. Mr. Speaker, for years, this body has led the way in calling for the need to respond to the full range of threats from Iran. Hezbollah, the regime's leading terrorist proxy, ranks among the top of those threats, in terms of what is being encountered right now. So I urge my colleagues to support this effort to ensure that the United States has the tools to respond. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. House of Representatives, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC, October 23, 2017. Hon. Bob Goodlatte, Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, DC. Dear Chairman Goodlatte: Thank you for consulting with the Foreign Affairs Committee and agreeing to be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 3329, the Hizballah International Financing Prevention Amendments Act of 2017, so that the bill may proceed expeditiously to the House floor. I agree that your forgoing further action on this measure does not in any way diminish or alter the jurisdiction of your committee, or prejudice its jurisdictional prerogatives on this resolution or similar legislation in the future. I would support your effort to seek appointment of an appropriate number of conferees from your committee to any House-Senate conference on this legislation. I will seek to place our letters on H.R. 3329 into the Congressional Record during floor consideration of the bill. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this legislation and look forward to continuing to work together as this measure moves through the legislative process. Sincerely, Edward R. Royce, Chairman.

Mr. ROYCE of California

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Garrett), who is a member of the Foreign Affairs and Homeland Security Committees.

Mr. ROYCE of California

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that when the House adjourns today, it adjourn to meet at 9 a.m. tomorrow.

Mr. ROYCE of California

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul), chairman of the Committee on Homeland Security. He is a former Federal prosecutor and a senior member of our Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. McCarthy), the esteemed majority leader of the House.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe). He is the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.

Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous material.