Ed Royce

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes to respond. One of the reasons the timing on this is important is because this is the timing that the Iranian regime has chosen to pass legislation that would protect those young men in the Basij who carry out these acid attacks against women. One of the reasons I am bringing this bill to the floor is because I am concerned about what it tells us about a regime that, rather than come to the defense of these women who admittedly were in violation of the dress code in terms of their facial, in terms of their mode of dress, to allow individuals in a theocratic country to make the decisions that they are the arbitrator of what is shari'a law and then to exonerate them by saying it is the right of the individual to step in against another and enforce shari'a law rather than have the state do it, this is a theocratic state that is taking a principle against the individual, against individual freedom, and especially against rights of women to an extra step that is so injurious to human liberty, but also the fact that they would do this now and that they would be so unconcerned that we might not even respond to this or that the international community would have a reaction to this, I think it demands a reaction. Because if we do not, in the court of international opinion, hold them to account for these kinds of acts in their Parliament, what is the message that is given to those who are encouraged to further violate women's rights and minority rights in Iran? That is why I am pushing this bill today. Mr. Speaker, I had a conversation a little over a week ago with a group of Iranian American women about their experiences in Iran and their reaction to this parliamentary act and their reaction to the acid attacks which are increasing in number to a truly alarming percentage. There have been over a dozen of these now. So that is why the timing of the legislation. It is in response to this. In the process, it catalogs the other abuses that the regime recently has undertaken under President Rouhani at a time when we thought they might put a different foot forward to the international community. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time to close.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Clawson), a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Homeland Security.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, and the author of this particular bill.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and also to include any extraneous material for the Record on the bill.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3398) to authorize the Secretary of State and the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development to provide assistance to support the rights of women and girls in developing countries, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I will share with the Members here that I rise in strong support of this legislation to extend for another 10 years the United States- United Kingdom Mutual Defense Agreement. This agreement has governed our nuclear cooperation with the United Kingdom for 50 years. As always, I appreciate the cooperation of our ranking member, Mr. Engel of New York, for bringing this legislation to the floor. By acting today, we will ensure that this vital cooperation with Great Britain continues uninterrupted. Mr. Speaker, the United States has no closer ally than the United Kingdom. We all know that. Our societies are founded on a shared belief in freedom and universal human rights. As a result, our close consultation on major foreign policy issues has long been routine; and coordinated action, frankly, is the norm between us and the U.K. We share an unprecedented defense relationship. The advantage of that is it has helped us secure our shared interests and values since the World Wars of the last century. We have fought side by side in conflicts from World War I to Afghanistan. Today, we have joined forces, along with other partners, to battle ISIL. Our intelligence cooperation is unique. We are both founding members of NATO. We have shouldered a disproportionate share of the burden in NATO. We do that because we understand that the world remains a very dangerous place, but also because we know if we do not do so and we do not lead, no one else will. Our cooperation on defense includes a unique partnership on nuclear security. This Mutual Defense Agreement is the framework through which this partnership takes place. It enables the exchange of nuclear materials, technology, and information that has been renewed many times. Actually, this goes back to 1958. The bill that we will renew here will take it for another decade to ensure that our full cooperation on defense can continue uninterrupted. So I urge my colleagues to support the bill to demonstrate our unwavering commitment to the United Kingdom: a friend, a partner and enduring ally. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 5681) to provide for the approval of the Amendment to the Agreement Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland for Cooperation on the Uses of Atomic Energy for Mutual Defense Purposes.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, it is my privilege and honor to recognize Roderick M. Hills who passed away on October 29 of this year. Rod served our country through his efforts to strengthen relations between the United States and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Thirty years ago, in partnership with Caltex (now Chevron) and IBM, Rod founded what is today the US-ASEAN Business Council, aided by a grant from the U.S. Department of State that was matched two to one by the private sector to establish an organization that would promote and support ASEAN. In 1985, as Chairman of the Council, Rod established its first office. He has played a critical role in supporting the Council ever since, whether providing guidance to subsequent chairmen or advising government officials of the United States and the ASEAN countries or leaders in the private sector. Today, the Council's members include more than 140 of the leading U.S. companies doing business in Southeast Asia, together representing over $6 trillion in annual revenue and more than 13 million employees. ASEAN has become America's fourth largest export market, supporting some 560,000 U.S. jobs through nearly $100 billion in goods and services exports to ASEAN. U.S. investment in ASEAN is greater than U.S. investment in Brazil, Russia, India and China combined. Investment by ASEAN in the United States has grown over 1,440 percent since 2001, creating new jobs across the country and on track to create even more. The past 30 years have seen a significant strengthening of ties between the United States and ASEAN. And Rod was there for every one of those years. Rod served the United States in many capacities throughout his life, including as the Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission in the Ford Administration, and he had an exemplary career in the legal profession. But his dedication and passion for Southeast Asia and his appreciation for the potential that ASEAN creates is a testament to the difference one person can make. Significantly, he founded and became chairman of the Hills Program on Governance that established Centers for the Study of Governance in academic institutions around the globe, including at the Asian Institute of Management in the Philippines and the University of Indonesia. This initiative aims to identify serious governance problems in both the public and private spheres, and it works to develop a better understanding of the corrupting influences that create such problems and organize efforts to reduce those influences. Ideas like this help change societies. They build the foundation on which security and opportunity can prosper. They pave the way for growth and resiliency. And Rod Hills created a lasting impact on the way in which the countries all over the world, and in Southeast Asia in particular, are embracing the realities of the 21st century and looking to the future. Again, I want to recognize Rod Hills for his service to the United States and in particular for his vision for and steadfast support to the US-ASEAN Business Council and the important work they have done for the last 30 years to advance business relations between ASEAN and America.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that when the House adjourns today, it adjourn to meet at noon tomorrow.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Foreign Affairs be discharged from further consideration of the resolution (H. Res. 707) condemning all forms of anti-Semitism and rejecting attempts to justify anti-Jewish hatred or violent attacks as an acceptable expression of disapproval or frustration over political events in the Middle East or elsewhere, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. ROYCE. I have an amendment to the preamble at the desk.

Mr. ROYCE. I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Foreign Affairs be discharged from further consideration of House Resolution 734, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 726) strongly supporting the right of the people of Ukraine to freely determine their future, including their country's relationship with other nations and international organizations, without interference, intimidation, or coercion by other countries.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I have the right to close, so I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. The Ukrainian people have had a long, turbulent history of struggle. It is important to remember that when that vote for independence came, it passed overwhelmingly across Ukraine. For me, I think the most memorable point of that trip was standing with Mr. Engel in the synagogue--it was Passover--adjacent to the largest community center, Jewish community center in all of Europe. Eliot Engel, whose four grandparents all came from Ukraine, spoke to the hopes that the American people have for a Ukraine which is a Ukraine that embraces tolerance, political pluralism, freedom, a Ukraine in which the persecution of people is a thing of the past but in which the future lies with the democratic ideals that we share, a Ukraine independent, a Ukraine free of threat, free of outside influence. These are the hopes embodied in this resolution because the Ukrainian people have withstood these enormous pressures. They have endured this great suffering. They know there are many challenges still to overcome before they can rest secure. But the Ukrainians that we spoke with told us that among the most important things sustaining them throughout this difficult time is the knowledge that we in the United States stand with them. Tomorrow, President Poroshenko will address this joint session of Congress here; and by granting him, his country, this honor and by adopting this resolution today, we will demonstrate our continuing commitment to Ukraine and to helping its people achieve the freedom, achieve the security and prosperity that they so rightfully deserve. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gerlach), cochairman of the House Ukraine Caucus and the author of the resolution we have before us.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, this is a historic moment for Ukraine. It has withstood invasion by Russian forces, their illegal occupation and annexation of Crimea, the arming of separatist militias by Moscow, the cutoff of natural gas and imposition of trade barriers aimed at undermining Ukraine's economy. They have suffered under a Russian propaganda offensive designed to sow fear and exploit division, and they have had many other assaults along the way. I had an opportunity--myself and Eliot Engel of New York--to travel to Ukraine, along with Jim Gerlach. We are happy to have Mr. Gerlach and Marcy Kaptur with us today. They are the authors of this resolution, a resolution in support of Ukraine. I will lay out what we saw both in western Ukraine and in the east, because we traveled across that country. But before I do that, let me point out that thousands and thousands of Ukrainians have been killed by the fighting in the east and hundreds of thousands have been made refugees. But Ukraine still stands. It stands unbowed, more determined than ever to secure its independence and its sovereignty and its territorial integrity. This resolution that the House clearly has before it states unambiguously our support for Ukraine in its effort. The United States, our European allies, and many other countries have made clear that we will not allow Russia to bludgeon--bludgeon--Ukraine into submission, because that is exactly what they attempted to do. We have opposed tough sanctions on Russia. We have provided extensive assistance to help Ukraine through this very difficult time. Its military needs to be bolstered. And we are supporting the establishment of a democratic system representing all of the people of Ukraine. Importantly, yesterday, the Ukrainian Parliament passed a law granting greater autonomy--including Russian language rights--to those in the east. A strong democracy respectful of individual rights is the best counter to Vladimir Putin's very autocratic ways. Ukraine faces many challenges, including growing economic problems, the possibility of a gas shortage this winter, and a never-ending onslaught of propaganda. We will continue to assist Ukraine, but it is vital that in Ukraine--and we carried this message when we were in country--they implement the far-reaching economic and structural reforms necessary to enable that country to grow. Ending Russia's ability to use its oil and natural gas as a weapon has got to be a priority. There are many steps that Ukraine itself can take, beginning with reforming its energy sector to expand its own production of energy and, of course, to increase efficiency. The United States and other countries, especially Ukraine's neighbors in Europe, can help by making alternative supplies available to that country. You notice that the Polish engineers have reverse-engineered those pipes so that gas can come into Ukraine. Western Ukraine has tremendous possibilities for oil shale. We met when we were in Azerbaijan with the government there that is building a pipeline into Central Europe, and we know that a lot more can be done in order to get gas into Ukraine. The U.S. can take a major step forward by removing the restrictions we have imposed on ourselves that severely limit the export of our abundant supplies. We have got a glut on our market. Frankly, this is a way to create jobs here, this is a way to help our balance of payments. Let's sell this to Ukraine because they deeply need it. And, frankly, the prices in the east are very, very, high and this will give us a new market. And the other body could act on legislation this House has passed to revamp U.S. international broadcasting so there is an effective counter to Moscow's never-ending propaganda. This is legislation that I and my colleague Eliot Engel have authored in order to make certain that the people in Ukraine and, frankly, that Russian-speaking populations everywhere, can hear the truth about what is happening inside their own countries, as well as an appeal to political pluralism and tolerance and all of the values that the international community should share. In April, Ranking Member Engel and I led a delegation, as I mentioned, to the Ukraine to see for ourselves the situation on the ground, including in the east in Dnipropetrovsk, in eastern Ukraine, which borders the region controlled by the separatists. There and in Kiev, we had extensive discussions with a range of senior officials, including Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, about the situation in their country. We also spoke with leaders of the civil society community: women's groups, lawyers' groups, Jewish groups, Tatar groups, Russian- speaking communities. All strongly supported a united Ukraine; all opposed Russian intervention. All shared with us that at the end of the day they wanted Ukraine whole, they wanted Russia out. We met with Mr. Poroshenko prior to his election and assured him of strong U.S. support. Now the entire Congress will demonstrate that continuing commitment when the President of Ukraine addresses the joint session tomorrow. The message will be heard loud and clear, not just in Ukraine, not just in Kiev, but also in Moscow and around the world, that the United States stands with the people of Ukraine now and always. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include any extraneous materials in the Record.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this amendment. Today, we face, as we know, a great and growing threat from ISIL. Never has a terrorist organization controlled so much territory, a safe haven, as well, to plan future attacks. Never has one had access to vital natural resources. Never has a terrorist organization possessed the ready cash, the heavy weaponry, and the personnel that ISIL possesses. We are late in responding. At least 2 years ago, the President had a proposal on his desk to arm those under threat inside Syria. It was backed by his Secretary of State, backed by his Defense Secretary, and backed by General Petraeus, then head of the CIA. If the President had accepted this recommendation coming from his entire national security team years ago, we might be in a different position right now, but we are where we are. The question is Syria continues to spiral out of control, Assad has hung to power, and ISIL has risen from a terrorist group to a terrorist army. That is where we were. Caught in the middle has been the civil society types, those who are trying to defend--in Aleppo--defend themselves from the barrel bombs coming down from above from Assad while at the same time trying to defend themselves from ISIL attacks on the ground. They have been left to fend on their own. These are the individuals--I will remind you for those who remember the tapes, who remember the programming at the time--chanting ``peaceful, peaceful'' as they were protesting the Assad regime. Assad's soldiers opened up with automatic weapons fire on them in the streets of Damascus. After Assad began this slaughter, they took up arms to defend themselves. The question is: Will we give them the wherewithal to fight back against the ISIL attacks that are, right now, on the borders of Aleppo? In July, the Foreign Affairs Committee heard unprecedented testimony from a Syrian Army defector named ``Caesar.'' He showed our committee pictures of the atrocities--tens of thousands of people tortured, men, women, and children--by Assad. Assad has killed over 200,000 people now. The fact is that Assad is a protector of no one except himself. That is the bottom line. Where ISIL operates, they have gone on a horrifying rampage, killing and beheading. Some of you have heard about the crucifixions there. In the meantime, Assad is no fool. His regime has pursued a strategy to avoid confrontation with ISIL, focusing his efforts on wiping out these rebels in Aleppo that we are talking about supporting who are fighting ISIL; indeed, the Assad regime continues to purchase crude oil from ISIL, giving them ready cash, an average of $2 million daily for that terrorist group. His strategy is to present the world with a choice between the regime and the ISIL extremists. Friends, we do not have to play his game. What we can do--what this amendment would do--is give the Syrian opposition what they desperately need, training and equipment. We are looking to aid these individuals who have risked their lives to combat the Assad region and to combat the ISIL terrorists that they are fighting today, but, Mr. Speaker, these fighters aren't starting from scratch. They have been in the fight for several years. Out of sheer commitment and determination, they have hung on, but, with greater U.S. training and supplies, they will be bolstered. As an ultimate boost, this force would be supported by U.S. and coalition airpower, and that puts real spine into a fighting force which will be needed to confront and defeat ISIL. Our military has provided this type of training around the world for decades. Mr. Speaker, let's do it here. Let's go on offense against ISIL. I ask for support for this amendment.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to talk a little bit about the enduring struggle of the Crimean Tatars, a people who have suffered much over the many generations of war that they have seen in their region. I had an opportunity to meet with many of them when I was in Ukraine. Eliot Engel and I sat down with all of the different minority groups that have been through so much in that region. I just wanted to say this to the Members of the House, and that is that Russia's aggression in Ukraine has produced many tragedies, but none--none--more so than that of the Crimean Tatars. For centuries, this Muslim community has suffered greatly at the hands of Russia's rulers. Russia's rulers have devastated the population, and they have driven countless numbers from their homes. And now, Moscow's forcible occupation of Crimea has imposed a new oppression on this long- suffering community, forcing large numbers to flee and making the rest increasingly unwelcome in their ancestral homeland. When I was in Ukraine, besides meeting with senior Ukrainian officials, we had these conversations with the representatives of their community as well as other minority groups, other ethnic Russian communities. And I was privileged to meet and talk at length with the most prominent Tatar leader, Mustafa Dzhemilev, who is the former head of the Mejlis, the executive body of the Tatar parliament, as well as with other senior leaders in their community. He and his colleagues have been blocked from returning to Crimea by the ruling authorities there, as so many other Tatars have been blocked once they go over the border from Crimea to come back into their home. They are refugees unable to go home. During our meeting, we discussed the increasing pressure on the Tatars in Crimea and the situation they live under. Thousands have fled, and those who remain face a very uncertain future. They are subject to increasing pressure and restrictions by the local authorities, who they believe are trying to force them out because of their ethnicity and because they didn't welcome Russia's armed occupation and illegal annexation. Of course, there was never any possibility that they would be allowed to participate in the phony referendum held in March in which 97 percent of the population supposedly voted one way in that election to join Russia, even though the entire ethnic Russian population numbers only 58 percent of that overall community. The Tatar population is about 12 percent. Knowing that the vote would be rigged, they refused to provide the propaganda exercise with any credibility, and they and many other ethnic groups there in Crimea urged a boycott and undertook that boycott. Unfortunately, their current struggle is only the latest chapter in their long history of great suffering and very brave perseverance. Many times in the past, they have been subjected to mass deportation and assaults, with great loss of life. The most terrible was Stalin's mass deportation of the Muslim Tatar population to Central Asia in 1944. Over half--over half--of the men, women, and children died in what only can be called a genocidal process. And those that survived the privations found themselves in an alien world, forced to begin their lives again in great hardship. In the mid-1980s, the Tatars were finally allowed to return to Crimea. Most of the surviving population--and it was a fraction of the original population--eventually did come back. In the last census, they comprised 12 percent of the population. There they reestablished their ancient community and proudly took their place in Ukraine's new democracy. All of the people I spoke with in Ukraine, including the ethnic Russians whose interests Moscow claims it is protecting, said that they opposed Russian intervention, and at the end of the day they supported a united Ukraine. And that was especially true of every ethnic community and civil society group in eastern Ukraine that we talked with. And the Tatars, including some still alive who survived Stalin's crimes, have a deep historical memory of Russia's actions in Crimea. They are not fooled by Moscow's protestations of peace there. In our efforts to secure a lasting peace in Ukraine, the U.S. and our allies must not accept Russia's forcible expulsion of Tatars from Crimea, but that is, once again, what the Russian Government is doing to these people. They must recognize the religious and ethnic rights there. And we must not forget the people there. We must not leave them to this fate at the hands of merciless authorities who seek a region cleansed of all those they deem to be enemies of their imperial ambitions. By refusing to surrender to endless threats and centuries of oppression, the Tatar people continue to give hope to all those around the world who are battling overwhelming forces in defense of their homes and of their freedom.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, two hundred years ago, on September 14, 1814, Francis Scott Key and two other Americans, one a prisoner of the British whose release Key had been commissioned to negotiate, waited anxiously for the outcome of the battle begun nearly 24 hours earlier. Although Key had secured the release of Dr. William Beams, they were detained by the British overnight because they had overheard the British attack plans. During the rainy night, Key had witnessed the bombardment of Fort McHenry, and observed that the fort's smaller ``storm flag'' continued to fly. At dawn, Key was inspired by the American victory and the sight of a larger American flag, with fifteen stars and fifteen stripes flying triumphantly above the fort. This flag remains on public display in the Smithsonian's National Museum of American History. The whole event inspired Key to write a poem, titled ``Defence of Fort M'Henry.'' It was soon set to music and performed to an enthusiastic public audience as ``The Star Spangled Banner'' less than a month later. In 1931, Congress adopted it as the national anthem of the United States. Orange County, California, which makes up most of the 39th Congressional District I represent, is home to one of Francis Scott Key's descendants. George Key, the great great grandson of the author of our national anthem, is a resident of San Clemente and a member of the ``greatest generation.'' A veteran of both World War II and the Korean Conflict, Mr. Key has honored his heritage by leading efforts in his own community to honor the flag that inspired his ancestor. Mr. Key is known as ``The Flagman of San Clemente.'' Even at 90 years of age, he continues to work with local schools, the Daughters of the American Revolution, the Boy Scouts, and others, teaching them U.S. history and how to properly dispose of American flags. He collects tattered flags from drop points in the city and arranges for their proper disposal. Along with a colleague, he created a program to honor veterans and their families by flying flags over San Clemente City Hall when the veterans pass away. I am pleased to recognize the 200th Anniversary of the ``Star Spangled Banner,'' and the legacy of the Key family in honoring our nation's flag.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I have an amendment to the preamble at the desk.