Ed Royce

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. I yield myself such time as I my consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3470. This legislation that I authored reaffirms the United States' steadfast support for Taiwan and provides the legal authority to sell naval vessels to Taiwan. I very much appreciate the bipartisan support that we have received from Mr. Engel and other members of the committee across the aisle. This legislation passed unanimously out of our committee, and the bill makes several changes also to improve U.S. security assistance to friends and allies. On April 10, 1979, the Taiwan Relations Act was enacted to govern America's relationship with the Republic of China-Taiwan. For 35 years, the act has helped maintain peace and security across the Taiwan Strait and the Asia-Pacific region. During this time, Taiwan has undergone a monumental transformation from grinding poverty and from dictatorship to, today, a vibrant multiparty democracy. Taiwan's economy has evolved, too, to where it is today, out 10th top trading partner. This week, we recognize this 35- year transformation. Few other pieces of foreign policy legislation have been as consequential as the Taiwan Relations Act. America's support for Taiwan has allowed this island nation to realize its full potential. It is now more important than ever that we reaffirm our strong commitment to Taiwan and to the Taiwan Relations Act. And as chairman, I led two bipartisan delegations to Taipei, to Kaohsiung, and to Tainan to examine Taiwan's economy and to look at its defense capabilities. Today's legislation is the product of the committee's bipartisan effort to prioritize the U.S.-Taiwan relationship. By incorporating two pieces of legislation, both which passed the committee unanimously, the House of Representatives is now in a position to fulfill both the spirit and the letter of the Taiwan Relations Act. This legislation allows the President to transfer for sale four Perry-class guided missile frigates to Taiwan, which are greatly needed to augment Taiwan's defense capabilities. I have seen firsthand the World War II-era submarines and the 50-year-old fighter jets that form the core of Taiwan's military. Congress has made it clear to the administration that it wants more defense sales to Taiwan. These four ships would bolster Taiwan's defense to ensure that peace in the Taiwan Strait continues to benefit the entire region. In addition to supporting Taiwan, this legislation also authorizes the transfer of excess decommissioned naval vessels to Thailand and Mexico. These transfers help support the priorities of the U.S. Navy while strengthening the capability of allies and other close partners to meet our shared maritime security objectives. The bill also makes long overdue improvements to the timeliness of U.S. arms sales to friends and allies while maintaining appropriate congressional oversight. It also makes technical amendments to update certain notification and reporting requirements under the Arms Export Control Act. Finally, the bill also clarifies that certain business confidentiality protections of the Export Administration Act continue to protect information related to export licensing. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Congress of the United States, House of Representatives, Washington, DC, April 4, 2014. Hon. Edward R. Royce, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington, DC. Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing concerning H.R. 3470, ``Taiwan Relations Act Affirmation and Naval Vessel Transfer Act of 2014,'' Title I of which was favorably reported out of your Committee on March 25, 2014 as H. Res. 494. As you know, H. Res. 494, which has been incorporated into Section 101 of H.R. 3470, has been referred to the Committee on Ways and Means. I appreciate that, in response to the concerns raised by the Committee on Ways and Means concerning aspects of Title I within our Committee's jurisdiction, you have agreed to modify H.R. 3470 prior to its consideration in the House. As a result, in order to expedite floor consideration of the bill, the Committee on Ways and Means will forgo action on H.R. 3470. Further, the Committee will not oppose the bill's consideration on the suspension calendar, based on our understanding that you will work with us as the legislative process moves forward to ensure that the Committee's concerns continue to be addressed. This is also being done with the understanding that it does not in any way prejudice the Committee with respect to the appointment of conferees or its jurisdictional prerogatives on this or similar legislation. I would appreciate your response to this letter, confirming this understanding with respect to H.R. 3470, and would ask that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be included in the Congressional Record during Floor consideration. Sincerely, Dave Camp, Chairman.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to put any extraneous material on this measure into the Record.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3470) to provide for the transfer of naval vessels to certain foreign countries, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, this week is National Crime Victims' Rights Week. This is an important reminder that there is much work still to be done to promote the rights and needs of victims of crime in our communities. As a State senator, I was the author of the first anti-stalking law in the country--before this legislation, there was very little legal protection available for stalking victims. I also worked to establish rights for crime victims in California's state constitution as author and campaign co-chair of Proposition 115. Proposition 115 gives victims the rights to a speedy trial, reduces the number of times crime victims must testify, increases sentences and punishment, and requires reciprocal discovery of evidence. When I arrived in Congress, I made it a priority to address stalking at the federal level. In 1996, I introduced the Interstate Stalking Punishment and Prevention Act, which was signed into law, making it a felony to cross state lines to stalk someone. I am also a cosponsor of a Victims' Rights Amendment, which gives victims of crime the same protections as their offenders. Crime victims deserve equal consideration in the criminal justice process. In addition, I am a cosponsor of Justice for Crime Victims Act of 2014, legislation to legislatively further some of the same goals of the Amendment. There is also much work to be done to serve victims of human trafficking--a growing issue in Southern California. That's why I've cosponsored the Strengthening the Child Welfare Response to Human Trafficking Act. This legislation helps ensure that child welfare agencies have the necessary tools to understand the unique needs of child trafficking victims and the resources to appropriately serve them. I encourage you to visit http://ovc.ncjrs.gov/incvrw/ to learn more about Crime Victims' Rights Week and what we can be doing in our local communities to raise awareness about the rights, needs, and concerns of victims and survivors of crime.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 2183) United States international programming to Ukraine and neighboring regions.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on the bill.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of S. 2183, legislation to bolster U.S.- backed international broadcasting to Ukraine and the surrounding region. This legislation passed the House overwhelmingly last week as part of H.R. 4278. It was authored by myself and Mr. Engel. While the Senate did not act on the full House package of legislation to support Ukraine, I am pleased that the Senate did recognize and act on this important piece of legislation. With its passage, this bill goes to the President's desk. Mr. Speaker, this legislation is central to our effort to counter Russian aggression and to send the type of support we need for the democratic development of Ukraine. Throughout the crisis, Russians and Ukrainians alike have been bombarded by portrayals of Ukrainian protesters and the interim government, as you can hear on the Russian propaganda broadcast, what they call fascist mercenaries. This, of course, is a rather deplorable attempt to draw a connection between those who yearn for freedom in Ukraine to the brutal Nazi invasion of the second World War. Overwhelmingly, the country of Ukraine voted for independence. In this false narrative, which really is sort of a big lie, stark images of chaos and violence are used to persuade viewers that ethnic and linguistic Russians are under attack in Ukraine. Footage of a border crossing between Ukraine and Poland has been used to support the outlandish claims that Ukrainian refugees are fleeing into Russia. In Crimea, Russian forces have seized control over at least a dozen television and radio stations that are now used to broadcast misleading and false news and information around the clock. Russian propaganda right now is in overdrive. A survey by Russia's only independent polling service, Levada, earlier this month showed that 63 percent of Russians believe state media portrays an objective picture of Ukraine. This bill puts us on the offensive in this information battle. It does so by requiring Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and the Voice of America to increase broadcasts to the people of eastern Ukraine and Crimea, prioritizing programming to populations that are being inundated with Russian propaganda and combating the misinformation they are receiving. This bill also supports efforts to circumvent Russian jamming. The Russian government has targeted Ukrainian television and radio stations, jamming their signals and disrupting their ability to reach Ukrainian audiences while the Russian propaganda broadcasts come in relentlessly. In addition, this bill supports U.S. international broadcasting to the Balkans and Moldova, two regions that are subject to the wider Russian propaganda campaign. The free flow of information forms the foundation for a strong democratic society. Russian propaganda kills democratic prospects. This is the problem with the fact that the state and Russia has now taken over all independent media. As they struggle to build democracy, this bill will help provide the people of Ukraine with news and information that is accessible, credible, and accurate. It will basically be surrogate broadcasting. I urge its passage, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, it is a sad state of affairs. There was one television station left in Russia that had some measure of independence, that wasn't state-controlled. Russia, President Putin, went after that institution, and now it is no longer broadcasting. Russia has been waging an intense, aggressive, and very blunt disinformation campaign. Not only is that campaign directed at disinformation to people in Ukraine, but they have also spun tales of sinister plotting by the West. This measure, S. 2183, responds by directing U.S. international broadcasters to advance access to uncensored sources of information, the truth, about what is happening on the ground in Ukraine, to use stringers and reporters and to operate as a surrogate radio broadcast source in order to get news and information to people that are otherwise subject to the Russian propaganda, state-run propaganda that is coming into the country. I think it is important that this be done because the Ukrainian stations themselves have now been jammed by the Russians, by the Russian Government. The former head of Radio Free Europe once described the mission of his broadcasts as one that ``irritates authoritarian regimes, inspires democrats, and creates greater space for civil society.'' We need to create greater space for civil society in Eastern Europe today. We need to provide a platform to inspire those who want to see democratic governance, and that is exactly the type of response that is needed. For years, this type of broadcasting has been pivotal in helping young democracies push back against media lies and distortions and get off of their feet. We know from listening to Vaclav Havel and Lech Walesa how important this broadcasting can be. It is the type of broadcasting needed now in Ukraine and the surrounding region more than ever. So I urge the House to pass S. 2183 and ensure that Russian attempts to undermine democracy in Ukraine through an intense propaganda campaign do not go unanswered. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and concur in the Senate amendment to the bill (H.R. 4152) to provide for the costs of loan guarantees for Ukraine.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in support of this important legislation to support the Ukrainian people and to stand up to Russian aggression. Just a few days ago, the House of Representatives acted decisively in passing similar legislation authored by me and by Mr. Eliot Engel of New York, our ranking member. We authored that bill, and I might add that Mr. Engel, himself, and his forefathers came from Ukraine, and suffered under that region's long and tortured history. The bill passed by 399-19 on the House floor. I prefer the more comprehensive bill backed by the House, but with today's vote, we will send this bill to the Senate, demonstrating bipartisan support for Ukraine at this critical time. Importantly, this bill expands the sanctions available to be imposed on Russia's leaders for their actions. The President should be using all of this authority, in conjunction with our European allies, putting as much pressure in place as quickly as we can. Our targets must include those who exercise influence over Russian policy, including the so-called ``oligarchs'' and others who have amassed enormous wealth through government corruption. Ukraine faces many challenges that will not be resolved quickly or easily. This legislation responds quickly to help Ukrainians help themselves, helping to strengthen civil society and combat corruption. The task of righting Ukraine is made all the more difficult given the threat of Russian troops on its borders, and while the Russian Army threatens Ukraine's east, it is Russia's considerable energy resources that allow Moscow to hold all of Ukraine hostage. For many years, Moscow has used its supply of oil and gas to blackmail Ukraine and to blackmail other countries, including some of our NATO allies in Eastern Europe. This morning, Gazprom announced that it would hike the price for natural gas to Ukraine by 44 percent, an announcement deliberately timed to worsen that country's economic situation. We can remove this weapon from Russia's arsenal by lifting the self- imposed barriers on U.S. energy exports. The greatly enhanced supply of oil and natural gas added to the world market, if we were to ship into Ukraine, into Hungary, and into the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland-- all of these countries have written to the Speaker of the House, requesting us to do that--would undermine Russia's stranglehold on other countries and would reduce the revenues that comprise 52 percent of Moscow's budget for its military and its government. That would get Putin's attention, imposing a cost for aggression. I will add that Mr. Engel and myself will be traveling with a bipartisan delegation to Ukraine in a few weeks. Let me urge all Members to support this legislation. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rogers), the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations and the author of the original House-passed version of this bill, H.R. 4152.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. This bill does come at a critical time. In closing, I will just say that U.S. officials are pressing President Putin to respect Ukrainian sovereignty, but this diplomacy will only have a chance if it is backed up by a combination of the threat of tough sanctions that are being implemented to their fullest and by the message of more energy independence for Ukraine. I am very pleased to have worked closely with Ranking Member Engel and many other Members on this bipartisan legislation. It represents, as Mr. Engel indicated, what Congress can accomplish on the floor of this House in terms of policy when we unite to advance U.S. interests. By our action here today, we will send a clear message of American resolve. That message will be heard in Kiev, it will be heard in Moscow, and it is going to be heard around the globe. I urge all Members to support this legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 4278) to support the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include any extraneous materials in the Record.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, President Vladimir Putin's decision to forcibly annex Crimea was based on his calculation that the price would be bearable. Now, in fact, Russia is susceptible to pressure. Seventy percent of all the exports from Russia are from oil and gas; 52 percent of the budget that goes to the power behind Mr. Putin's military and his government comes from that monopoly pricing on natural gas. That supplies the budget for Russia. That is what gives him the power to manipulate the situation, the monopoly over gas that he has in Eastern Europe, to manipulate this situation with respect to Ukraine. If we want to check aggression from Russia, we must push back, and we must work together quickly, not only to confront this monopoly circumstance that exists there, but also to quickly impose tough sanctions on President Putin and on those who have been his accomplices in carrying out this aggression. Diplomatically, our European allies have helped to eject Russia from the G8 and have suspended all other engagement with Russia until this crisis is peacefully resolved. Economically, they have also imposed sanctions, including asset freezes and visa bans, against many Russian leaders. Our targets must include government officials as well as those who hold no formal position but who, nevertheless, exercise great influence over President Putin's policy and have supported aggression. That includes the so-called oligarchs and others who have amassed enormous wealth through corruption and through other illegitimate means. We must make clear that if they do not end this crisis--which they have deliberately created, by the way--or if they choose to go even further, then we and our allies will ratchet up the sanctions pressure. We must also move quickly to strengthen Ukraine by reinforcing its sovereignty, its independence and territorial integrity, and assist the new government in meeting the enormous challenges it faces. This bill provides assistance to strengthen civil society in Ukraine, to combat corruption, to help recover assets stolen by former Ukrainian officials, to reform the police and the justice sector, to promote the independent media, to strengthen Ukraine's defense, and to help prepare for the run-up to the Presidential election, which is scheduled now on May 25. And I will add that, in several weeks, I will be leading a bipartisan delegation from this House, with the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), to Ukraine. And I will add that his forefathers, in fact, come from Ukraine. We will be there to meet with the Parliament, the leadership, and the electoral commission in advance of that election. This bill also directs the assistance already approved by the House to help get the Ukrainian economy back on its feet, including by promoting fundamental economic reforms in the country. Those tough reforms will be essential. Mr. Speaker, Moscow is using propaganda to sow confusion and fear and unrest inside Ukraine right now, which it then exploits to justify its actions. To counter that effort, this legislation enhances funding for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and the Voice of America to expand broadcasting in the Russian language, in Ukrainian, in Tatar in order to provide the accurate news and information on the ground across Ukraine. No amount of aid will help Ukraine if Russian propaganda rules the day. Another priority must be to end Russia's ability to use its energy reserves to blackmail Ukraine and other countries, including many of our NATO allies. Russia supplies 100 percent of Lithuania's natural gas. Well, it might not be that surprising, then, that Lithuania pays the highest price for gas of any country in Eastern Europe. And it supplies two-thirds of Poland's gas. Energy sales earn Russia not only dollars, but they earn Russia influence because Russia, in the dead of winter, has turned off the valves. Russia's state-controlled gas company, Gazprom, threatened to cut off supplies to Ukraine earlier this month, as it did during the winters of 2006 and 2009. Gazprom has stated that it is preparing to double the price Ukraine pays for its natural gas, which could cripple the country's already weak economy. Now, we have a powerful tool to counter this pressure, one that is just waiting to be used, and that is our own energy reserves. We must remove restrictions on the export of U.S. crude oil and natural gas into Eastern Europe. We have, in fact, a letter to the Speaker of the House from the heads of state of Poland, of the Czech Republic, of Slovakia, of Hungary, asking us--asking us--to direct resources, to sell resources. Listen, at the end of the day, if we do this, we end the flaring of gas here in the United States because of the glut. We are able to help our balance of payments. It will help to reduce our deficits. It increases Russia's deficits, frankly. It produces jobs here in the United States. But it comes at a time when Vladimir Putin has a grip on the necks of the decisionmakers in Eastern Europe with respect to his power on monopoly over gas. Lifting, frankly, these self-imposed sanctions on ourselves in terms of not exporting our excess gas would not only boost the U.S. economy and create American jobs, as I indicated, but would reduce the energy revenues that comprise 52 percent of the budget for the military and the government in Russia. We must break Putin's energy grip over Ukraine and Eastern Europe. This is a strategic issue. I am pleased, by the way, to have worked closely with Ranking Member Eliot Engel of New York and with all of the members of the committee to produce this strong, effective, and much-needed bipartisan bill, and I look forward to its passage today and to working with our Senate colleagues to have the President sign the bill into law as soon as possible. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, DC., March 26, 2014. Hon. Ed Royce, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC. Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing with respect to H.R. 4278, the ``Ukraine Support Act,'' which the Committee on Foreign Affairs ordered reported favorably on March 25, 2014. As a result of your having consulted with us on provisions in H.R. 4278 that fall within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the Judiciary, I agree to discharge our Committee from further consideration of this bill so that it may proceed expeditiously to the House floor for consideration. The Judiciary Committee takes this action with our mutual understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.R. 4278 at this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over subject matter contained in this or similar legislation, and that our Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as this bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may address any remaining issues in our jurisdiction. Our Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate conference involving this or similar legislation, and asks that you support any such request. I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming this understanding with respect to H.R. 4278, and would ask that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be included in the Congressional Record during Floor consideration of H.R. 4278. Sincerely, Bob Goodlatte, Chairman.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor), our respected majority leader.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats.

Mr. ROYCE. I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, part of our problem here is with President Putin's definition of what is the Russian Nation in his speech to the Duma. When he says the Russian Nation is divided by borders, he is sending a message that, with respect not just to Crimea but other areas throughout Europe, Russia may be staking a claim. Here is the difficulty. In Crimea, yes, the population today is majority ethnic Russian, but there was a time when, before Joe Stalin moved a wide segment of the Tatars population into Siberia and before the forced collectivization, there was a time when the majority population was very different than it is today. Fifty-six percent of that ethnic group perished. But this is a problem that we also have in Eastern Europe and in eastern and southern Ukraine, because you had some 8 million Ukrainians also perish during Stalin's rule, and ethnic Russians came into that area as a consequence. The thing we need to remember is that it is, in fact, the Russian- speaking population in the east, as well as the Ukrainians speaking in the west, that voted for independence for Ukraine, that voted strongly to have a separate state. And if this issue is allowed to stand without the world responding, the question is: Is that argument then made in Latvia and Estonia? Is that argument then made in Latvia and Estonia? Is that argument made in all of the former Russian states? I do not think in any way this is comparable to Kosovo. In Kosovo, NATO responded to a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing by former Yugoslavian forces. In Crimea, Russia attempted to justify its actions by fabricating the myth of widespread violence against the ethnic Russian population, even going as far as to equate it to the bloodshed occurring in Syria. Clearly, this is not true. We know it is not true. In terms of the election itself, opponents were silenced. International monitors were barred. Crimean Tatars themselves boycotted the very election. Voters were not given the option of preserving Crimea's current status within Ukraine. Independence and de facto independence were the only options, and the bogus vote there was also unnecessary because the Ukrainian Government had made it clear that it was willing to discuss increased autonomy for Crimea. Now, here is the problem going forward. We know the view taken internationally on this subject. The U.N. Security Council condemned Russia's unprovoked aggression against Ukraine, and Russia stood alone--stood absolutely alone in this case--because even Ukrainians themselves have gone to the sites of the Russian media-reported attacks against ethnic Russian minorities to show that that is not occurring. That is, in fact, propaganda. We can't let this stand. One of the other things we are doing in this bill is improving our broadcasting into Ukraine and the region to dispel these myths and spread the truth about the situation there. So I reserve the balance of my time.