Ed Royce

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I have an amendment to the text of the resolution at the desk.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 850) to impose additional human rights and economic and financial sanctions with respect to Iran, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I, along with the Gentleman from Arkansas, Mr. Cotton, recognize that this critical legislation requires countries still purchasing oil from Iran to reduce their combined imports by 1 million barrels per day within a year. Iran's energy sector provides the regime the resources needed to fund its nuclear weapons program. We remain extremely concerned with the pace of Iran's nuclear program. Some estimate that Iran may achieve a nuclear weapons breakout capability next year. For this reason, we remain committed to sending the toughest possible sanctions bill to the President's desk, as quickly as possible.

Mr. ROYCE. Yes, Mr. Speaker, the centrifuges are, indeed, spinning. And it is Mr. Rouhani as chief negotiator who met the international community with delay, with more centrifuges, more missiles, more stonewalling. And as my colleagues have pointed out, during that campaign he was the hand-picked candidate of the Ayatollah, one of eight hand-picked candidates because reformers were not allowed to run, was the one on the campaign who said--who boosted--about how he, as chief negotiator in Iran, didn't suspend enrichment but instead completed the program. This is the individual who, when he chaired Iran's National Security Council between 1989 and 2005, was at the table when Iran masterminded the 1994 bombing of the Jewish center in Buenos Aires. He is the individual who gave the order and boasted of it; the man who called on the regime's besieging militia to attack the students in 1999 and crush them, in his words, crush them mercilessly, crush them monumentally--a thousand arrested; hundreds tortured; 70 disappeared; many, many killed. This is the nature of that man. Do not misunderstand his intentions. That's why we need this legislation. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Cotton), who helped forge this legislation, H.R. 850.

Mr. ROYCE. I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism and Nonproliferation.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Global Human Rights.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlelady from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), the chairman emeritus of the Foreign Affairs Committee and the author of the previous Iran sanctions legislation.

Mr. ROYCE. At this time, Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the Speaker of the House, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner).

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor), the esteemed majority leader.

Mr. ROYCE. I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, there is no higher national security priority than preventing a nuclear-armed Iran. Foreign Affairs Ranking Member Engel and I have worked closely in a bipartisan way to bring this legislation to the floor, and we do it with unanimous support of the members of the Foreign Affairs Committee, all Democrats and all Republicans on that committee. Indeed, 375 Members of the House are cosponsors of this legislation. That's the broad recognition that exists right now, that more needs to be done to stop Iran's nuclear program, which is a danger not only to us in the United States, but certainly to the region and to the world. Today, we act with that sense of urgency, urgency because Iran's march to nuclear weapons continues. In less than 2 years, the International Atomic Energy Agency has told us that they have doubled in Iran the installed centrifuges at the facilities at Natanz and Fordo. They've doubled those from 8,500 to more than 15,700 centrifuges. And these new centrifuges, many of them are five times more powerful. They spin much faster than those earlier models. A key facility is buried deep below a mountain, and Iran continues to stonewall the IAEA on its development of nuclear explosive devices. So Iran's intent to develop this weapons capability is very evident. New President in Iran or not, I am convinced that Iran's supreme leader intends to continue on this path because that is what he says he intends to do; that is, unless sanctions bite to the point where the regime has to make a choice between compromise on its nuclear weapons program or the consequences of the sanctions on the regime. That is why this legislation dramatically steps up the pressure on the regime in Iran: It targets the energy sector by compelling countries that are currently purchasing oil from Iran to reduce their collective total by 1 million barrels per day within a year; It targets additional sectors of Iran's economy; It further denies the regime access to foreign currency reserves; It effectively targets Iran's efforts to circumvent international sanctions against the shipping sector in the country; Equally important, this legislation increases sanctions against Iranian human rights abusers, making clear that it's the Iranian people that we are siding with. Only when the Iranian leadership truly feels a choice between maintaining power and obtaining the bomb does our diplomacy have a chance to succeed. And we know the Iran regime's view of the world, we know it only too well because its support of keeping the brutal Assad regime in power is self-evident. It has resupplied Hezbollah with 25,000 new rockets, which target Israel. In recent years, there have been Iranian-sponsored attacks or plots uncovered by the Europeans in Bulgaria, also in India, Thailand, in Georgia, in Azerbaijan, in Cyprus, in Kenya, and even here in Washington, D.C. I'd hate to see an Iran emboldened by a nuclear weapon, but that is the course we are on unless we dramatically step up the pressure. So let's pass this bill. I reserve the balance of my time. House of Representatives, Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, DC, July 26, 2013. Hon. Ed Royce, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC. Dear Chairman Royce, I am writing with respect to H.R. 850, the ``Nuclear Iran Prevention Act of 2013,'' which the Committee on Foreign Affairs ordered reported favorably on May 22, 2013. As a result of your having consulted with us on provisions in H.R. 850 that fall within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the Judiciary, and your agreement to support mutually-agreeable changes to the legislation, I agree to discharge our Committee from further consideration of this bill so that it may proceed expeditiously to the House floor for consideration. The Judiciary Committee takes this action with our mutual understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.R. 850 at this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over subject matter contained in this or similar legislation, and that our Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as the bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may address any remaining issues in our jurisdiction. Our Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate conference involving this or similar legislation, and asks that you support any such request. I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming this understanding with respect to H.R. 850, and would ask that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be included in the Congressional Record during Floor consideration of H.R. 850. Sincerely, Bob Goodlatte, Chairman.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) one-half of my time and that he be allowed to control that time.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Well, Mr. Speaker, I would close my remarks by saying that I rise in strong support of this resolution. I'd like to add my voice to others grateful for the sacrifices so many Americans made to protect the freedom of South Korea. And I again acknowledge the four Members of this House--Congressman Charlie Rangel, John Conyers, Sam Johnson, and Howard Coble--the veterans of that war, to thank them for their service in the Armed Forces. I commend Congressman Rangel for offering this resolution here on the 60th anniversary of this special relationship that we have with South Korea. We recall that 22 nations came together to defend the Republic of Korea, and fighting stopped 3 years later with an armistice that still remains in place. 5.7 million Americans served during that conflict. As noted, the casualties were 56,000, if you count those missing and presumed dead. Over 100,000 Americans were wounded in that war. And 140,000 South Koreas were killed in action, many of whom fought side by side with American forces for the cause of freedom. But when you calculate the more than 3 million Korean civilians killed in that conflict, you begin to appreciate the enormity of the human loss. The heroic deeds of these servicemen, both Korean and American, laid the foundation for that alliance that we speak of here that has lasted some 60 years, but also brought relative stability, as Mr. Rangel pointed out, to northeast Asia, and certainly laid that foundation for the prosperity that we see in Seoul and around the country today. Yet Korea remains a divided peninsula. This is a calamity for the Korean people. The United States and South Korea have spent much of the last 20 years offering to engage North Korea with aid, with trade, and with diplomacy. All of these initiatives, unfortunately, have failed. And the North Korean response? Besides its aggressive behavior towards South Korea, the regime there continues to develop nuclear weapons, to test missiles, and to supply weapons to countries like Iran and Syria. Mr. Chairman, we have tried many strategies. I think only one has worked, really, and that was financial pressure. I recall in 2005 when an Under Secretary of the Treasury caught North Korea counterfeiting $100 bills, so what he did was used the power of the U.S. financial system to cut off Kim Jong Il's access to his vast offshore wealth. And while the North Korean people were starving at the time, as you know, the country's dictator had billions of dollars stashed away in foreign banks that suddenly he did not have access anymore to that money when the sanctions were put on the Banco Delta Asia. Blocking those accounts denied Kim Jong Il the cash he needed to sustain that vast police state, to sustain that million-man army, to pay for his nuclear weapons and his luxurious lifestyle. For a while, the world had his attention. For a while, he wanted to come back to the table. I think that approach worked. I suspect North Korea will only change when it's forced to change, and I think we must resurrect a successful strategy of financial pressure. But, Mr. Speaker, today what we do, what we dedicate ourselves to is recognizing the 60th anniversary of the Armistice Agreement of the Korean War. Importantly, this resolution not only honors the service and sacrifices of the members of the Armed Forces, but it also reaffirms our commitment to the U.S.-Korea alliance. And this resolution sends a message that the U.S. goal remains that which thousands of Americans, including four of our Members, fought for; that goal remains peace on the Korean Peninsula. I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. I thank Mr. Rangel, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), the author of this bill and a hero of the Korean War, who served his country with valor during that tough campaign. After surviving an onslaught by waves of Chinese troops, he led his surviving comrades, while wounded, to safety from behind enemy lines, for which he was awarded a Purple Heart and also a Bronze Star for Valor.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 41) encouraging peace and reunification on the Korean Peninsula, as amended.

Mr. ROYCE

Mr. ROYCE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. ROYCE. In closing, I, again, want to thank my colleague, Mr. Smith from New Jersey, for his dedication to human rights in Vietnam, and for human rights in general, and for not only his work on this bill but, again, the time and energy that he has put into attempting to intervene on behalf of those who have been subject to these beatings that he has cited, to this maltreatment, to these long prison terms. Last week, we had President Sang of Vietnam visiting Washington for the first official visit, I think, since 2007. While we've been assured that human rights were on the agenda during these meetings with the President and with the State Department, we did all we could to make certain that this time they were on the agenda. But I think the Vietnamese people need more than talk. And that is why we need to pass this legislation. It's a sign to all Vietnamese people that the U.S. is committed to the cause of human rights, but it is also leverage that can be used to guarantee some measure of attention from the regime. This is Congress's chance to speak to those Vietnamese people who are yearning for freedom. It's our chance to do so by vocally supporting a human rights agenda in Vietnam. We've got to get this back on the agenda. I strongly urge my colleagues to support this important bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations, and the author of this bill.

Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I might consume. This bill, which we rise in support of, H.R. 1897, is the Vietnam Human Rights Act of 2013, and it is authored by the chairman of the Africa, Global Human Rights, and Health Subcommittee, Mr. Chris Smith of New Jersey. And I thought I would just take a moment and, as a prelude, talk about the efforts that Mr. Smith has put in over the years, not just to the issue of human rights but, in particular, identifying those most at risk, identifying those who are held captive in prison, and taking the personal effort to go and try to visit them in these horrible conditions which they find themselves in. I remember him saying to me once, Can you imagine what it is like for someone who's a prisoner, a prisoner because he attempts to speak out for some modicum of free speech, or for religious liberty, and he finds himself there in confinement, not knowing, when they open that door, when they come for you, what they might do to you next, not knowing what type of torture might be applied? It takes a strong constitution for a Member of this House, year after year after year, to continue to go to bat for those who are held in captivity, those who are subject to show trials and then disappear. And part of his efforts have been to pass this particular legislation because he's concerned with the magnitude of what is happening in Vietnam, but also what he has seen with his own eyes with respect to some of those victims. Over the years, the Foreign Affairs Committee has held many hearings on this subject, and if these hearings have had one consistent theme, it's the deterioration of human rights. And I think this is the thing we really find most regrettable: that at a time when we hoped that Vietnam might change its policies, it actually has regressed. And we've heard from the witnesses of the use of the government by government agents, by militias--some call them thugs--who use everything from electric batons to metal prods to beat those who are demonstrating in Vietnam and who are in the process of speaking up for religious liberty or speaking up for the rights of free speech. And now it's gotten to the point that any young person who dares to blog those words, ``freedom of speech,'' those words, ``democracy,'' anyone who publishes material promoting democracy or criticizing totalitarian rule, faces so many years in jail. It is so disproportionate, it is so ridiculous to put a young person in jail for 6 or 7 years because they blog on democracy. But the thing that I think Chris Smith and I and others here, Eliot Engel, find so objectionable is the physical abuse that they are subject to in confinement. So, as we say, religious freedom is also under attack with freedom of speech. Residents of Con Dau, Da Nang, have suffered severe violence. I've seen some of the photographs of the consequences of these beatings with batons and electric rods during a May assault at the hands, again, of Vietnamese Government officials. And again, this was because the parishioners attempted to protect their historic Catholic cemetery from seizure by the government. We have over 350 Montagnard Christians who remain in prison for their beliefs, and other religious groups. When I was in Vietnam, I talked to the leader of the Unified Buddhist Church of Vietnam, the venerable Thich Quang Do, who was under house arrest, and Le Quang Liem, another. He was the leader of the Hoa Hao Buddhists at the time. He has subsequently, in a protest, been beaten so badly I don't think he can carry on a conversation today. The Cao Dai Buddhists face severe persecution from the government, the communist government there. So what brings us here tonight is that Vietnam has actually taken steps backwards. As we heard from the witnesses who testified before our committee, in the first 6 weeks of this year, 40 dissidents have been convicted in show trials, more than all of last year. That's how bad things are deteriorating. And that means that the communist government is not only eclipsing their past bad performance, but, paradoxically, the government is also actively pursuing a seat on the U.N. Human Rights Council. That is why we need to take this step and why passage of the Vietnam Human Rights Act is so important and why we've got to use what leverage we have. And part of that leverage is nonhumanitarian U.S. assistance to Vietnam. And we do that unless the Vietnamese Government improves its respect for human rights to meet specified requirements. Let's send a message to that regime that the status quo is unacceptable. This bill does that. I strongly urge its passage. And once again, I strongly commend and thank its author for his perseverance on this issue. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. ROYCE. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 1897) to promote freedom and democracy in Vietnam.