Bobby Rush

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 2722, the Clean Diamond Trade Act. For several years, rebel groups in sub-Saharan Africa have been using diamonds extracted from illegally controlled mines to finance civil war activities that have displaced and killed several million African people, including innocent young children. The United States is one of the largest consumers of diamonds. Therefore, the United States, like it or not, indirectly contributed to the current situation in Africa. It is, thus, imperative that Congress pass meaningful legislation that will clean up the diamond conflict. H.R. 2722, will allow the importation of diamonds and diamond jewelry into the U.S. only from countries that have adopted effective controls on the import and export of rough diamonds. This alone would be a great incentive for other nations to take appropriate action within an acceptable timetable. The legislation would also encourage the President to negotiate an international agreement leading to a global control system. This broadly supported legislation demonstrates the United States' commitment to curbing the trade in ``conflict diamonds''. We have a moral obligation and responsibility to help stop the violence, the brutality, the needless killing of innocent lives. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support this much needed legislation.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, it was with great sadness that I learned last night of the death of one of the giants of the labor movement in Illinois--Robert Cornel Nelson. Bob died in his sleep on November 7, 2001, just two days shy of his 52nd birthday. He was laid to rest today in Glenwood, Illinois. At the time of his death, Bob Nelson was national vice president of the American Federation of Government Employees' (AFGE) seventh district, which encompasses Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, and was recently elected to the position of vice president of the Illinois State AFL-CIO. Bob began his union career as a member of AFGE's local 375 at the Railroad Retirement Board, and throughout the years, he held a number of union offices, including second vice president, first vice president, and ultimately, president. From 1974 to 1980, Bob also served as president of the Chicago Area Council of AFGE locals and in 1974 was elected president of the AFGE Railroad Retirement Board Council--a position which he held until he was elected to the seventh district national vice president's position in October 1986, and was reelected to that position five times. As national vice president of the seventh district, Bob sat on AFGE's national executive board and chaired both the legislative and legal rights committees. Every two years, Bob held a legislative breakfast here in Washington, where the AFGE members from his region would come to Congress to press their legislative agenda. But, Bob was active and engaged in the legislative process 365 days of every year. This past summer, I reconstituted the First Congressional District's Labor Task Force and convened a meeting on a very warm day in Chicago. Bob was one of the first union representatives to confirm his attendance and he was there, struggling to walk with a leg brace and a walker that was the result of earlier surgery on his leg. He was looking forward, he said, to getting out of the brace and walker, to be able to get on with his union's business and the business of the larger labor family at his previous speed. Bob's previous speed often rivaled the speed of light, and even with the leg brace, we struggled to keep up with his pace. Mr. Speaker, I will greatly miss Bob's dedication, unfailing humor and support. My prayers and heartfelt condolences go out to his wife, Judy, and his brother, Ron, and his children: Robert, Jr.; Aaron; Daron; Eric; Cornel; Erica; and Shannon. Chicago, and the Nation, have lost a labor giant.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, on September 13, 2001, in response to the September 11th tragedy, Secretary Mel Martinez of HUD directed all FHA- approved lenders to provide a 90-day mortgage forbearance for families with FHA insured mortgages who were affected by the recent terrorist attacks. ``Affected, borrowers are those individuals who were passengers or crew on the four hijacked airliners (American Airlines 11 and 77, United Airlines 93 and 175), individuals employed on September 11, 2001, in or near the World Trade Center, or in the Pentagon, and individuals whose financial viability was affected by the . . . events of [that] day.'' (HUD Mortgage Letter 01-21). As evidenced by the $15 billion bail out that followed the events of September 11, the effects felt by the airline industry were amongst the most immediate and devastating experienced within the corporate world. It follows naturally, that the devastation experienced by the airlines will ultimately be felt by the 150,000+ employees whose financial viability has, or will soon be affected by the ongoing wave of post- September 11th lay offs. And while the language of HUD Letter 01-21 may be read to include airline industry workers, the ambiguity of that language leaves open the possibility of denial under the letter. This group is simply, which has been so obviously affected by the events of September 11th, cannot be forgotten. The Airline Mortgage Relief Act of 2001 addresses the ambiguous language of HUD Letter 01-21 by explicitly applying the aforementioned moratorium to laid off employees of foreign and domestic air carriers and laid off employees of manufacturers aircraft used by foreign or domestic carriers. The bill also expands for all eligible borrowers, the 90-day forbearance to 180 days from enactment; and requires the Secretary of HUD to inform mortgagees of the moratorium. In light of HUD Letter 01-21, as well as recent Congressional concerns over the health of the airline industry, the Airline Worker Mortgage Relief Act of 2001 would afford Congress the perfect opportunity to give as much attention to unemployed airline industry workers, as has been given to their former corporate employers.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I rise in support of the Democratic motion to instruct conferees. Mr. Speaker, the American people will not allow themselves to be bamboozled. I know the airlines are not safe. Every Member of this body knows the airlines are not safe. The American people know that the airlines are not safe. The American people are demanding that the Congress, this body, make our airlines safe again. And allowing private companies to screen and search our bags is totally unacceptable. The American public deserves better than simple excuses. Airline safety is a national security issue that deserves national security responses. The way to accomplish this is simple: We must federalize our airport security. There must be clear lines of accountability, and this cannot be delegated to the private sector. Mr. Speaker, Christmas is upon us. America's families want to travel home and they must have safe and secure air travel.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I rise against this so called stimulus bill that is before us today. H.R. 3090 purports to help our economy, but fails to provide assistance to the thousands of hardworking American workers who lost their jobs as a result of the September 11 tragedy. Now, I may not be an economist but there is something fundamentally wrong with a bill that provides 86% of tax benefits to corporate special interests, while providing nothing to middle income workers who are the backbone of this country's industrial might. This bill is lacking in many ways. First it fails to provide a minimum wage increase for the American workers. Second, it does not provide adequate health coverage to displaced workers. Third, it places an additional burden on many states, including my own home state of Illinois, which is still reeling from the devastating losses suffered by United Airlines post September 11. Mr. Speaker, the bill before us today is a Sham, it is nothing more than corporate welfare. If we are going to use precious resources, let us give to those most in need--American workers. Corporate and individual tax cuts will do little to stimulate the economy. We must not return to the partisan politics that existed before September 11. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support the Democratic substitute, which provides assistance to those most in need and provides temporary fiscal stimulus to restart the economy.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. I want to thank the gentlewoman from New York for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the bill that is before us and to this closed rule. From the very beginning, there has been little idea as to what this bill even looks like. This is outrageous, and this is dangerous. Mr. Speaker, I cannot forget the abuses of the fourth amendment by Federal agencies in the not so distant past. Mr. Speaker, it is an indisputable fact that during the 1970s, the FBI kept information in its files covering the beliefs and activities of at least 1 in every 400 Americans. It is a fact that the FBI Director, J. Edgar Hoover, created the COINTEL program whereby they spied on and violated the constitutional rights of thousands of American citizens. It is a fact that during the 1960s, the U.S. Army created files on about 100,000 civilians. It is a fact that between 1953 and 1973, the CIA opened and photographed almost 250,000 first class letters within the United States, and from these photographs it created a database of over 1.5 million names. Mr. Speaker, it is a fact that great Americans, such as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. were subjected to illegal and frivolous wiretaps by the FBI. And, Mr. Speaker, it is a fact that amongst the most absurd Federal wiretaps have been those extended to Members of Congress. Mr. Speaker, temporary or not, this is very dangerous ground that we are treading on; and without a balanced, open and fair process, I feel that we may not be living up to the promise that all Americans have made to preserve the things which make America great. I fear that we may be returning to the dark days of McCarthyism and Hooverism. Mr. Speaker, I oppose the rule and the underlying bill.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Chairman, today I rise in support of the Miller-Miller, or M&M, amendment, to scale back the sugar price support provisions of the Farm Security Act. In a year in which we have seen major reductions in taxes to spur our ailing economy, it is only fitting that we scale back the sugar program. Clearly the sugar program is a tax. It artificially raises the price of sugar on consumers, small businesses, and the confectionery industry. The GAO estimates that the sugar tax costs consumers $1.8 billion annually. Whether you live in the suburbs, the countryside or in a major metropolitan area, you pay a higher price for this basic commodity. Unfortunately, because this tax is regressive, the burden of the sugar program disproportionately impacts the poor. The sugar tax also hurts small businesses, such as mom and pop grocery stores and small bakeries. Unfortunately, many of these corner stores, which serve small urban towns and inner-city neighborhoods, must pass the cost of high sugar prices on to consumers. Finally, large U.S. businesses have been hurt by the sugar tax. The confectionery industry has been placed at a competitive disadvantage because foreign competitors have access to cheaper sugar. Many of these industries are being forced to consider relocating abroad to remain competitive. In Chicago alone, employment in the confectionery sector is down by 11 percent. However, the sugar tax is a national problem. As many as 293,000 workers in 20 States depend on the confectionery industry for their livelihood. The sugar tax must be scaled back to help U.S. consumers, small businesses and industry. We are not asking for a repeal of the sugar program, but merely a fair and equitable reduction in some of its most onerous provisions. The M&M amendment continues to protect sugar growers without unduly burdening U.S. consumers and businesses. To the opponents of this amendment, I say to you that your words are strong, but your conclusion is wrong. Scale back the sugar price cost provision.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I stand before you this morning as a man proud to be an American; proud because of the extraordinary spirit that resides in the hearts and minds of the people of this great Nation. Yesterday our Nation was attacked. Thousands of hardworking men and women in New York City and here at the Pentagon left their homes to put in an honest day's work and they were viciously attacked; attacked by cowardly individuals who deliberately sought to strike at the innocent. In spite of the ugliness of this tragedy, I witnessed the beauty of the American spirit rising Phoenix-like out of the ashes; beauty that was demonstrated by those who were attacked, those who rescued, and those who led; beauty that was demonstrated in the form of strength of character, unity in spirit, and a willing spirit. I believe that today, because of our pain, America is stronger than it has ever been. God bless America.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening in support of this very important resolution. Yesterday, we witnessed a tragedy too devastating to comprehend. Our hearts were broken as we watched the sanctity of the American workplace being attacked by faceless cowards in a senseless act of terrorism. I say to those spineless scoundrels, America will not be intimidated. America will not be defeated. We will gather greater resolve. We will recapture our focus. We will renew our strength. Throughout our Nation's history Americans have always responded to adversity with singular commitment and boundless courage. Indeed, America was born out of adversity. So, tonight, we pray for every victim and every victim's family. Many lives were lost and now only our prayers can bring the devastated families peace. We must acknowledge that yesterday's assault will change the way we go about our daily business here in this Nation. We must operate under a new, vigorous, and heightened sense of security and with continued courage and focus. We will, Mr. Speaker, search out every cave, look under every rock and scrutinize every crevice on the face of the Earth until we find the cowardly culprits who attacked and killed the innocent of our Nation. At this time, let us stand closer and more unified against the evil forces that threaten not only our liberty but the liberty of freedom- loving people all around the world. So, Mr. Speaker, tonight, to the American people, and to my colleagues in the Congress, I quote Proverbs 3:5-6, ``Trust in the Lord with all your heart and lean not on your own understanding; in all your ways acknowledge Him and He shall direct your path.''

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, Like most of my colleagues, I was in my district--the southside of Chicago--when the news of the death of our friend, Floyd Spence, came. I was shocked and saddened by the knowledge that this institution had lost, yet, another Member. Born in 1928 in South Carolina, Floyd Spence was a product of the South Carolina schools and a member of the U.S. Naval Reserve. He was first elected to public office in 1956, the South Carolina Legislature, and he served there until his election to the South Carolina State Senate in 1966. Floyd Spence began his 30 years of service in this body in 1971 and he served three terms as Chairman of the Armed Services/National Security Committee in the House before yielding the gavel to his successor at the beginning of the current Congress. Throughout his Congressional career, Floyd Spence served the citizens of South Carolina's Second Congressional District, and the citizens of this nation, well. Mr. Speaker, Floyd Spence was my neighbor in the Rayburn Building. I will remember his cheerful greetings as we passed in the hallways and in the elevators. He was always optimistic, always upbeat, always energetic, always courtly, always the gentleman. I will also always appreciate the unfailing kindness and courtesy of his staff. Mr. Speaker, my prayers go with his family, his friends, his constituents and his staff, at this time of sorrow. I ask my colleagues to join me in support of this Resolution expressing the condolences of this House on the passing of the Honorable Floyd Spence.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Chairman, like many of my colleagues, I have been a staunch advocate for patients' rights. I have looked forward to the day when this House would once again pass a strong patients' bill of rights which would bring back responsibility and accountability to the relationship between HMOs and their patients. The Bipartisan Patient Protection Act, H.R. 2563, as originally brought to the Floor today by Representative John Dingell and Representative Greg Ganske was a model of bipartisanship and fairness. The bill brought equality to the patient and HMO relationship by providing for an internal and external review process of denials of care and permitting patients to sue their HMOs in state and federal courts. To ensure that the pendulum did not swing too far to one side, the bill also capped punitive damages at $5 million. Further, to protect employers from frivolous suits, the bill only held employers liable if they administered their plan themselves. Clearly, the bill as it was originally intended provided patients the means they needed to protect their right to quality care. Unfortunately, with the adoption of Representative Norwood's amendment, the Bipartisan Patient Protection Act was stripped of its provisions allowing patients to sue their HMOs for the unfair denial of needed health care. Patients will now find themselves in an even more hostile and unresponsive environment. It is for this reason that I must regrettably rise in opposition to the Bipartisan Patient Protection Act as amended by Representative Charles Norwood. I can only hope that the changes made to the Bipartisan Patient Protection Act can be revisited in conference.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, in an old blues song, B.B. King provides some sound advice: ``don't make your move too soon.'' Clearly, Congress should heed Mr. King's advice on the issue of human cloning and act with prudence. Based on my own personal, moral and religious views, I firmly believe that human cloning should be banned. I sincerely believe that the majority of my colleagues agree with me. However, in our zeal to pass a ban on human cloning we may be needlessly impeding the legitimate use of stem cell research. Even more frightening, instead of holding extensive hearings with scientists, ethicists and patient groups on how to develop a narrowly tailored ban on human cloning, we are rushing to a vote on a bill which was heard in one committee, the Judiciary Committee. What ever happened to prudence? What ever happened to reasoning things out? What ever happened to looking before you leap? What is clear from the debate on this floor today is there are serious questions and confusion as to whether the Human Cloning Prohibition Act will merely ban human cloning or halt life saving stem cell research. The fact that there is confusion necessitates further debate and discussion, not a vote. We must act with caution to ensure the future scientific successes which will make this world healthier and more productive while tightly regulating those practices which pose a clear threat to the health and safety of our citizens. Clearly, we are making a move too soon, without facts, without an understanding of what the Human Cloning Prohibition Act does, and without an understanding of the science involved. I would urge my colleagues to not make a move too soon. Let's debate this issue further and vote on a bill when the implications of the legislation is clear.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of Representative Waters and Representative Kucinich's amendment to restore the ability of developing countries to make HIV/AIDS drugs available to their citizens. While I understand the importance of the intellectual property rights of the companies that create these vital drugs, my consciousness compels me to support this amendment. I must support this amendment out of a sense of morality and concern for my fellow mankind in Africa and other developing countries. HIV/AIDS is ravaging developing countries and wiping out a whole generation of men and women. More than 25 million Africans are now living with HIV and last year alone, 2.4 million Africans died from the disease. Sub-Saharan African women are now the fastest-growing HIV- positive population. The loss of mothers and fathers in Sub-Saharan Africa has resulted in a new social epidemic, parentless children. Two-thirds of 500,000 orphaned children in South Africa lost parents to HIV/AIDS, and over 30% of the children born to HIV + women will develop pediatric AIDS. I have witnessed the orphanages over-flowing with children who have lost parents to this disease and it is astonishing. I commend the pharmaceutical companies who have made efforts to provide HIV/AIDS medications available to Sub-Saharan Africa. Also, I thank the 39 pharmaceutical companies for placing humanitarian concerns over profits by dropping their suit against the South African HIV/AIDS law earlier this year. However, if we do not act now whole cultures may perish before our very eyes. If we do nothing, our tacit acceptance of the HIV/AIDS crisis in Africa and other developing countries is unforgivable. We must pass this amendment and allow developing countries the flexibility they need to provide cost-effective treatment for people with HIV/AIDS. If for any other reason, we should pass this amendment for the children whose parents these drugs can keep alive.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Chairman, on July 9, 2001, the House Government Reform Committee released the results of a national study that examined the income and racial disparities in the undercount of the 2000 presidential election. At my request, the Committee investigated voting patterns in the First Congressional District of Illinois, which I represent. The investigation also examined the impact of different voting machines on the undercount. This was the first report to examine voter undercounts on both the national and local levels. The report analyzed the voting results in 20 Congressional districts with high poverty rates and majority minority populations. The startling results of the investigation illustrated that voters in my district were almost seven times more likely to have their votes discarded than voters in affluent white districts. This disturbing quantification gives my district the dubious distinction of being one of two Congressional districts with the highest rate of undercounted votes among those surveyed. The first District tied with the 17th District of Florida, with the undercount rate a disturbingly high 7.9 percent! Overall, the report found that voters in low-income predominantly minority districts were significantly more likely to have their votes discarded than were voters in affluent, predominantly white districts. The report also showed that better voting technology significantly reduced undercounts in low-income, minority areas and narrowed the disparity between the two types of districts and voting populations examined. Ballot undrecounts in my Congressional district are nothing new. I have heard and responded to my constituent complaints for many years on this subject. However, now, we, in Congress, have quantifiable proof that better technology improves the undercount rate. What can be done is illustrated simply before us--both by the Government Reform Committee report and by the gentleman from Florida's amendment. We must provide the financial resources so critically needed by state and local governments to update their voting equipment. I urge my colleagues to support the Hastings amendment.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of Representative Waters' and Representative Kucinich's amendment to restore the ability of developing countries to make HIV/AIDS drugs available to their citizens. While I understand the importance of the intellectual property rights of the companies that create these vital drugs, my conscience compels me to support this amendment. I must support this amendment out of a sense of morality and concern for my fellow mankind in Africa and other developing countries. HIV/AIDS is ravaging developing countries and wiping out a whole generation of men and women. More than 25 million Africans are now living with HIV and last year alone, 2.4 million Africans died from the disease. Sub-Saharan African women are now the fastest-growing HIV- positive population. The loss of mothers and fathers in Sub-Saharan Africa has resulted in a new social epidemic: parentless children. Two-thirds of 500,000 orphaned children in South Africa lost parents to HIV/AIDS, and over 30% of the children born to HIV+women will develop pediatric AIDS. I have witnessed the orphanages overflowing with children who have lost parents to this disease and it is astonishing. I commend the pharmaceutical companies who have made efforts to provide HIV/AIDS medications available to Sub-Saharan Africa. Also, I thank the 39 pharmaceutical companies for placing humanitarian concerns over profits by dropping their suit against the South African HIV/AIDS law earlier this year. However, if we do not act now whole cultures may perish before our very eyes. If we do nothing, our tacit acceptance of the HIV/AIDS crisis in Africa and other developing countries is unforgivable. We must pass this amendment and allow developing countries the flexibility they need to provide cost-effective treatment for people with HIV/AIDS. If for no other reason, we should pass this amendment for the children whose parents these drugs can keep alive.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Velazquez-Kelly amendment to add $10 million to the Business Loans program account. In particular, I support $5 million for the ``Program for Investments in Microentrepreneurs'' or PRIME. PRIME, a bill that I sponsored in 1999, was authorized with broad bipartisan support as part of the Financial Services Modernization Act. Under PRIME, the Small Business Administration is authorized to award grants to non-profit microenterprise development organizations. These loans are vital to the initial success of start-up small businesses. Many of the minority or disadvantaged entrepreneurs in low income communities who depend on these funds have no other access to capital. However, PRIME no only provides desperately needed capital, it also provides the technical assistance necessary to ensure the ongoing viability of a new business. Thus, new small business developers will be able to access the expertise they need to operate their fledgling businesses. With the slowing economy and ever greater numbers of unemployed, it is critical that we continue to provide opportunities for self- sufficiency through self-employment. There are approximately 400 microenterprise providers in the US moving about $2 billion dollars in capital. The $10 million requested for the Business Loans program and PRIME in particular, will help expand these efforts and strengthen the overall economy. Congress appropriated $15 million in the Fiscal Year 2001 Commerce- Justice-State Appropriations for PRIME Act implementation. The offsets necessary to pay for this amendment will have no impact on the ability of the agencies concerned to operate or fulfill their responsibilities. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to vote in favor of this amendment.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the memory of Melanie Stokes and all women who have suffered in silence from postpartum depression and psychosis with the introduction of the Melanie Stokes Postpartum Depression Research and Care Act. Chicago native, Melanie Stokes was a successful pharmaceutical sales manager and loving wife of Dr. Sam Stokes. However, for Melanie, no title was more important than that of mother. Melanie believed motherhood was her life mission and fiercely wanted a daughter of her own. This dream came true on February 23, 2001 with the birth of her daughter, Sommer Skyy. Unfortunately, with the birth of her daughter, Melanie entered into a battle for her life with a devastating mood disorder known as postpartum psychosis. Despite a valiant fight against postpartum psychosis, which included being hospitalized a total of three times, Melanie jumped to her death from a 12-story window ledge on June 11, 2001. Melanie was not alone in her pain and depression. Each year over 400,000 women suffer from postpartum mood changes. Nearly 80 percent of new mothers experience a common form of depression after delivery, known as ``baby blues.'' The temporary symptoms of ``baby blues'' include mood swings, feelings of being overwhelmed, tearfulness, and irritability, poor sleep and a sense of vulnerability. However, a more prolonged and pronounced mood disorder known as postpartum depression affects 10 to 20 percent of women during or after giving birth. Even more extreme and rare, postpartum psychosis, whose symptoms include hallucinations, hearing voices, paranoia, severe insomnia, extreme anxiety and depression, strikes I in 1,000 new mothers. Postpartum depression and psychosis afflicts new mothers indiscriminately. Many of its victims are unaware of their condition. This phenomena is due to the inability of many women to self-diagnose their condition and society's general lack of knowledge about postpartum depression and psychosis and the stigma surrounding depression and mental illness. Untreated, postpartum depression can lead to self-destructive behavior and even suicide, as was the case with Melanie. As was seen recently in the case of Andrea Yates of Houston, Texas who drowned her five children, postpartum depression and psychosis can also have a dire impact on one's family and society in general. In remembrance of Melanie Stokes and all the women who have suffered from postpartum depression and psychosis, as well as their families and friend who have stood by their side, I am introducing the Melanie Stokes Postpartum Depression Research and Care Act which will: Expand and intensify research at the National Institute of Health and National Institute of Mental Health with respect to postpartum depression and psychosis, including increased discovery of treatments, diagnostic tools and educational materials for providers; Provide grants for the delivery of essential services to individuals with postpartum depression and psychosis and their families, including enhanced outpatient and home-based health care, inpatient care and support services. It is my hope that through this legislation we can ensure that the birth of a child is a wonderful time for the new mother and family, and not a time of mouming over the loss of yet another mother or child.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, today, I am pleased to introduce a House companion bill to S. 900, the ``Consumer Energy Commission Act of 2001,'' which was introduced on May 16, 2001, by Senator Richard J. Durbin of Illinois. Over the past several years, the nation has been hit with one energy crisis after another. In the midst of all but one of those crises, energy consumers have heard from the ``expert'' after ``expert'' that the marketplace is to blame. While consumers, industry representatives, and public officials may disagree over whether the crisis of the day has more to do with market forces than with gouging, but ultimately, we can all agree that this country needs a comprehensive energy policy. Clearly, the Administration should be commended for its attempt at articulating such a strategy. However, the report reflects almost exclusively, the interests and concerns of the energy industry. Unfortunately, today's energy market is controlled by relatively few huge corporations, which do not always have the best interests of the public at heart. Many consumers are not convinced that making more resources available to these companies will magically fix the market. Moreover, consumers are not convinced that deregulation, and restructuring, without strict policing of the industry, will create enough competition to alleviate the stranglehold that those companies have over the industry, and indeed the pockets of energy consumers. It is in response to this constant and pervasive threat of market abuse and manipulation, that I introduce the ``Consumer Energy Commission Act of 2001.'' The Act would create the Consumer Energy Commission, (CEC), which would in turn analyze the energy market from the consumer's perspective and give recommendations on how to protect the public from opportunistic, and abusive behavior in the market by energy companies. This bipartisan body would consist of 11 members from consumer groups as well, as energy experts from the industry and federal government. While there may be disagreement over what caused, and what steps should be taken to solve our current national energy dilemma, it cannot be disputed that consumers are paying astronomical prices for energy, while large companies are yielding even more astronomical profits. With this thought in mind, I am proud to introduce the ``Consumer Energy Commission Act of 2001,'' which will stand as an important step in assisting those who have suffered most during the current series of regional and national energy crises--the hard-working consumer.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity thank the Congressional Black Caucus, Congressional Hispanic Caucus and the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus for holding their joint hearing on the critical issue of HIV/AIDS and its impact on communities of color today. I need to look no further than my own home state of Illinois to see the horrific impact of HIV/AIDS. Since 1981, 23,000 Illinoisans of an estimated 28,000 to 38,000 HIV positive persons in Illinois have been diagnosed with AIDS. Of those 23,000 AIDS cases, an estimated 14,000 or 62 percent, have died. The number of AIDS cases in Illinois is the sixth highest total in the U.S. The impact on minority communities is especially devastating. African Americans represent 59 percent of all HIV/AIDS cases in Illinois in 2000 and 68 percent of all cases in Chicago in 1999. Minority women are particularly impacted by HIV/AIDS. Among HIV positive women in Illinois, more than 80 percent are non white. Only through efforts like the Minority HIV/AIDS Initiative can we begin to turn the tide on the war against HIV/AIDS. The Minority HIV/ AIDS Initiative allows communities of color to create and improve HIV/ AIDS service capacity in their communities. In my own Congressional District in Chicago, Lakeside Community Committee, which operates an HIV/AIDS Awareness program, recently applied for a grant under the Minority HIV/AIDS Initiative which would enable it to reach an additional 5,000 clients this year. Lakeside's overall goal is to secure funding to reach a minimum of 25,000 individuals on Chicago's South Side. The primary benefit to Lakeside of the Minority HIV/AIDS Initiative would be the dissemination of educational information about at risk behaviors and safe sex. In recent years, HIV/AIDS has spread rapidly amongst minority populations. Because Illinois has one of the highest HIV/AIDS infection rates in America, it is imperative that we, as a community, work to effectively address this problem. Through grass roots initiatives, including the HIV/AIDS Minority Initiative, we can begin to make the HIV/AIDS epidemic within minority populations history.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman who has been my friend and my colleague, my compatriot, my comrade, in the many, many struggles that we both have been involved in throughout our adult lives. My friend, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis), who represents the great Seventh Congressional District in the city of Chicago in the State of Illinois is beyond comparison as a gallant and valiant fighter for the interests of not only the citizens of the Seventh Congressional District but for the interests of all American people, particularly those who are working and struggling day by day to make their lives better. It is upon this occasion that I commend him once again for his extraordinary leadership on this particular issue of the Federal subsidies of the sugar industry here that we are discussing this afternoon. The gentleman from Illinois has laid out the problem. I would like to just share in his analysis, in his views. I would like to share his description of this Federal sugar subsidy program, which is unlike many, many other Federal crop subsidies. This Federal sugar subsidy program disproportionately impacts American citizens and American businesses. The sugar program negatively impacts American consumers, particularly and especially the poor. When you strip it apart, when you cut it down to the essence of this program, we find that this Federal sugar subsidy program is really a tax on food items that contain sugar. That is all that it is. It is a tax, a tax on the food items that contain sugar. The General Accounting Office estimates that the total cost to consumers and users of sugar is $1.8 billion annually. A tax for those who use sugar of $1.8 billion year after year. Even more detrimental, the sugar tax is regressive. That is, that it places the greatest burden on those who are least able to pay, those who are on fixed incomes, those who are struggling to provide food on their tables on a day-to-day basis, those who are least able to pay in this society are forced to pay $1.8 billion each and every year to sugar producers. If U.S. consumers like those who are in my district, the first district of Illinois, and those who are in the district of the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis), the Seventh District of Illinois and others throughout America, if consumers had been given access to world-price sugar, say, in 1999, a five-pound bag of sugar that cost $2.17 would have only cost $1.38. We paid almost twice the cost for a five-pound bag of sugar in 1999 as we should have paid. I look around and I think about how many parents, mothers and fathers, those who are working class, those who are striving on a day- to-day basis to try to make ends meet, how many of us would have loved to pay almost half the cost of sugar and thereby saving our little money to go toward school supplies and school clothing and maybe even just a night out with the family at the movies but could not afford to do that simply because of these exorbitant prices that we have been forced to pay for the cost of a five-pound bag of sugar. The sugar program unfairly disadvantages American businesses. We know that the United States has a long history of internationally known candy makers. We are the capital of candy makers throughout the world. Chicago, the district and the city that both the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis) and I represent is the capital for candy makers. All across this country, whether it is in Pennsylvania with Hershey's or Brach's; Kraft or M&M/Mars in Chicago; Nabisco in the great city of Holland, Michigan; or Nestle's in California, the United States candy industry brings millions of dollars in tax revenues to communities throughout this country. As many as 293,000 workers in 20 States depend on these same businesses for their livelihood. People work for these candy manufacturers. Families are fed, clothed and housed because of their salaries that are generated from working for these candy manufacturers. Children are sent to school, to college based on their parents' ability to provide dollars and assistance to them. Our livelihood depends on these candy manufacturers. And what are we doing? The Federal subsidy program for sugar is placing U.S. candy manufacturers at a competitive disadvantage by raising the cost of sugar in this country. We are driving candy manufacturers out of our country. Many of them are being forced to consider moving, as the gentleman from Illinois said earlier, not from Illinois to Indiana, not from Pennsylvania to Ohio, but from this country to other countries, including Mexico. They are forced out of our Nation because of our Federal subsidy program for sugar. Almost 300,000 people, 293,000 to be exact, are going to lose their jobs unless we find a remedy, unless we correct this injustice, this problem that we are confronted with as it relates to Federal subsidies for sugar producers. If we want to keep the candy industry in this country and keep it healthy and give it the protection that it needs so that it can keep our citizens working and our families healthy and stable and viable, then we can do nothing less than do away with the current Federal sugar subsidy program. We can do no less than bring this Federal sugar subsidy program to a screeching halt. We can do no less than give these workers who are employed by candy manufacturers the kind of protection that they need, give them the kind of support that they need, give them the kind of policies at the Federal level that would help them to continue to work at jobs that help them take care of their families, in jobs that will help them provide food and clothing and shelter for their families. We can do no less than to give them the kind of support that we need to give them so that they will be able to maintain their families in a way so that their children will grow up to be healthy and productive American citizens. I want to thank again my friend the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis) and the sponsors of the bill, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Miller) and the gentleman from California (Mr. George Miller). I want to thank all of them for looking out for the little guy, for bringing this issue to the floor, to the well of the House, to inform the American people that what we are doing with this Federal sugar subsidy program, it is almost criminal. It is a tax, a regressive tax, on those who are least able to pay it. It does not make sense, it is backwards, it is exploitive, it is discriminatory, it is regressive, and we have got to stop it and we have got to stop it right now. I again thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis) for his extraordinary leadership on this particular issue.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, today marks the twentieth anniversary of the first reported HIV/AIDS cases in the United States. On June 5, 1981 Federal researchers reported a baffling new disease that, over the next 20 years, would claim more than 20 million lives worldwide, including nearly 11,000 in Chicago and 40,000 in Illinois. The last 20 years have taught this country many hard lessons, some of which we continue to fail to grasp. The first lesson we learned was that HIV/AIDS disproportionately impacts minority communities and women. HIV/AIDS has become the leading cause of death for African-American men ages 25-44. Gay black men are contracting HIV/AIDS at rates comparable to those seen in sub-Saharan Africa. A recent CDC study reported that 30 percent of gay black men between ages 23 and 29 were HIV-positive. Among HIV-positive women in Illinois, more than 80 percent are non-white--a statistic that could not more starkly demonstrate the disproportionate havoc that HIV/AIDS is wreaking in communities of color. While I commend the administration for its focus on HIV/AIDS in Africa, more must be done to treat and prevent HIV/AIDS in minority communities in this country. The President's budget takes a step backwards in the fight against HIV/AIDS by freezing the Ryan White AIDS program funding. This is the first time Ryan White funding has not been increased since the programs inception. The second lesson we learned from the is that HIV/AIDS knows no national boundaries. Sub-Saharan Africa is being ravaged by HIV/AIDS. More than 25 million Africans are now living with HIV and last year alone, 2.4 million Africans died from the disease. We must assist Africa in its fight against HIV/AIDS or we will reap what we sow. The third lesson HIV/AIDS taught us is that HIV/AIDS is that no group is protected. During the early stages of the HIV/AIDS epidemic many naively believed that HIV/AIDS was a ``gay man's disease.'' This mistake led to a false sense of security among many who were actually engaging in risky behaviors such as IV drug use and unprotected sex. Unfortunately, many were infected before they realized they were at risk. We must not make this same mistake again. Any increased incidence of HIV/AIDS amongst a segment of the population is unacceptable. Finally, the fourth lesson HIV/AIDS has taught us is that our discomfort with addressing taboo issues can result in the loss of many lives. It is clear that HIV/AIDS is transmitted through unprotected sex and IV drug use. However, due to this country's inability to address many of these sensitive issues, preventive efforts have suffered. We must openly address risk factors of HIV/AIDS. To let our personal discomfort with these subjects stymie prevention and education is unacceptable. We hold the keys to our fate based on these lessons of the past. If we learn from these lessons, we can defeat HIV/AIDS. But, if we fail to heed our mistakes, we will ultimately suffer more death and destruction over the next twenty years. The future is ours to shape.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I rise to commemorate the 19th Anniversary of the Greater Omega M. B. Church, located in my congressional district in Chicago, Illinois. The Greater Omega M.B. Church has served as a beacon of hope and strength for Illinois' First Congressional District since it was founded on March 14, 1982. With approximately 150 pioneering members, Greater Omega M.B. Church began its mission of service under the leadership of its late founding pastor, Rev. Edmond Blair, Jr. Since then, the church and its congregation have endured a vibrant history. Under Rev. Messenger's leadership, the Greater Omega family made the final mortgage payment on its current church home located at 135 W. 79th Street. In addition, the church began broadcasting its services on the WBEE radio station. On November 12, 2000, the Greater Omega family selected their current pastor, Rev. Melvin Reynolds. Under the helm of a new leader, the congregation is excited about the future of Greater Omega. According to church members, Rev. Reynolds, ``loves and respects the people of Greater Omega, he loves and respects God's church, he sees the needs of the community, he tries to aid people in every walk of life and he loves God . . . Even more Rev. Reynolds has a vision of Greater Omega becoming a great church.'' In the midst of changing pastors and relocating four times, the members of Greater Omega have remained steadfast in their mission and devotion to God and the Chicago community. The church has continuously enacted programs in the community such as, job ministries, drug rehabilitation ministries, and prison ministries. The church also has a homeless food program and a mentoring program for the youth. I commend Greater Omega M. B. Church for their continued high standards of worship and fellowship. Greater Omega's accomplishments are a true testament to their enduring faith and unwavering commitment to God. I am confident that the church will continue to grow and vigorously serve the community in the years to come.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce House Concurrent Resolution 143, expressing the sense of the Congress that the U.S. Postal Service issue a commemorative postage stamp honoring Paul Leroy Robeson. Sixty-six of my colleagues have joined me in support of this resolution. Paul Robeson, a famous African-American athlete, singer, actor, and advocate for the civil rights of people around the world was born on April 9, 1898 in Princeton, New Jersey. After receiving his degree from Columbia Law School in 1923, Paul Robeson left the legal profession for a career in the arts. Paul Robeson is well known for his inspiring performances in musicals, such as Show Boat, and theatrical performances, such as Shakespeare's Othello. With his distinctive deep baritone voice, Paul Robeson left audiences around the world captivated. Paul Robeson's brilliant on-stage performances were second only to his commitment to eradicating racial and social injustice in the United States and around the world. Paul Robeson used his oratory skills and knowledge of 25 languages to combat racial inequality in this country and around the world. Because of his stance, Paul Robeson was ostracized and disparaged by many. Even at the risk to his own safety and professional stature, Mr. Robeson stood up against racial bigotry during a time when segregation was legal in America and lynching was common place. Paul Robeson never took the easy road in life. Where he could have easily focused solely on his career, Paul Robeson chose to stand up in defiance of the unjust social practices of his time. Paul Robeson forced America to look into a mirror at itself and confront the racial injustice commonly accepted during his lifetime. In honor of his undying efforts and enduring personal sacrifice, I have introduced this legislation and urge all of my colleagues to join me in this tribute to Paul Robeson.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. First of all, I want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Filner) for not only his convening this special order for this evening, but for all the outstanding work that he has done on the issue of energy prices throughout America. I certainly want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Filner) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman) for their outstanding contributions. Tonight, I just want to rise to discuss the endless stream of energy problems suffered by consumers within the City of Chicago. This is indeed not just a California problem. It is not just an Illinois problem. It is a problem that America faces, but in order to paint a picture of what is happening in Illinois, I want to zoom in on Chicago. In the summer of 1999, Chicago experienced almost daily electricity blackouts; the following summer, the summer of the year 2000, Chicago consumers were subject to gasoline prices which soared above national averages. Then during the winter of 2000, Chicagoans faced 300 percent to 400 percent increases in their gas bills over the previous winters. As if that stream of emergencies was not enough, today this very day while thousands of Chicago residents are digging their way out of the winter national gas debts, they have been slammed by yet another seasonal energy crisis. With an average regional price of $1.80 per gallon of gasoline in the Midwest, Chicagoans have been paying up to an astonishing $2.40 per gallon for gasoline which represents the most dramatic increases in gasoline prices within this entire Nation. If we would just consider the following: taking a snapshot of 10 major metropolitan areas nationwide during the month of April, Chicago's spike, and that is indicated by the bar in red, Chicago's spike in gasoline prices dwarfs the cities on this chart and all cities nationwide, all cities nationwide. The chart says that the average gasoline price increase was 12.8 percent average across the Nation; but in Chicago, it was in excess of 22 percent. Simply put, these recent and drastic price increases are more than my constituents can bear. For example, there exists in my district a man who owns a grocery store who delivers foods and goods to the people in the neighborhood. Because of the recent hikes in gasoline prices, this man, this breadwinner for his family, this business owner is forced to factor the increased costs of gasoline into his delivery charges. And as a result, many of the elderly customers who live on fixed income must bear the weight of the current crisis. These are people who have no other means of income, except what they get from their fixed income checks, their Social Security and other types of fixed income checks on a monthly basis. Indeed, the effects of extreme gasoline prices does not only affect individuals, but entire bodies of local governments. For example, last summer, I convened a Chicago delegation hearing on that summer's exorbitant gasoline prices. And at the hearing, we heard from a gentleman from the district of my colleague from Illinois (Mr. Davis), who you will hear from later. We heard from Chief Gregory Moore of the Village of Bellwood Police Department in suburban Chicago. During the hearing, Mr. Moore testified to the fact that the costs of operating police vehicles jeopardized the solvency of the police department's budget. That was just one indication of the impact on local governments. The list of the local impacts goes on and on and on. What adds insult to injury in the current situation is the fact that while consumers nationwide struggle with gasoline and other energy prices, the big oil and gas companies are realizing greater and greater profits. For example, in the summer of 1999, the average spread between the spot price of crude oil and gasoline was 8 cents per barrel. During the following summer, that spread rose to 15 cents per barrel. Shockingly during the month of April 2001, we saw that spread hit an all-time high of 34 cents per barrel. What this dramatic increase means is that despite relative stability and refining costs, the profit margin for refiners has skyrocketed. This is only one example of how big energy continues to profit while consumers continue to pay unreasonable high prices. Many industry experts and insiders, including President Bush and Vice President Cheney argued that the recent windfalls in big energy profits is simply a result of national market reactions to constrained supply and energy across the board. But when gasoline companies in the Midwest and natural gas companies in the West walk the fine legal line and intentionally reduce the output, market forces are not at work, Mr. President. When unchecked merchant mania strangles competition in the petroleum industry, I would argue that market forces are not at work, Mr. President, and Mr. Vice President. When Midwestern petroleum refiners maliciously failed to make the investment in refineries in an effort to turn the public against locally produced clean burning fuel additives, market forces are certainly not at work, Mr. President and Mr. Vice President. What makes matters worse is that in this feverish desire to pump up the free market, the President and the Vice President have forgotten about the very people that the market is supposed to benefit, the little people. And this fact was made perfectly clear in the nomination of Timothy J. Muris to the Federal Trade Commission. Mr. Muris is a man who has been excessively critical of the very purpose, the mission, the object of that body, the Federal Trade Commission, which is singly to investigate unfair and deceptive corporate practices. Well, this certainly reminds me of the proverbial fox guarding the hen house. Clearly, the President's National Energy Policy, which I quote, is ``designed to help bring together business, government, local communities and citizens'', is really designed to bring the big energy barons closer to the pockets of our beleaguered citizenry. So in response to the administration's energy plans which sets a series of long-term goals for ``strengthening the market'', I challenge the President to remember that his constituency extends beyond big business. I also challenge the President to talk to the needy, the informed, the struggling, and the elderly about where our energy prices will be in 10 years. I challenge the President to tell the leaders of local government, municipalities who are on the verge of budget crisis that they will have to ride out volatile markets for the next 10 years. So in closing, let me say that, as long as energy markets in this country remain unpredictable, consumers will be forced to suffer unexpected and undue hardship. We in Congress, and those in the White House, must find some way to level the playing field so that consumers are not forced to pay for the necessity of energy as though it was a luxury. Unfortunately, the President's vague, uninspired and one-dimensional energy plan with its blind faith in the market shows that the administration has turned a blind eye to the current needs of the American people, to the right-now needs of the American consumer. I want to thank again the gentleman from California (Mr. Filner) for this opportunity, and I want to commend him again and exalt him and lift him up, because he has done such a magnificent job on this issue and other issues as we attempt to try to correct an insane, incentive, callous energy plan that the White House has come up with.

Mr. RUSH

Mr. RUSH. Mr. Speaker, each day, 16,000 more people become infected with HIV/AIDS. Nowhere is this staggering figure more apparent than sub-Saharan Africa, where 25 million people are HIV positive. Last year alone, 2.4 million sub-Saharan Africans died of HIV/AIDS. One particular group deserves our particular attention and assistance due to the disproportionate burden that they have borne, that is, the women of sub-Saharan Africa. Sub-Saharan African women are now the fastest growing HIV population in Africa. They constitute 55 percent of all adult HIV infections in the entire region. Most disturbing, sub-Saharan African women are becoming infected at earlier ages than their male counterparts. Teenage girls are infected at a rate five to six times greater than their male counterparts. Of course, the escalation of HIV/AIDS among sub-Saharan African women has a direct and important impact upon the most vulnerable population in the sub-Saharan region, its impact on children. Two-thirds of the 500,000 orphaned children in Africa lost parents to HIV/AIDS. Over 30 percent of children born to HIV positive women will develop pediatric AIDS. I have personally witnessed the orphanages overflowing with children who have lost parents to this disease, and it is both astonishing and heart-wrenching. Mr. Speaker, many social factors have resulted in these staggering statistics. Sub-Saharan African women often suffer from lower social status and lower economic status. They are economically dependent on males in their society. Many do not have the same access to health care or education as their male counterparts. Also, despite the fact that many women are primary sources of income for their families, poverty abounds and abounds and abounds and abounds. This pervasive policy of poverty forces many women into vocations which make them more susceptible to HIV/AIDS. These inequalities, Mr. Speaker, begin early in life. Young girls are less likely to be informed about the risks and dangers of HIV/AIDS and also far more likely than boys to be coerced or even raped. Even when they are taught about prevention, they are often unable to avoid unsafe sexual practices because of their lack of social influence. Mr. Speaker, many of us may ask, what can we in this country do to change the status of women in sub-Saharan Africa? Well, there are many things that we can do. There are many things that we can and must do right now. Right now, Mr. Speaker, we must focus national and international policies toward the eradication of poverty in order to empower women. Right now, Mr. Speaker, we must affirm the human rights of girls and women to equal access to education, skills training and employment opportunities. Right now, Mr. Speaker, we must intensify efforts to determine the best policies and programs to prevent women and young girls from becoming infected with HIV/AIDS. Mr. Speaker, there is a lot we can do and we must do it right now.