Denny Rehberg

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3282, that designates the Federal Building and United States Courthouse at 400 North Main Street in Butte, Montana, as the Mike Mansfield Federal Building and United States Courthouse. Mike Mansfield's tenure as majority leader of the United States Senate from 1961 until his retirement in 1976 is well-known. Likewise, his record as U.S. Ambassador to Japan from 1977 to 1988 was legendary. In both cases, he held each position longer than any of his predecessors. Mike Mansfield's public service spanned five decades, beginning from his election to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1942 to his retirement as U.S. ambassador in Japan in 1988. This remarkable career saw him work with nine U.S. presidents, Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter and Reagan. However, the formative stages of Mike Mansfield's early years are equally as remarkable. After the death of his mother, at age three he was sent from New York City to Great Falls, Montana, and raised by an aunt and uncle that owned a grocery store. One month shy of age 15, he joined the Navy, shortly before we entered World War I, and he served in the Atlantic. He served in the Army after the war. Finally, he enlisted in the Marine Corps for 2 years, serving in the Philippines, Japan and China. This contributed to his lifelong interest in the Far East. He returned to Montana in 1922 at age 19 and worked as a mucker, shoveling rocks and dirt in the underground copper mines in Butte. While in Butte he met schoolteacher Maureen Hayes, who became his future wife. She encouraged him to complete his high school education by taking correspondence courses. The City of Butte, Montana, was the chapter of Mike Mansfield's life that paved the way for his later career as a professor at the University of Montana, and a great statesman. As a result, it is only fitting that the Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse there be named after him. Mr. Speaker,I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 3282. Mr. Speaker, I include for the Record an article by Associated Press writer Bob Anez. Montana Officials Recall Mansfield as Quiet, Dignified Leader (By Bob Anez) Mike Mansfield, who dominated Montana and national politics during his 34-year legislative career, was remembered Friday as a statesman of honesty, homespun integrity and few but gentle words. ``I don't remember anything mean that Mike ever said,'' said former Democratic Gov. Ted Schwinden. ``But that doesn't mean he couldn't speak out on difficult issues like the Vietnam war,'' he said. ``Mike was not afraid of the fray, but was able to step above it.'' Mansfield, who died Friday morning at the age of 98, was Senate majority leader for 15 years during a period of political and social turmoil that enveloped a civil revolution, an assassinated president, a war he opposed and the first presidential resignation. He retired in 1976 and then served as ambassador to Japan for 11 years. Francis Bardanouve, a Democratic state representative for 37 years, recalled Mansfield's quite demeanor during that time. ``He was a calm leader; he gave confidence to the people that government was in good hands.'' Gov. Judy Martz, who ordered U.S. and Montana flags at all public buildings flown at half staff until sunset Saturday, called Mansfield a rare find for humanity. ``There are very few people who have or will walk this earth like Senator Mike Mansfield,'' the Republican said. ``He served as an example throughout Montana, the nation and the world through his work ethic and dedication to service. ``I am sure that he has now rejoined his beloved wife, Maureen,'' Martz added, referring to Mansfield's wife, who died Sept. 20 last year. Donna Metcalf, whose husband Lee served in the Senate with Mansfield for 16 years, recalled Mansfield as a gentle giant. ``He was a very kindly and considerate person who never forgot where he came from,'' she said. She first met Mansfield when he was a popular instructor at the University of Montana and grew to be good friends with the Mansfields during the time the two men served together. ``They made good partners for Montana,'' she said. Pat Williams, who was a Montana congressman for 18 years until retiring in 1996, said Mansfield's integrity set him apart. ``Mansfield, as our senator, he brought honor not pork to Montana,'' the Democrat said. ``He did things his way and believed that if Montanans didn't like it--as they didn't on his position and votes on gun control--that they'd bring him home at the next election. But, of course, we never did.'' Kelly Addy, a Billings attorney, former legislator and staffer for Mansfield in 1974, described the senator as extremely humble and mindful of his modest beginnings in the Butte mines. ``He knew who he was,'' Addy said. ``He knew he came from nothing. He knew everything had been given to him. He had no quarrel with anybody.'' He said he learned a valuable lesson from Mansfield. ``You can't be anything more than who you are, but if you're willing to be that, it can be quite something. He was able to accept himself and, therefore, he was able to accept others.'' Former Gov. Stan Stephens called Mansfield ``probably the most distinguished Montanan in the history of public service.'' Mansfield was revered by members of both political parties because of his nonpartisan character, the Republican said. ``He was a very kind and considerate man. He never looked at people or issues as political threats. ``He has made Montana proud,'' Stephens said. George McGovern, a U.S. Senator from South Dakota during all but one of Mansfield's years in the Senate, praised his former colleague as an ``example to all of us in the world of politics.'' ``Always a humble and dedicated public servant for the people of Montana, he became a superb majority leader of the U.S. Senate and a brilliant diplomat in the Far East,'' said McGovern, who was in Missoula where his wife is hospitalized. Schwinden said a defining memory he has of Mansfield was his campaign visits to Wolf Point, Schwinden's home town. Dozens of people in the small community would turn out on short notice to see the popular Senator. ``If there was a stage, he loved to sit on the stage with his legs crossed,'' Schwinden said. ``He never lectured. He just visited with his constituency.'' The attitude is what defined Mansfield and made him a man of few words, recalled former Secretary of State Mike Cooney. ``He listened. It wasn't that what he had to say was the most important,'' Cooney said. ``He understood that if you could sit and listen to people, you could learn a lot more than if you sat there yacking. Gov. Tom Judge, who was governor from 1973 to 1981, remembered Mansfield as a man who did ``an enormous amount of work for Montana, all the while doing it in a quiet, effective and--most importantly--very dignified manner.'' Judge said he first became acquainted with Mansfield while still in college in the mid 1950s. ``When I was a junior in college I nominated him for president in a mock election at Notre Dame and we almost won,'' Judge said. ``It was a tight race between him and Lyndon Johnson. . . . We didn't win but I guarantee you everyone at Notre Dame knew who Mike Mansfield was when we were done.'' Bob Ream, Montana Democratic Party chairman, said Mansfield remained Senate leader for longer than anyone else because he earned and commanded a great deal of respect. ``I think he stood for the best in politics,'' Ream said. ``He was an extremely ethical person and well-respected by people on both sides of the aisle.'' ``The last time I saw him was about a year and a half ago, and he still had that twinkle in his eye,'' Ream said. ``And whenever you left his office, Mike always had the same farewell. `Tap her light,' he would say. . . . It was an old miner's line.''

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 852) to designate the Federal building and United States courthouse to be constructed at 10 East Commerce Street in Youngstown, Ohio, as the ``Nathaniel R. Jones and Frank J. Battisti Federal Building and United States Courthouse''.

Mr. REHBERG. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, H.R. 852 designates the Federal building and United States courthouse to be constructed at 10 East Commerce Street in Youngstown, Ohio, as the Nathaniel R. Jones and Frank J. Battisti Federal Building and United States Courthouse. Judge Nathaniel R. Jones was born in Youngstown, Ohio, in 1926. After serving in the United States Air Force during World War II, he earned his undergraduate degree and law degree from Youngstown State University. Judge Jones was the editor of the Buckeye Review newspaper before serving as executive director of the Fair Employment Commission in the city of Youngstown. He also served on the Mayor's Human Rights Commission. Judge Jones had a distinguished legal career before being appointed to the Federal bench. He was in private practice for 2 years; he served as Assistant United States Attorney for the Northern District of Ohio from 1961 until 1967; as general counsel for the NAACP on civil disorder; and as general counsel of the NAACP for 10 years. In 1979, Judge Jones was appointed to the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. While sitting on the Federal bench, Judge Jones has been active in legal education at Case Western Reserve University School of Law, City University of New York School of Law, University of Cincinnati College of Law, Harvard Law School, North Carolina Central Law School, Indiana University School of Law, Northern Kentucky State University Salmon P. Chase College of Law, and Nova University Law Center in Florida. He has also received numerous honors and awards from universities throughout the United States. In 1985, Judge Jones traveled to South Africa on behalf of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights, where he was a legal observer at a treason trial. He has continued to be active in civil rights law in South Africa. Judge Jones took senior status in 1995 and maintains a busy docket. The second judge being honored with this courthouse designation is Frank J. Battisti. Judge Battisti was born in Youngstown, Ohio, and graduated from Ohio University. He then went on to earn his law degree at Harvard University. In 1950, he was admitted to the Ohio bar and served as Ohio Assistant Attorney General. In the early 1950s, Judge Battisti was a legal advisor for the Army Corps of Engineers. He also entered private practice and started teaching at Youngstown University Law School until he was elected a Common Pleas judge in 1958. In 1961, President Kennedy appointed Judge Battisti to the Federal bench. At the time he was the youngest Federal appointed judge. He served as Chief Judge from 1969 until 1990, and took senior status that April. Judge Battisti presided over the Cleveland public school desegregation case, a public housing desegregation case, and in 1974, the trial of eight members of the Ohio National Guard accused of violating the civil rights of four Kent State students who were shot during student demonstrations in 1970. Judge Battisti passed away on October 19, 1994. This is a fitting honor for two extraordinary Federal judges from Youngstown. Similar legislation passed the House last year, but was never enacted. I support this bill, and ask my colleagues to support it as well. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. REHBERG. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. REHBERG. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. REHBERG. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks on H.R. 852.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to introduce the guest chaplain, Tony Incashola, Director of the Salish-Pend d'Orielle Culture Committee, of the Flathead Indian Reservation. The Flathead Indian Reservation is home to the Confederated Salish and Kootenai Tribe, consisting of the Salish, Pend d'Orielle, and Kootenai peoples. Today, Tony is a highly respected tribal and community leader. For over 25 years, Tony, a fluent Salish language speaker, has served on the Culture Committee. As young men, both Tony and his brother, Baptiste, left home to serve their country in Vietnam. Tony accompanied his brother's body home after he was killed in action. Tony and his wife, Denise, have four children and have raised several foster children. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I thank the Tribal Chairman Fred Matt for requesting that Tony be today's guest chaplain.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, let me begin by thanking my colleagues from the Committee on Government Reform for favorably reporting this piece of legislation. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman of the Committee on Government Reform and the ranking member for expediting House Resolution 2876 that designates the Post Office building in Harlem, Montana as the Francis Bardanouve Post Office. I also thank the majority leader, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Armey), for scheduling this bill today. It is important that from time to time we honor individuals within the circle of our communities, those whose lives quietly reflect the best that all of us reach for. Francis Bardanouve is such a person. Francis's distinguished record in the Montana House of Representatives spanned 5 decades. When his career began in 1959, Dwight Eisenhower was President and George W. Bush was just another 12- year-old boy in Midland, Texas. Francis was born, raised, educated in Blaine County, Montana. His roots entwine back to a Prussian bandmaster on one side of his family and a French farmer on the other. Besides serving actively as a legislator, Francis has worked hard his whole life as a farmer, a rancher, a husband, and a father. Having had the privilege of serving three sessions with Francis in the Montana House, I can sum up his public service simply: common sense and compassion. He was both tight-fisted and kindhearted. As a long- serving Democrat chairman of the House Committee on Appropriations, Francis said, ``I voted against things I'd like to support. I left frustrated at times because there were things I'd like to do, but we didn't have the money.'' Former Montana Governor Ted Schwinden reaffirms this by stating: ``Francis was more parsimonious with the taxpayers' dollar than any other chairman over the years.'' When Francis announced his retirement in 1999, the Montana House of Representatives passed a resolution honoring him and designating a ``Francis Bardanouve Appreciation Day.'' This resolution aptly stated: ``Francis Bardanouve has never sought personal distinction or reward, but has had his leadership role cast upon him . . . The strong hands of Francis Bardanouve have played a major role in shaping the destiny of Montana.'' By designating the Harlem, Montana Post Office the ``Francis Bardanouve Post Office,'' we honor not only a good Montanan who quietly did his duty for many years, but we pay tribute to all those who honorably serve their community and this country day after day without expecting praise. Public officials come and go, but Francis, please know that your deeds and service will remain forever engraved in the archives of our Nation, the post office in your community, and the hearts of your family and friends. Mr. Speaker, I urge strong support of House Resolution 2876, and I include for the Record a news article regarding this legislation. The article referred to is as follows: [From the Independent Record, Apr. 15, 1993] Lawmaker Honored for Years of Service (By Bob Anez) Rep. Francis Bardanouve bowed his head and blushed Wednesday as he listened to a half-hour tribute from the Montana House commemorating his 34 years as a state lawmaker. ``It's almost overwhelming,'' he told legislators after hearing praise about his efforts during three decades in the House. ``Whatever I have done is what you helped me do.'' Bardanouve, a Harlem Democrat, was first elected to the Legislature in 1958 and has served as chairman of the powerful House Appropriations Committee in 10 sessions. He will not run for re-election next year because the newly drawn legislative districts prevent him from seeking his current seat. Gov. Marc Racicot read a proclamation declaring Wednesday ``Francis Bardanouve Day.'' The document lauded Bardanouve for faithfully and diligently serving the interests of the people in his district and the state. It calls Bardanouve a ``living institution.'' The House unanimously approved a resolution honoring Bardanouve's years of service and branding him ``one of the Treasure State's living treasures.'' The measure cites his sense of fairness, willingness to listen and ability to make informed decisions. ``Francis Bardanouve has always faced the legislative challenge with energy, wisdom, keen wit and a dedication to the common good,'' the resolution says. ``Francis Bardanouve has never sought personal distinction or reward, but has had his leadership role cast upon him.'' The resolution calls him a believer in equality, fairness and integrity, and adds, ``The strong hands of Francis Bardanouve have played a major role in shaping the destiny of Montana.'' Several former and present lawmakers who have sat next to Bardanouve over the years recalled their sessions with the Harlem farmer. Speaker John Mercer, a Polson Republican who was 2 years old when Bardanouve first became a legislator, advised him, ``Take great pride in your accomplishments. ``This House will always belong to you Francis,'' he added.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Berry) was correct when he commented on the fact that the supporters of this amendment do not come from this industry. I did a quick note. Most are attorneys. And I do not fault their desire or their ability or their right to be involved in this issue, but I can tell my colleagues that those who call themselves environmentalists in this Congress are loving their land to death. I represent Montana. It happens to be one of the largest agricultural-producing States, one of the largest States, and perhaps one of the ones most screwed up because of many of the conservation practices that are occurring because of this Congress. Let me point out to my colleagues what some of this Congress' conservation plans have done to us. This is what government farming practices look like. This is a forest fire. And I will tell my colleagues that underthinned forests kill forests every bit as much as overlogged forests. Undergrazed grass kills grass every bit as much as overgrazed grass. So we are going to exacerbate our problem? Are we going to put more in? Well, then, we will kill our land with kindness, and I hope we do not do that. This is what a managed environment looks like, so I am not standing before my colleagues today and trying to bring up dollars, which it seems like the majority of the argument has been on dollars in farmers' pockets. This is my first farm bill, and the way things go around here, it may be my last. One never knows. But I want to thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm) and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Combest), because if it is my only farm bill that I have an opportunity to speak on and to be involved in, I am proud to put my name on something that understands American agriculture. I came here not anticipating I was going to win every issue. In fact, I did not. But I voted for this bill. I supported this bill because it truly understands the needs, the desires, the wants of those of us in Montana agriculture and American agriculture. Now, I was not a supporter of increasing additional conservation act money. I use myself as an example. My place is getting smaller. Just 9 months ago yesterday, I was in the agricultural business. This suit was not bought with agricultural money, because I did not have it. I do now, because of this job. But as I tried to expand my business, do my colleagues know what I could not do? I lost a lot of acreage because of the estate tax. I can live with that. I can live with that. But at a time when I should have been getting bigger, I got smaller. And as I tried to get bigger, my neighbor puts his land in conservation reserve. I cannot rent land and I cannot buy land. I could not expand my ranch to pay for my children's shoes, their college education, and my retirement. Now, I might seem a little angry because I am a little angry. Because what I see happening in this Congress is that we are attempting to use the farmer for an environmental policy in this country, and I believe that is misguided. We do not want to see more of this. This is a forest, but it is the same in the pasture land. The conservation practices that preserve property in this country without active management in fact are killing our environment. So it is not about jobs, and it is not about money. It is about our environment. And what is the best way to manage our environment? This bill does, in fact, without this amendment, do that. It maintains maximum planting flexibility, it provides countercyclical protection, it allows farmers to update their base acreages, it increases conservation programs, it addresses trade, research, nutrition, and includes one of my favorite issues, rural development and adding value to agricultural products. That is how we are going to save the American farmer. That is how we are going to create a better environment. Support the bill. Kill the amendment.

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the Miller-Miller amendment. I cannot debate the issue with my colleagues from the urban areas on subsidization because they obviously do not understand the sugar program. It is not subsidized. Read my lips. It is not subsidized. What we have in this country is a problem. We have an oversupply of foreign sugar being brought into the country. That is the problem we have got. Prices are down but demand is up. So what creates the prices being down? The subsidization of foreign sugar. When you talk about these rich corporations, they are so rich they are filing bankruptcy. Does that not tell you a lot? When was the last time a rich corporation making all this money in a farm program would file bankruptcy? Now we have a situation in Montana where finally some of the producers are trying to pull themselves up by their bootstraps, buy those factories, reopen them under a value-added idea, and we are going to kick them. We are going to say, ``No, we're sorry, that's just not good enough. We not only don't want you to be in business, we're going to now consider additional trade promotion authority so we can bring more subsidized product in to put the rest of you out of business.'' I am a supporter of free trade, but I am here to tell you right now, after reading the documents that have been floating around from the administration, Mr. President and your administration, if you are listening, you are rapidly losing me, because I do not get it. We do not have an oversupply of sugar in this country. What we now have is an oversupply of foreign competition that do not respect our labor laws, do not respect our environment and do not respect American agriculture.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, hunting in Montana is one of our most popular time-honored traditions. Each fall thousands of Montana men and women traverse our mountains, forests and prairies in pursuant of a wide range of large and small game. One of the greatest stalwarts of the Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is Gary Marbut who is president of the Montana Shooting Sports Association. Gary works tirelessly with the Montana Congressional Delegation to protect our vanishing right to keep and bear arms. The June 2001 issue of the National Rifle Association's ``American Hunter'' contains Gary's article ``A Kid's First Elk Rifle.'' It details the strong father and son bonding involved in his son Ty's preparations to hunt elk and get comfortable with the proper rifle. I commend my colleagues to read this article that embodies how hunting and family values are still very much in vogue in Montana. A Kid's First Elk Rifle (By Gary Marbut) Tyrel turned 11 last fall, which means he's old enough to hunt elk when he passes hunter safety. I began thinking what the criteria would be for a good elk rifle for an 11-year-old boy. It would need to be light enough to carry, pack enough punch to take the animal, have suitable accuracy for successful 200-yard shots, and minimal recoil so as not to terrify a young shooter and cause him to flinch. Fortunately, there are so many choices the real problem is not finding something suitable, but narrowing the field. I first looked at my own collection. A rifle that I've always liked is my Ruger semi-auto carbine in .44 Magnum. This rifle has a clear and wide little 4X scope with the old post reticle. This seemed the ideal choice for Ty. It has a short stock, much of the recoil is soaked up by the semi-auto action, the .44 Magnum is enough for elk with well-placed shots, and since I hunt elk with a .44 Magnum revolver, we could practice with, carry, and use the same ammo. I would prefer to shoot elk with this rifle under 150 yards, and I did ponder the safety aspect of a semi-auto for a kid's first hunting rifle. However, this rifle had one large added benefit: it is the same size and shape as a Ruger 10/22, and Ty could hone his shooting skills with my 10/22 and cheaper ammo. The idea was fine until I suggested it to Ty. ``Nope,'' he said. ``Nothing magnum. Too much recoil.'' Kids can be notional, and I didn't want to push him. I wanted his first hunting season to be something he'd anticipate and remember. So I started asking experienced hunting and shooting friends about how they would solve my problem. What amazed me was how wide-ranging the answers were. Some said to get him some sort of ``oh-my-gosh'' magnum and let him learn to shoot and pack it. Others advised that a well-placed head shot on elk with a .223 would always take it down. And I heard everything in between. I finally decided to narrow the field by choosing what I determined was the minimum, fully elk-capable caliber. Admitting a bias for .30-caliber cartridges, I finally chose the .308 Win. for Ty. I found that if I looked hard enough I could find a Remington 700 in a short-stocked, short-barreled youth configuration, and with a synthetic stock. I had a local dealer order it for me and it arrived a few days before Christmas, in just enough time to slap a 6X Weaver scope on it. It did look nice under the tree, and the look on Ty's face when he opened it promised a great hunting season. Still, there was a lot of work to be done. I belong to the school that believes a person should put a lot of ammo through the gun they'll hunt with before they go hunting. I had hopes of Ty being able to put several hundred rounds through his new rifle before hunting season, but because recoil had been one of my original concerns, and since this youth model was lightweight, there was no way I was going to subject Ty to several hundred rounds of full-house 308. I ended up handloading some light ``plinker'' rounds that Ty liked shooting immediately. We practiced until he could place five-round groups of this ammo into a two-inch circle at 100 yards. Spring came around and Ty passed the Montana Hunter Education class, even becoming a junior instructor-- quite proud to be the only 11 year-old with that status. A prairie dog shoot later in June allowed him lots of shooting, the two of us going through several gun changes and some 2,000 rounds of ammo in one afternoon alone. Between the prairie dog shoot and other practice at the Deer Creek Range near Missoula, Ty consumed almost 400 rounds of his light practice ammo over the summer. The next project was selecting the right ammo for his elk hunt. I tested several kinds, but the bullet I finally selected as the best compromise of weight, shape, cost, and performance was the Hornady 165-grain soft-point boat-tail. Backed by Varget powder in Lake City brass, the bullet would run out of Ty's barrel at about 2800 fps and group five shots into about 1\1/ 4\ inches at 100 yards. I should say that this ammo makes Ty's light rifle kick pretty good--he has never fired a round of it. He's carrying it elk hunting now, and I've promised him that when he shoots at an elk, he won't notice the kick at all. Ty is 12 now, and though it is currently the second week of elk season in Montana, school has limited the youngster to only two days afield so far. And though we haven't seen any elk, there's lots of good hunting within a two-hour drive of where we live. Soon, we hope to be able to put to the final test, a kid's first elk rifle.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Chairman, on rollcall No. 352 I put my voting card in the machine but the vote was not recorded. I would have voted ``aye.''

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, for over 100 years the Federal Government has grossly mismanaged Indian Trust Funds derived from grazing, minerals and other natural resources revenues. Elouise Cobell of the Blackfeet Tribe in Montana, who after years of getting stonewalled in her efforts to get an accurate accounting of Indian Trust Funds, filed the monumental lawsuit Cobell v. Babbitt in 1996. Federal Judge Royce Lamberth has ruled in favor of Elouise and other plaintiffs on numerous occasions. In a December 1999 civil contempt ruling, he stated ``The Federal Government here did not just stub its toe. It abused the rights of these plaintiffs to obtain these trust documents, and it engaged in a shocking pattern of deception of the court. I have never seen more egregious conduct by the Federal Government.'' I urge my colleagues to read the following article from the September 9, 2001 issue of Parade Magazine focusing on Elouise Cobell's nobel efforts to fix the Indian Trust Fund mess. The Broken Promise (By Peter Maas) On the wall next to Elouise Cobell's desk is a blown-up reproduction of a famous Peanuts cartoon strip. After Lucy assures Charlie Brown, ``Trust me,'' she once again snatches away the football he's about kick, and he ends up flat on his back. ``I decided to stop being Charlie Brown,'' Cobell told me. For her, ``Lucy'' is 5 feet 4, a wife and mother, Cobell is a member of the Blackfeet Indian tribe sequestered in the northwest corner of Montana. As a result of a lawsuit she filed on behalf of her fellow Native Americans, they finally are about to collect a staggering sum of money--as much as $40 billion--from Washington. ``It's not as if we're taking money from the government,'' she explained, a steely edge creeping into her normally soft- spoken voice. ``It's our money that was taken from us.'' Indeed, a federal judge declared. ``I have never seen more egregious misconduct by the federal government.'' And were it not for Elouise Cobell, it would still be going on. What she finally could not take anymore was the betrayal for more than a century--``a shocking pattern of deception,'' as the court put it--regarding the property rights of the Blackfeet and many other Native American tribes. This betrayal began in 1887, when Congress opened up previously established tribal reservations to white settlers. In return, individual Indians were granted land allotments--generally ranging from 40 to 320 acres. But they were judged to be incapable of managing their own affairs, so the federal government decided to do it for them. As a result, Indians could not lease or sell their property without government approval. This included grazing and quarrying rights as well as leases for timber, agriculture, oil, natural gas and minerals. The government would make all the deals. The income would be held in trust and distributed to each Indian family. The Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) in the Department of the Interior was to be in charge, and the Treasury Department would send out the checks. But the Indians never got what was owed them. At one of the endless meetings she attended to try to rectify matters, Cobell actually heard a Treasury Department official admit that millions and millions of Indian dollars were being forwarded by the Department of the Interior with no instructions. ``So we just put it in the general fund,'' said the official. Cobell said she eventually discovered that the money apparently had been used, among other notable examples, to help bail out New York City during its 1975 fiscal crisis, to save the Chrysler Corporation from going under and even to reduce the national debt. On assignment for PARADE, I recently visited Cobell. Along with her husband, she has a 320-acre allotment ranch with about 100 head of cattle in Glacier County, which encompasses much of the Blackfeet reservation and ranks as the 35th poorest county in the U.S. This is where she grew up in a house with no phone, electricity or running water and where she began her education in 1950 in a one-room grade school. As it happened, Cobell's teacher subscribed to the Sunday New York Times, which she shared with her students. ``It would arrive a month late, but it exposed me to a world I never knew existed,'' Cobell told me. ``It gave me a chance to dream a little.'' She went on to high school, which required a daily 50-mile round-trip by bus. Then Cobell made a daring move to the nearest city, Great Falls, to enroll in a two-year business college, where she specialized in accounting. ``I wanted to learn more and to help out at home,'' she recalled. ``My dream was to buy my mother a new dress.'' Cobell cut short further studies at Montana State University in 1968 to return home and care for her mother, who had terminal cancer. Then her father died. Because of her accounting background, the Blackfeet Tribal Council appointed Cobell the tribe's treasurer in 1976. ``I remembered, as a little girl,'' she said, ``the elders would come to my father's house and wonder where the money was. You lived with it all the time. But they didn't know what to ask. They had no information, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs was something to be feared. You felt so powerless.'' She already had seen the local office of the BIA in action in a college work-study program. ``I was people treated very badly,'' she recalled. ``People sitting all day on hard benches, with no rest rooms. Some were begging for money, for food, for clothes for their children. I would tell my mother, and she'd say, `Don't make waves.' '' Under the BIA's management of the so-called Individual Indian Money trust fund, Native Americans never were informed who had leased their land or for what purpose, how much the lease was for or how long the lease was to run. On occasion, the Treasury Department would mail checks to individuals for a pittance, with no accounting or explanation of any kind. (In addition to the Individual Indian Money trust, the government manages a separate trust fund covering more than 300 tribes.) ``As the tribe's treasurer,'' Cobell said, ``I tried to get a handle on everything. I found that the BIA's investment of Blackfeet tribal trust funds was accruing negative interest. How could this be? Under the law, this money was only supposed to be invested in the safest government securities. But when I asked about this at a meeting with the BIA supervisor, he just stared at me and said, `Why don't you learn how to read a statement?' It was so humiliating. ``Later--a lot later--I discovered what had happened. The BIA had taken a big chunk of money from the Blackfeet, loaned it to another tribe for whatever reason and forgot to replace it. After all, it was not their money, and we were just dumb Indians.'' After getting nowhere at local and regional BIA offices, Cobell tried the Interior Department in Washington, D.C. And still got nowhere. ``I did spreadsheets,'' she said, ``and saw huge gaps where oil and gas companies that had leased out land weren't paying anything. There was no accounting system in place, so the Interior Department had no idea who was paying and who wasn't. They didn't care.'' Then, in 1989. Rep. Mike Synar--an Oklahoma Democrat with a large Native American constituency--helped to arrange a meeting at the White House under the first Bush Administration with officials of the Office of Management and Budget. Cobell was invited, as well as some outside experts, including a prominent banking attorney named Dennis Gingold. Very little came out of it, except that Cobell remembered Gingold acidly saying at one point to the government men, ``I'm amazed you guys haven't been sued.'' In 1994, Synar got Congress to authorize the Presidential appointment of a special trustee to provide a full And, despite repeated attempts to see Babbitt herself, Cobell never did. ``He wouldn't meet with me,'' she said. ``I was told he didn't have the time. All I got were empty assurances that mismanagement of our trust funds was a top priority.'' Cobell already had reached the breaking point after meeting Attorney General Janet Reno at a conference where Reno was the main speaker. Cobell sketched out what she was going through, and Reno invited her to Washington. But when Cobell arrived in February 1996 with high hopes, Reno also declined to see her and relegated her to underlings. She was treated with such rudeness and condescension, Cobell told me, that ``a lawsuit was the only option I had left.'' She went back to Dennis Gingold and asked the attorney if he would accept the case. He agreed, telling her, ``We cannot allow this to happen. Our government can't operate like this.'' But Gingold warned her that it would be extremely costly. Cobell said she'd get the money somehow. And she did, pleading her cause to private foundation after foundation, eventually raising nearly $8 million. During this period, to her astonishment, she received a John D. MacArthur ``genius award'' and immediately threw the $300,000 grant into the pot. The class-action suit representing 500,000 Native Americans was filed in the District of Columbia on June 10, 1996. The Justice Department, representing the Interior and Treasury Departments, declined to enter into settlement talks. The presiding federal district judge, Royce Lamberth, twice ordered Interior and Treasury to produce documents involving the Individual Indian Money trust fund. Despite promises to do so, a special investigator appointed by Judge Lamberth discovered that, during the course of the proceedings, Interior had in fact been destroying documents. What's more, Treasury officials had shredded 162 cartons of ledgers listing transactions and disbursements plus records of uncashed checks--some 100 years old--that never reached their intended Indian recipients. On Aug. 10, 1999, after holding Interior Secretary Babbitt and Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin in contempt of court, Judge Lamberth fined them a total of $625,000, which the U.S. paid with our tax dollars. On Dec. 21, 1999, Judge Lamberth ruled that the government had breached its sacred trust duties across the board. He ordered the Interior and Treasury Departments to file quarterly reports detailing efforts to reform the trust system and decreed court supervision of these efforts. The Justice Department appealed on the grounds that the judge had overstepped his authority. But a federal appeals panel of judges unanimously upheld Lamberth's ruling. This May, the Bush Administration abandoned an appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. What remains now, in the second phase of Cobell's lawsuit, is to determine how much the Native American plaintiffs will receive. Some estimates range from $20 billion to as much as $40 billion. Whether the government will continue the battle or begin serious settlement talks remains up in the air. In June, the House Appropriations Committee said it had no interest in funding more litigation, which so far has cost the U.S. more than $31 million. Meanwhile, Elouise Cobell has dedicated herself to helping Native Americans achieve economic self-sufficiency. She is the founder and current chairperson of the Blackfeet National Bank--the first bank in the nation owned by Indians. In Montana, when Cobell drives from her ranch to her bank office in the woebegone town of Browning, with an unemployment rate as high as 70 percent, she passes a sign. It marks the site of the government's first Indian office on the Blackfeet reservation, under agent John Young. It says that this is where, in the terrible winter of 1884, 500 Blackfeet Indians died of starvation. ``The truth is,'' Cobell told me, ``that agent Young kept the rations he had on hand for white people.'' She pointed to a ridge opposite the sign, where a trench was dug to bury the Blackfeet bodies, ``We call it Ghost Ridge,'' she said. ``I think of those souls every day. I'm fighting for them too.''

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this sense of Congress resolution. To me, this is simple: Yesterday's attack against America was not just a criminal act, it was an act of war. It is important to understand that these terrorists were specially trained soldiers and hit men in an army intent on destroying America and our way of life. They were willing to take their own lives in order to accomplish their military objectives. That is why America must not treat yesterday's tragedy as a criminal case, or simply seek justice. Rather, we must take it for what it is: an act of war that demands a swift, thorough, and decisive response from the United States Armed Forces. In short, we must strike back at those responsible. A military action, not subpoenas and courtrooms, is the only way to prevent this from happening again. We must bring these armies of terror and any country found to be aiding or abetting their actions to their knees. The time for talk is over.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Sununu amendment to the SAFE Act. America has the resources, technology and expertise to develop a commonsense energy policy, one that, without going to extremes, preserves all of the environmental quality gains of the past 2 decades, meets our energy needs and allows for new science and new technologies to take us into the future. One important component of America's journey towards energy self- reliance is an environmentally responsible development of the coastal plain of ANWR. It is for this reason I rise in support of the Sununu amendment. This amendment solidifies the promise that no more than 2,000 acres in ANWR will be affected by exploration. To put 2,000 acres into perspective, ANWR is approximately the size of South Carolina. The footprint that would be left by exploration on the coastal plain would be less than one-fifth the size of Dulles Airport, a footprint one-fifth the size of Dulles Airport in an area the size of South Carolina. Being from the Big Sky country of Montana, I am absolutely committed to a safe, clean, healthy environment. I will not take a back seat to anyone when it comes to championing commonsense environmental protections. I urge my colleagues to support the Sununu amendment and support this environmentally responsible development in ANWR.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, we are facing an energy shortage. While our demand is continually growing, our production is slowing. Take natural gas as an example. Our demand for natural gas is actually outstripping our demand for oil. By 2020, we will consume 62 percent more natural gas than we do today. We need to act responsibly, and we need to act quickly. We need to open some of our public lands to exploration for natural gas, and we need to build pipelines to deliver it. Passing the legislation proposed by the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Hansen), chairman of the Committee on Resources, last night was a step forward in the right direction.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to this amendment. The prior speaker said we are a little sheepish. I do not want him to pull the wool over the eyes of the American public in this Congress. You have to be in the business to receive the help in opposition to what he stated in his testimony. The farmers and ranchers of the United States that produce wool and mohair are suffering the same crisis in agriculture as producers of other crops. Sheep producers pay the same increased cost of fuel as the grain farmer and are suffering undue hardships because of the value of foreign currency to the U.S. dollar in unfair trade practices. Loopholes remain open that allow foreign products access to U.S. markets through Mexico and Canada. Producers in the United States continue to produce some of the world's finest wool and mohair, and yet for many producers wool prices do not even cover the cost of shearing the sheep. As a result, short- term financial relief through a market loss assistance program is vital to U.S. producers. Market loss assistance has had a positive impact for producers in all 50 States. I am in the cashmere goat production business, which is not under this particular amendment. I receive no financial assistance. But I can state that we are trying to help people within agriculture to diversify the income on their farms or ranches so they do not have to be dependent upon Federal help. This amendment goes against every principle of trying to help people in agriculture help themselves. We do not want to be dependent on the Federal Government; but until this government gets a handle on energy costs, on import problems, and understands that, unless this government steps forward and solves many of the problems that are creating the crisis in the Federal farm communities of this Nation, we will continue to have to come in and look to the Federal Government for relief. We cannot let the people that want to destroy agriculture get our goat. I urge the Members to vote no on this amendment.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, while we all know we cannot conserve our way out of the energy crunch, conservation is a critical piece of the puzzle if we are going to solve this problem. In times like these, each and every American must do their part. This means turning out the lights when leaving a room, walking more often instead of driving, and investing in new technologies and alternative renewable energy sources. While some in this Chamber merely talk about conservation, President Bush is actually doing something about it. Today, President Bush announced $77 million in Federal conservation grants which will help accelerate the development of fuel cells in new technology for tomorrow's cars and buildings. These grants will play a critical role in lowering emissions and improving energy efficiency. Mr. Speaker, instead of throwing rocks and using America's energy problems for political gain, President Bush is providing leadership and solutions.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, Connie Bremner, lifelong resident of Browning, Montana, is of the age when retirement is an option, but it's the last thing on her mind. Connie doesn't have the time nor inclination for anything but selfless service to the elderly and disabled in her community. Connie, director of the Eagle Shield Senior Citizens Center, on the Blackfeet Indian Reservation, is the recipient of the prestigious Robert Wood Johnson Community Health Leadership award of $100,000. The award gives $95,000 to the center and $5,000 to Connie. This award is one of only ten given nationwide. Most of the award money will go to fund short-term care for terminally ill people who are unable to get help elsewhere. Some of it will be used as startup money for a proposed Blackfeet home health care program. Browning is in a lonely community on the windswept plains down the eastern slopes of the Montana Rockies. It's the heart of the Blackfeet Indian Reservation, a place where things have never been easy. When Connie became director of the Eagle Shield Senior Citizens Center in Glacier County, the nation's 95th poorest, she found the center and the seniors in distressed conditions. Connie made it her objective to transform the facility into a model health and wellness center. She took the barest of bare-bones facilities and breathed life into it--and not just life, but spirit. Eagle Shield now serves over 600 elders with a wide range of programs, from nutrition education and meal delivery to home personal assistance and social activities. Connie's efforts to expand, improve and modernize health care for the impoverished, the elderly and the disabled has not only met physical needs, but has lifted spirits and provided hope. Connie began with a loan of $70,000 from the tribal government, which has already been repaid. The Robert Wood Johnson Community Health Leadership Program's press release states that Connie's ``hard work has yielded great success for Eagle Shield, including the creation of an Alzheimer's screening and treatment program and a licensed, Medicaid reimbursed personal care attendant program for over 100 people with a disability unable to care for themselves.'' Connie expanded the personal care attendant program until now is serves over 100 people, ranging from age 4--94. In addition, the center ``has trained 300 younger tribal members to become certified personal care attendants. Of those, 95 are currently employed on the reservation, an important contribution to a community who whose unemployment rate is over 70 percent.'' Through Connie's leadership, the Eagle Shield Senior Citizens Center provides breakfasts and lunches to 200 seniors every day. People like Connie have far greater influence than government programs. Government can oversee public health and public safety, but only people can give love and compassion. Connie has shown us that the most vital thing we do in life is look after each other by reaching out in kindness to the oldest and youngest and weakest among us. It is known in Browning that nothing will keep her from taking care of her elders. The elders count on Connie. Montana counts on Connie. It is an honor to read Connie Bremner's accomplishments into the Congressional Record, although it should be recognized that this woman's deeds of love and kindness will leave a record much more enduring and significant in the community of Browning than this Record of ink and paper in the Halls of Congress. Connie Bremner has shown that the true treasures in Montana--The Treasure State--are people, the old and the young, the weak and the strong. Connie is a treasure to the Blackfeet Nation, to the state of Montana, and to the United States of America.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, let us put all the political posturing and gamesmanship aside and be honest: the major causes of high energy prices this summer will be the lack of domestic energy production and the absence of new investments in the electricity generation facilities needed to meet the growth experienced over the last decade. That is why becoming more energy self-reliant is so important. If we want an uninterrupted supply of energy, then we need more American oil, American gas, and clean coal. In Montana alone, we have several hundred years' worth of natural gas and coal deposits. Current estimates place coal resources for eastern Montana at about 50 billion tons, two-thirds of which is low-sulfur, clean-burning coal. In developing these resources, it is important that we keep in mind that America has some of the highest environmental standards and most advanced technology in the world. Our strict laws do a good job of ensuring our environment is protected. The bottom line is this: relying upon our own energy resources is cleaner and safer than importing energy from countries with inferior technology and scant environmental oversight.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Chairman, I would like to engage in a brief colloquy with the gentleman from Alabama (Chairman Callahan). Mr. Chairman, I want to commend the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Callahan) and the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Visclosky) for their action to restore over $30 million in funds which were eliminated from the fiscal year 2002 budget for the U.S. Department of Energy's Office of Science and Technology within the Environmental Management program. The Office of Science and Technology has a very important mission in developing and implementing means to clean up contaminated Federal property around the country, and it deserves the continued and strong support of the Congress. Mr. Chairman, I am concerned about the continuation of the important work of DOE's Western Environmental Technology Office, or WETO, located in Butte, Montana. At this facility, the National Energy Technology Laboratory provides critical support to DOE's Office of Science and Technology. Their activities help facilitate DOE's demonstration, evaluation, and implementation of technologies that promise to provide much needed solutions to the environmental cleanup challenges at various DOE sites. DOE's Research and Development contract for the Western Environmental Technology Office, originally awarded in fiscal year 1997, has been extended through the end of fiscal year 2003. That contract extension provided that DOE would fund WETO at the following levels: $6 million in fiscal year 2001, $6 million in fiscal year 2002, and $4 million in fiscal year 2003. Consistent with this contract and schedule, the Energy and Water Development Appropriations Act for fiscal year 2001 provided $6.5 million for WETO to carry out its important functions. It is critically important to preserve this commitment to WETO and continued funding as scheduled. I would add, Mr. Chairman, that the operations and activities of WETO are very important to the economy in Montana. Many professionals have chosen western Montana as their home while they serve our Nation's challenge to clean contaminated DOE's sites. I ask the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Callahan) if he would agree that it is the committee's intent that DOE's agreement with WETO be honored and funded to the maximum extent possible?

Mr. REHBERG. I yield to the gentleman from Alabama.

Mr. REHBERG. Reclaiming my time, I thank the chairman for his consideration of this very important program.

Mr. REHBERG

Mr. REHBERG. Mr. Speaker, agriculture is Montana's number one industry, but with the cost of farm production at an all-time high and farm incomes sagging, I am deeply concerned about agriculture's future in our State. H.R. 2213 will provide much-needed help to Montana producers, but the bill fails in many ways. The assistance level provided for in this legislation is not sufficient to address needs of many families this year. H.R. 2213 fails to address the needs of dairy farmers, sugarcane growers, those who graze their wheat, barley, and oats, as well as producers who are denied marketing loan assistance because they do not have an AMTA contract. Members who supported the $5.5 billion in assistance at the committee level argued that a cut in funds to producers this year was necessary to save funds for the new farm bill, but I fear that many producers in my State will now have to face the reality that they may not make it for the next farm bill. While this bill is far from perfect, it is a first step in keeping Congress' commitment to stand by American farmers and ranchers until a permanent safety net is in place. I want to thank the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Combest) and the staff for all their hard work on behalf of America's rural communities.