James Risch

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, tonight we will consider overriding Presidential vetoes to S.J. Res. 28 through 48, resolutions regarding arms sales that were the subject of a May 24 emergency declaration from the Secretary of State. I urge my colleagues to sustain these vetoes, and to consider these sales on their own merits. I noted several key points when addressing these sales last month, and those points remain valid today. This emergency declaration was legal, and the sales are necessary for the legitimate security interests of our partners. Rejecting these sales at this time will reward recent Iranian aggression and risk Iranian miscalculation, which will lead to disaster if Iran continues down its current path. These sales are unrelated to Jamal Khashoggi, and these resolutions will do nothing to achieve much-needed accountability for his murder or to otherwise change Saudi behavior. We have discussed at length in recent weeks the history of Presidential emergency authorities and the fact that Presidents of both parties have used such authorities on four previous occasions. I won't repeat that discussion other than to note that this use of the authority is consistent with historical precedent. I will also emphasize that the administration has since returned to standard practice for arms sales, has stated that this declaration was a one- time event, and has committed to respecting the law and the role of Congress in this process. I expect them to honor that commitment. We have also talked about the reasons our partners need the capabilities in these sales. Our partners have an obligation to protect the lives of their citizens and their own national interests. These sales provide critical capabilities for such protection. Their need for these capabilities has only grown in the last month, as Iran and its proxies have grown even more aggressive. As it has escalated its use of force, Iran has so far avoided the type of provocation that would demand a U.S. response. Neither the President, nor Congress, nor the American people want war, but Iran's actions and public statements remain separated from reality. Iran appears eager to continue to test American resolve. Iran should not mistake President Trump's reasonable restraint as an indicator of any hesitation on his part to protect U.S. lives and interests. We, as the Senate, should not add to any possible confusion. If we adopt these resolutions, we risk inadvertently encouraging Iranian miscalculation. I remain highly concerned with the humanitarian crisis in Yemen, the devastating impact of the war on Yemeni civilians, and the terrible human rights record of the Saudi Government. I am encouraged by the recent Emirati decision to end their involvement in the war in Yemen, and I encourage others to see this as an opportunity to pursue a political solution for a peaceful settlement. I know many of my colleagues see these resolutions and similar legislation as a means to send a message to the Saudi Government. I fear, however, that the message the Saudis receive will not be the one intended. So let me take this opportunity to say to our Saudi partners that they must change their policies on human rights. I will close by reemphasizing my key points. The emergency declaration was legal, and the sales are needed for the legitimate defense requirements of our partners. This vote also invites Iranian miscalculation. I urge my colleagues to sustain the President's veto.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, for the Committee on Foreign Relations I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the vote take place after the completion of my remarks.

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator Paul have up to 5 minutes of debate prior to the second tranche of votes in this series.

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President and fellow Senators, today the Senate is considering four tax protocols. These treaties--and these are treaties--have been approved by substantial bipartisan majorities in the Foreign Relations Committee in multiple successive Congresses. Two of these four protocols were reported out of committee without objection during the four most recent Congresses. It is in the interest of U.S. taxpayers that these be approved, and it is time for these to be approved. I am honored that on my watch, we have finally brought these to the floor and brought them here at this moment to actually adopt these treaties, which will be adopted when the vote is called. Tax treaties benefit U.S. businesses and citizens in a number of ways. Tax treaties create certainty for the business community. They promote a favorable business environment by minimizing uncertainty and helping U.S. businesses grow. In the case of Americans working and conducting business abroad, tax treaties are indispensable in that respect. Tax treaties facilitate trade and investment by preventing double taxation. They provide U.S. taxpayers and investors with greater clarity about their tax burden. They provide tools to ensure that U.S. taxpayers are treated equally and fairly overseas, allowing them to invest and compete abroad with the knowledge that they will not face discriminatory barriers. Tax treaties strengthen the ability of U.S. businesses to explore new opportunities abroad by establishing a predictable framework for how a tax burden will be assessed. These treaties also provide tools to help resolve tax disputes between the United States and our tax treaty partners. Without these tools, U.S. investors would have limited ability to resolve these problems on their own. It is not just businesses that benefit from tax treaties. These treaties impose reasonable limits in the amount of tax the other country can impose on a U.S. person who might live or work overseas. Tax treaties help us ensure that the United States can maintain an appropriate tax base by preventing tax fraud. One of our colleagues has raised concerns about how the treaties deal with individual privacy and sensitive information. These treaties protect taxpayer information in a manner consistent with decades-long, established standards and practices under U.S. domestic law. These standards and practices have been upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court for more than half of a century. They have been used by administrations of both parties for decades. Changing the standard now would create confusion related to global administration of our tax laws. I do not view this issue as an impediment or a change to how these matters have been successfully handled in the past. I ask my colleagues to oppose any amendments to these treaties. The treaties are consistent with the U.S.-modeled tax treaty and with a decades-long practice of implementing and enforcing our tax laws. To be clear, any amendment to this resolution that materially changes the underlying provisions of these treaties will require acceptance by both our President and the foreign partner or the treaty cannot be ratified. These amendments constitute a material change to the treaties. They are damaging and would lead to, potentially, years of further delay when further delay is simply not acceptable. These treaties had been held up for 8 years, and I am very pleased that this week we are finally moving forward in our role of advice and consent to the President on these commonsense treaties. It is time to move for the Senate to act on these treaties and a vote. I urge my colleagues to approve them and to vote against the proposed amendments.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that amendment No. 910 be withdrawn and the only amendments in order to Treaties Calendar No. 1 be the Paul amendment Nos. 924 to the treaty and 921 to the resolution of ratification; further, that at 5 p.m. today, the Senate vote on the Paul amendment No. 924; that following disposition of that amendment, the resolution of ratification be reported and the Senate vote on Paul amendment No. 921 take place; that following disposition of that amendment, the Senate vote on the resolution of ratification with no intervening action or debate; that if the resolution of ratification is agreed to, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action; further, that the only amendments in order to treaties Calendar Nos. 2, 3, and 4 be the Paul amendment Nos. 922, 919, 923, 918, and 920; finally, that the cloture motions in relation to treaties Calendar Nos. 2, 3, and 4 be withdrawn, the pending amendments to the treaties be withdrawn, and the Senate vote on ratification of the treaties at a time to be determined by the majority leader in consultation with the Democratic leader on Wednesday, July 17. Finally, I ask unanimous consent that the cloture motions with respect to the Corker, Blanchard, and Tapia nominations ripen following disposition of Treaties Calendar No. 4.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, small businesses make up a significant portion of the retail and food services industry in my home State of Idaho and around the country. In Idaho, small businesses employ 68 percent of workers in the food services sector. As a member and former chairman of the Senate Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship, I am proud to recognize Snake River Grill as the Idaho Small Business of the Month for July 2019. Located in Hagerman, Snake River Grill has provided exceptional service and quality food in a welcoming environment for more than two decades. Like many Idahoans, Kirt Martin fell in love with the beautiful scenery and the genuine people in the Gem State and decided to call Idaho home in 1988. Kirt served our country in Vietnam as a member of the U.S. Navy and developed an appreciation for culinary practices around the world during his tour of service. After graduating from the College of Southern Idaho and Le Cordon Bleu culinary school in Ottawa, Canada, Kirt capitalized on his passions and opened Snake River Grill in 1995. As a third-generation cook and an avid fisher and hunter, he uses his expertise in French cuisine to put a unique spin on classic Idaho meals. Snake River Grill offers dishes such as Idaho sturgeon, steelhead, trout, and alligator. Chef Kirt uses locally sourced fish, game, and seasonal ingredients from local farmers markets. Kirt hosts a weekly wild game dinner at his restaurant, bringing specialty dishes to patrons from across the region. When he is not on the job, you can find Chef Kirt hunting and fishing and spending time with his triplet sons, Daniel, Andrew, and Benjamin. Kirt's wife, Carol, helps him run Snake River Grill and even makes all of the homemade pies herself. Chef Kirt is often found catering events and teaching cooking classes throughout the Magic Valley. He has been known to teach at the College of Southern Idaho and Hagerman High School, as well as overseas in Macau and Hong Kong. He starred in the PBS Outdoor Channel television series, ``Cooking on the Wild Side,'' which featured hunting field trips through Idaho followed by lessons from Kirt on how to cook wild game. He has authored cookbooks and produced cooking videos so people everywhere can learn how to prepare wild game. The State of Idaho is proud to be a home for creative small businesses like Snake River Grill. Chef Kirt's commitment to providing unique meals and experiences allows his customers to enjoy an excellent product produced in their own community. I would like to extend my sincerest congratulations to Chef Kirt Martin, his wife Carol, and to the employees of Snake River Grill for being selected as the July 2019 Idaho Small Business of the Month. You make our great State proud, and I look forward to watching your continued growth and success.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. RISCH. Madam President, I rise today to discuss the proposed Udall amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act. It is not pending, but it has been filed, and thus I do want to talk about it for a few minutes. First, let me be clear: The United States is not responsible for Iran's reckless activity and its violent ways. It is time once again to thrust Iran's long, shameful record of malign behavior back into the spotlight. For the past 40 years, Iran has refused to behave as a responsible member of the international community. Indeed, the magnitude of the Iranian regime's caustic behavior both at home and abroad is overwhelming. Responsible nations do not threaten the sovereignty of their neighbors by funding terrorists. Responsible nations do not catalyze sectarian identities and provoke violence in the region. Responsible nations do not prop up the murderous regime of Bashar al- Assad in Syria. Responsible nations do not carelessly spread dangerous missile technology to violent extremist groups that threaten the lives of civilians. Responsible nations do not attack embassies and hold hostages. Yet the Iranian regime has done all of these things and persists. Make no mistake. The Iranian regime has American blood on its hands. We all recall the dark days in Iraq and the Iranian roadside bombs that took the lives and maimed our servicemen and women. Today, America's sons and daughters deployed abroad are again at risk. The amendment in front of this body will tie the hands of our commanders and prevent our troops from even acting in self-defense. Additionally, this amendment unnecessarily takes options off the table, telegraphs our foreign policy to our adversaries, and emboldens those who wish us harm. No one seeks a conflict with Iran--not the President of the United States, not this body, and not the American people. The U.S. Government has made clear our willingness to negotiate with Iran. The Iranian people are a proud people. They have a proud history. They are the descendants of the Persian culture, one of the greatest cultures on the face of the earth. The Iranian people deserve better than what they are getting from the regime in power now in Iran. The fact remains that the Iranian regime is faced with a sharp choice. The regime must choose between continued terrorist activity and behaving as a responsible member of the international community. The Iranian regime should sit down and think about the road that they are pursuing. Like all countries, they want national security for their people. Is the road to national security trying to develop a nuclear weapon that the world has told them they can't develop? Is it continuing funding terrorists? Is it continuing the malign activities that it continues within Syria? None of these things gives them the national security they want. They should take a lesson from North Korea. North Korea pursued this for generations. But in the last 18 months, North Korea sat down and said: Do you know what? Our national security is better served by picking door No. 2 instead of door No. 1. As a result of that, the threat that North Korea has been under has been greatly lifted. This particular amendment is an amendment that has a place in the debate, but it has no place in this particular bill. First of all, it is not within the jurisdiction of the committee that has this bill in front of them. It is within the jurisdiction of our committee, the Foreign Relations Committee. These issues on war powers and the President's ability to use military force deserve thoughtful and reasoned debate. It is not a cavalier amendment like this that takes away the ability of our men and women to actually defend themselves. I urge my colleagues to cast a ``no'' vote on this amendment and get on with the serious business and the important business of passing the National Defense Authorization Act. I yield the floor.

Mr. RISCH

Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, in just a few moments, we are going to consider S.J. Res. 28 through S.J. Res. 48. I urge my colleagues to oppose these resolutions and to consider the sales that we are talking about here on their own merits. First of all, we are not talking about the killing of Mr. Khashoggi. That was a murderous act; it was an awful act; and it cannot be condoned or tolerated in any way, shape, or form. Yet it is not what we are voting on here today. Indeed, we hope to eventually bring to the floor a resolution, possibly even a bill, that speaks to that horrific act. Those negotiations have been going on for some time, and we hope to reach a conclusion, but we are not talking about that. We are talking about arms sales that the administration has determined are needed--and on which we have all been briefed--because of the current situation in the Middle East. I want to speak very briefly about recent events that have been happening as far as Iran is concerned. Iran is conducting activities that are very worrisome and very troubling. When you have these kinds of things happen, it is obvious that a miscalculation can occur, which is the most worrisome thing here. In any event, these arms sales are needed. To be clear, in the current statute, the administration is within its legal authority to declare an emergency. As stipulated in the Arms Export Control Act, which was passed by this body, the President can act swiftly if he concludes an emergency exists that requires a proposed sale that is in the national security interest of the United States. That has occurred. Presidential authority to waive congressional notification was invoked for the very first time by President Carter in 1979. It has been used on three other subsequent occasions. The administration has said, as in those cases, this is a one-time invocation of the waiver authority in response to an acute threat from Iran. The administration has since returned to the regular congressional notification process for further arms sales, which is in place today. These sales are needed to address the legitimate security requirements of other countries we support in response to there being numerous threats from Iran and its proxies. These threats are real. As the events over just even the recent 24 hours have shown us, it is important that these countries be ready to assist us and to act on their own behalf to counter what Iran has been doing. Yesterday, Iranian-backed Houthi militants struck a Saudi civilian desalinization plant with a land attack cruise missile. Last night, Iranian forces shot down a U.S. drone that was operating in international airspace over the Strait of Hormuz. It is the third U.S. aircraft they have targeted in recent weeks. Last week, using limpet mines, Iran attacked two oil tankers that were traveling near the Strait of Hormuz. Yesterday, German Chancellor Merkel cited strong evidence that attributes that attack to Iran. There are very few people in the world who don't know for a fact that it has been Iran that has been responsible for all of this. On that same day last week, the Iranian-supported Houthis fired a missile at Abha International Airport, in southern Saudi Arabia, and wounded 26 innocent Saudi civilians. Human Rights Watch announced this Houthi attack as a war crime. On May 19, a rocket--likely by Iran's proxies--landed near the American Embassy in Baghdad. On May 14, Iran's proxies used drones to strike two strategically important Saudi oil facilities. Just 2 days earlier, on May 12, four more tankers were targeted by Iran while they were anchored in an Emirati port. Each month, Iranian-sponsored Houthi rebels launch over 15 ballistic missiles and weaponized, unmanned aerial systems against Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. This poses a significant threat and endangers the lives of 80,000 Americans who reside on the Arabian Peninsula. These are the most recent examples of Iran's destabilizing actions on the world stage. These are serious, serious matters. As I said before, this is worrisome; this is troubling. The miscalculation of these kinds of things cause hostilities that lead to very large wars. As Iran thinks through these things and calibrates them and tries to make determinations as to what is in its best interest, it is not going well. If you listen to Iran's public statements, they clearly do not coincide with facts. More importantly, Iran is miscalculating the resolve of the American people. It is miscalculating the fact that it is dealing with President Trump; it is not dealing with a former President. I have talked to the President about this many times. He does not want to go to war with Iran. The American people don't want to go to war with Iran. This body does not want to go to war with Iran. This President is absolutely committed to protecting U.S. lives and U.S. interests, and he will do so. Iran should not miscalculate on that matter, for the President is deeply committed to that proposition. Iran needs to back away from the edge that it has taken everyone to and deal with this matter entirely differently than it has, or there are going to be dire consequences. In the face of the attacks I have described and the intimidation, our allies have an obligation to develop capabilities to protect their citizens from such threats. These arms sales are an essential part of our effort in helping them build those capabilities and resist Iranian intimidation. I share my fellow Senators' concerns about the humanitarian crisis in Yemen and the need for all combatants to avoid civilian casualties. This package includes the sales of precision weapons, which, when combined with partner efforts to improve intelligence in targeting, will enable those who use the weapons to ensure their actions are precise, discriminate, and proportional so as to minimize civilian casualties. The precision munitions in these sales would also prove to be essential to other countries' efforts in defending themselves from more direct attacks from Iran. Some of us have been briefed by U.S. personnel who have worked specifically with the Saudis to make these improvements, and I encourage my colleagues to have similar conversations. If you care about reducing civilian casualties, you should be an enthusiastic supporter of providing these exacting capabilities, which will be transferred pursuant to these sales. These are important for reducing civilian casualties, and we should all support them. In closing, I will repeat several key points. First, the emergency declaration is legal. Second, these sales are necessary to answer for the legitimate security requirements of other nations that work to keep safe our fellow Americans who work, travel, and live around the world. Third, to reject these sales at this time and under these circumstances is to reward recent Iranian aggression, to encourage further Iranian escalation, and most importantly, to encourage the miscalculation on the part of the Iranians, which will be disastrous if they continue down the road they are going. For all of these reasons, I urge my colleagues to vote against these resolutions. I yield the floor. Vote on S.J. Res. 36