Mitt Romney

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, I call up my amendment 1364 and ask that it be reported by number.

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent for 4 minutes of debate equally divided.

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, I actually believe that we make better legislation if we have two parties work together on something. In this case, we have crafted a piece of legislation that our party hasn't had any involvement in whatsoever. We tried. We went to the White House, and the President was very gracious in welcoming us and listening to us but did not accept any of our proposals. So we have before us today a piece of legislation that has the benefit of only one party. There are some errors in that and some things I think we really have to look at and try to fix. One of them is with regard to States and localities. At the time the President put his bill out there, there was an assumption that States have massive losses associated with the COVID experience. But the data that has come out since then has shown that, in fact, the States did not have those kinds of losses. Many States did not. Twenty-one States are seeing a rise in revenue. States like Florida don't need more money. Oklahoma doesn't need more money. My State of Utah doesn't need more money. California has record surpluses, billions of dollars in surplus. Yet, under this legislation, California itself at the State level gets $26 billion more and in total with its localities gets $41 billion. This is on top of their already surplus year. Think about that. We are going to be asking the American people to allow us to borrow money from China and others, pass that on to our kids and grandkids so that we can send money to States like California and mine and others that don't need the money. This doesn't make any sense at all. So my amendment does a very simple thing. It says: Look, you can spend all the money that the President's plan suggests and the way they suggest it, but each State's amount is limited by the amount of their revenue loss--meaning the gap they had from 2019 to 2020 and then 2021--as well as any COVID expenses, as well as any Medicaid expenses that grew. So just limit it by how much they need it. That is all it does. So I ask that people on both sides of the aisle just get behind this so that we can save probably at least $100 billion, to keep money from going to States and localities that don't actually need it. Thank you.

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, may I respond?

Mr. ROMNEY. First of all, those States that I described didn't lay people off. They didn't lay off firefighters. They didn't lay off teachers. They have held their teachers. They have held their firefighters. My State has actually paid bonuses to teachers and to State workers, they have so much money coming in. You see, COVID, the pandemic, did not hit all the States in the same way. So States that need more money, give them more money. I am happy to do that. But States like mine, Florida, Oklahoma, Texas, California, they don't need more money. Why are we borrowing more money and sending on the burden of debt and interest payments to our kids and grandkids to send money to States that don't need it? By the way, we are talking about States that don't have deficits; they have surpluses. All of their COVID expenses would be reimbursed under the proposal that I make. There is no COVID expense that is not reimbursed.

Mr. ROMNEY. I believe I have 10 more seconds.

Mr. ROMNEY. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, once again, I have listened to the arguments of the respective counsel, studied briefs, and weighed evidence in an impeachment trial of President Donald Trump. This is not a responsibility I sought or expected. I certainly did not anticipate having to serve a second time as a Senator-juror in an impeachment trial. An initial question shaping the context of this trial was whether or not the Senate has constitutional jurisdiction to try a President who is no longer in office. The Constitution gives the Senate the power to try all impeachments. In this case, where the House impeached the President while he was in office, it is particularly clear that the impeachment is constitutional and therefore that this trial is constitutional. The weight of legal opinion and historical precedent affirms this conclusion. Further, the Senate decided this question in the affirmative. I believe its decision was correct: The Senate must not surrender its power to hold accountable those who abuse their office or threaten our Republic, even in their final days in office. In following the oath in an impeachment trial and in our deliberations on the final question, I believe it is up to every Senator to determine what to consider and what the Constitution and their conscience require of them. The conclusion I reached on the final verdict will not surprise anyone who read my reasoning in the first impeachment trial: I consider an attempt to corrupt an election to keep oneself in power one of the most reprehensible acts that can be taken by a sitting President. The second impeachment resulted from the President's continued effort to do just that. His attempt to pressure Georgia's secretary of state to falsify the electoral results was itself a heinous act that merited impeachment. President Trump summoned his supporters to Washington on the very day of the electoral vote count, knowing that among the people he gathered were many who had committed violence in the past and who had violent intent. Despite the obvious and well-known threat of violence, he incited and directed thousands to descend upon the seat of Congress as it was undertaking the constitutionally prescribed process to certify his successor. And then he not only failed to defend the Vice President and the others at the Capitol who he saw were in mortal danger, he also incited further violence against the Vice President. The President's conduct represented an unprecedented violation of his oath of office and of the public trust. There is a thin line that separates our democratic republic from an autocracy: It is a free and fair election and the peaceful transfer of power that follows it. President Trump attempted to breach that line, again. What he attempted is what was most feared by the Founders. It is the reason they invested Congress with the power to impeach. Accordingly, I voted to convict President Trump. We must also consider how we came to a point where a President felt he could do as he did without suffering meaningful consequence. It has become almost cliche to say that America is divided as never before in modern history. So, too, is the observation that this division is the product of a decline in trust in our governing institutions, of a decline in the social bonds forged in churches and charities and communities, of expanding income inequality, and of trusted news sources replaced by cable and internet algorithms calculated to inflame our prejudices. Less unanimous are the predictions of where this division will lead. Even so, no one suggests that it will lead to a better future. Some envision an economy buffeted by policies drafted by the extreme wings of the political parties. Others claim that authoritarianism will replace democracy. Some anticipate social unrest and violence. A few even predict civil war. Still others fear that a weakened America will become vulnerable to an opportunistic foreign foe. We instinctively know that the growing division represents a growing danger. Academics and pundits may promote cures, but in our hearts, we know that their bromides won't heal the rift. People aren't going to return to mainstream media, churches aren't going to experience a resurgence, and income inequality will remain a persistent feature of the global digital economy. Throughout history, only one thing has been able to unite a divided nation: great leaders--leaders like Churchill who inspired a fearful nation; leaders like Lincoln who mustered the national will to save the Union; and leaders like Reagan who raised our spirits from suffocating malaise. Leaders like these also have been essential in our churches and universities and businesses and charities, and just as importantly, in our homes. With our Nation so divided, so vulnerable to economic distress or to civil violence or even to foreign adversaries, the need for leadership that unites and uplifts, that calls on our better angels, is as great as we have ever known. The corollary is that the failure of leaders to unite, to speak truth, to place duty above self, is as dangerous as we have ever known. With the country as divided as it assuredly is, a person in a position of leadership who inflames passions with the purpose of perpetuating untruth commits a singularly dangerous sin against the Republic. We Senator-jurors did not all vote in the same way in this impeachment trial. Differences in perception of the facts that were presented are to be expected. So, too, are the differences in our respective estimations of the impact of the outcome of the trial. People of conscience reached different conclusions. National unity does not require unanimity of opinion. But civic unity does require truth. There is one untruth that divides the Nation today like none other: it is that the election was stolen, that there was a massive conspiracy, more secret and widespread than any in human history, so brilliant in execution that no evidence can be found of it and no observer among the tens of thousands in our intelligence agencies will speak of it. That lie brought our Nation to a dark and dangerous place. Invented and disseminated by the President, it poisoned our politics and our public discourse. Like you, I hear many calls for unity. It is apparent that calling for unity while at the same time appeasing the big lie of a stolen election is a fraud. It is the lie that caused the division. It is in the service of that lie that a mob invaded the Capitol on January 6. Now that the impeachment trial is behind us, it falls to each of us to affirm what we all know: President Biden won the election through the legitimate vote of the American people. The division in America will only begin to heal in the light of this truth, a truth which must now be affirmed by each of us in this Chamber.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President.

Mr. ROMNEY. I send a question to the desk.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise to congratulate my friend Gary Herbert on a career of esteemed public service. Gary's steady hand of leadership as the 17th Governor of Utah guided our State closer to fulfilling its promise of safety, security, and prosperity for all Utahns. A son of Orem, UT, Gary faithfully answered his call to service in his early life and career. From his missionary service for The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, to his military and civil service as a staff sergeant in the Utah Army National Guard, to elected office, Gary's unwavering early commitment to public service earned him the respect and experience necessary for future success. Gary Herbert's unique ability to articulate sound public policy on behalf of his community earned him a seat on the Utah County Commission, where he demonstrated principled leadership for 14 years. Soon after, Herbert was elected to serve as lieutenant governor, overseeing multiple statewide commissions and the State electoral office. Four years later, Utahns reaffirmed their State's leadership with a record reelection victory for Governor John Huntsman Jr. and Lieutenant Governor Herbert. Governor Herbert assumed the mantle of leadership and gubernatorial responsibilities on August 11, 2009, following the resignation of his predecessor. For the next decade, the Governor approached significant challenges with a sharp focus and principled decision making. He surrounded himself with impressive public servants and exemplified a compassionate and nuanced approach to good governance. Through an early economic crisis and a myriad of complex public policy challenges relating to civil liberties, faith, education, infrastructure, and public health, Governor Herbert's legacy reflects his impressive caliber of personal character and leadership in difficult circumstances. Gary's lifetime of public service is sustained by the devotion he shares with former First Lady Jeannette Herbert and their children and grandchildren. Our great State owes Gary Herbert and his family an abundance of gratitude for years of integrity and virtue as Utah's chief public servant. Utah will continue to shine as the brightest star on our American flag.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, we had a vote a moment ago to have 10- minute votes. So far the vote are closer to 30 minutes than 10 minutes. I ask unanimous consent that the clerk time the votes to 10 minutes; that we not go beyond 10 minutes; that at the end of 10 minutes, we give an extra 1 minute of grace time; and that we close the vote after 11 minutes. (Applause.)

Mr. ROMNEY. Would the gentleman agree, then, that we take as much time as it takes to read the names, and if it requires the Vice President to come here, we give her sufficient time to get here, but, otherwise, 10 minutes?

Mr. ROMNEY. That is probably not practical tonight.

Mr. ROMNEY. Certainly.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I call up my amendment No. 803 and ask it be reported by number.

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, the most predictable fiscal crisis our Nation faces is the looming insolvency of our Federal trust funds. That is why a group of 12 Senators put together an act to enable Congress to get ahead of this problem before it becomes insoluble. These colleagues include Democrat Senators Manchin, Warner, Sinema, King, and Jones. Last year we introduced this legislation called the TRUST Act to create three bipartisan, bicameral committees to rescue each of our major trust funds. This enables Congress to form those committees. I would note that failure to do so would imperil the solvency of the Social Security and Medicare trust funds and speed us along the road even further to crushing national debt. I am happy to take this amendment by voice vote, but I yield my time to Senator Angus King.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Today was heartbreaking, and I was shaken to the core as I thought about the people I have met in China and Russia and Afghanistan and Iraq and other places who yearn for freedom and who look to this building and these shores as a place of hope. I saw the images being broadcasted around the world, and it breaks my heart. I have 25 grandchildren. Many of them were watching TV, thinking about this building, and whether their grandpa was OK. I knew I was OK. I must tell you, as well, that I am proud to serve with these men and women. This is an extraordinary group of people. I am proud to be a Member of the U.S. Senate and meet with people of integrity as we do here today. Now, we gather due to a selfish man's injured pride and the outrage of his supporters, whom he has deliberately misinformed for the past 2 months and stirred to action this very morning. What happened here today was an insurrection that was incited by the President of the United States. Those who choose to continue to support his dangerous gambit by objecting to the results of a legitimate and democratic election will forever be seen as being complicit in an unprecedented attack against our democracy. Fairly or not, they will be remembered for their role in this shameful episode of American history. That will be their legacy. I salute Senators Lankford and Loeffler and Braun and Daines and, I am sure, others who, in light of today's outrage, have withdrawn their objections. For any who remain insistent on an audit in order to satisfy the many people who believe the election was stolen, I would offer this perspective: No congressional audit is ever going to convince these voters, particularly when the President will continue to say that the election was stolen. The best way we can show respect for the voters who are upset is by telling them the truth. (Applause, Senators rising.) That is the burden. That is the duty of leadership. The truth is that President-Elect Biden won the election, and President Trump lost. I had that experience myself. It is no fun. (Laughter.) Scores of courts, the President's own Attorney General, and State elections officials, both Republican and Democrat, have reached that unequivocal decision. In light of today's sad circumstances, I ask my colleague: Do we weigh our own political fortunes more heavily than we weigh the strength of our Republic, the strength of our democracy, and the cause of freedom? What is the weight of personal acclaim compared to the weight of conscience? Leader McConnell said that the vote today is the most important in his 36 years of public service. Think of that after his authorizing two wars and voting against two impeachments. He said that not because the vote reveals something about the election but because this vote reveals something about us. I urge my colleagues to move forward with completing the electoral count, to refrain from further objections, and to unanimously affirm the legitimacy of the Presidential election. Thank you, Mr. President.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise today to celebrate the career of a remarkable public servant whose accomplishments have left an indelible mark upon our State and upon our country. Congressman Rob Bishop has earned his place among the greats in Utah's political history, and we thank him for his service. Rob has dedicated his political career to fighting the tough battles over issues that matter to the people of my State, from the virtue of federalism, States' rights, and protecting individual liberty, to promoting a strong national defense and sound public lands policy. And fight he did. Four years ago, Puerto Rico was fast approaching a fiscal cliff when Rob, as chairman of the House Natural Resources Committee, led a successful, bipartisan effort to pass a complicated rescue package to restructure Puerto Rico's debt before it was too late. While Rob will never rush to take credit or seek the spotlight, his legislative achievements are enduring and deserve our full praise and recognition. His accomplishments manifest closer to home as well. The brave men and women of our military and civilian workforce at Hill Air Force Base know Rob as a tremendous advocate and a devoted friend. Through the War on Terror, improvements and changes in aircraft, and updates to our nuclear arsenal, Rob has defended our Hill Air Force Base valiantly. At Dugway Proving Ground in Tooele, his commitment delivered the completion of an emergency aircraft runway. Rob's impressive efforts and steady leadership have raised Utah's profile for our national defense. So, too, has his advocacy for the Utah Test and Training Range, so it makes sense that this key to our Nation's military readiness should bear his name. Next Congress, I intend to introduce a bill to rename it the ``Bishop Utah Test and Training Range.'' Rare is a man with such professional distinction, intellect, and personal conviction for the well-being of family, neighbors, and strangers alike, who carries himself with such humility as Rob. If you have had the pleasure of being with Rob at a gathering, you know where to find him at the end of the night--staying behind to help gather the chairs. Most of all, Rob is a teacher. From his time as a public school teacher to his career in public service, one of his highest priorities has been ensuring that the next generation of young leaders has access to educational opportunities, not only by securing revenue for public school as an elected official but also by devoting his time to host students in the Capitol to teach them about politics, policy, and our government. It is an honor to recognize my friend Rob Bishop as he begins his next chapter with his wife Jeralynn and their five children and nine grandchildren. For anyone who has not had the great pleasure of meeting Rob, you will likely easily recognize him on the street as maybe the last man in Washington who wears an impeccable three-piece suit. Thank you, Rob, and good luck.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, we rise to congratulate John Paul Christensen on his lifetime of service to the State of Utah and Sanpete County and most recently his service as mayor of Mayfield, UT. John's service also includes a career in law enforcement, as an emergency medical responder and as a city councilman. As a sixth-generation native of Sanpete County, John has dedicated his life to the betterment of his community. By virtue of his stewardship as mayor, the people of Mayfield have John to thank for dramatic improvements to the city's infrastructure, including its culinary water and drainage systems, streets, roadways, cemetery, and Mayfield Park. Mayor Christensen's accomplishments are made possible in large part by the industrious community of volunteers and spirit of friendship that Mayfield boasts. The residents of Mayfield know John as a man of great character and compassion. In law enforcement and as an emergency medical responder, the community trusted John with protecting their lives and livelihoods, an often thankless duty that requires mental fortitude and dedication to serving the greater good. His long tenure in public service is evidence of his success. Although he is leaving public office, we know that John will continue to serve his community and family with heart. As a devoted husband to Julie, a father of 9, and a grandfather of 19, John's legacy and example will endure. The great people of Mayfield, Sanpete County, and our fellow Americans ought to look to John's commitment to public safety, duty, and service with gratitude. Thank you, John.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, we wish to congratulate State Senator Ralph Okerlund on a remarkable career dedicated to the relentless advancement of prosperity for the great State of Utah. For the many Utahns lucky enough to know him personally--from the hills of Monroe to the halls of the State legislature--it is no surprise that Ralph has chosen to spend more time with his loving family following a consequential tenure in public life. Even for the many Utahns to whom Ralph is still unknown, his influence on civic life through his statewide legislative achievements is significant and enduring. Senator Okerlund's success can be measured in tangible improvements in his district and across the State. His legislative efforts to facilitate investment in Utah's infrastructure projects, with tax credit incentives and coordination with the State energy and economic development offices, have brought billions of dollars to Utah--a massive boon to the State's economy and its rural counties. In addition, his efforts through the legislative appropriations process delivered Snow College a new building and higher pay for its employees. As a member of the legislative leadership on Capitol Hill, Senator Okerlund kept his commitment to allocate tax dollars wisely and effectively. Senator Okerlund's success can also be measured by his family and by his fortitude. His professional journey began as a teacher, with degrees from Dixie College and the University of Utah. Ralph then returned to Monroe to help run his family farm and to be closer to his father, whose injury compelled his return. Okerlund would acquire and later sell the dairy but ran the farm for years until his election to the Monroe City Council. Apace with his subsequent ascensions to the mayor's office, Sevier County commission, State senate, and ultimately senate majority leader, is his family of children and grandchildren beside him, including his beloved wife Cindy, who call Monroe home. Ralph has persisted through hardship with the support of his family. A tireless champion for rural Utah, Senator Okerlund has represented the unique challenges and opportunities facing farmers, ranchers, and rural folks at the State and national level as president of the Council of State Governments Western Association. In this role, he represented Utah's interests among neighboring States with competing ideas on how to manage critical issues like regional energy and land management. His successes in these efforts is undoubtedly owed to his deep understanding of the issues as a man raised in Monroe. Few can boast the wealth of personal and professional experiences amassed by Ralph Okerlund in his long and distinguished career--from dairyman to senate majority leader--but every Utahn can admire and follow his commitment to service. His record in government is not marked by expedience but, rather, by a willingness to rise to the occasion and answer the call of his neighbors and friends who seek his reliable judgement and sound leadership. Ralph Okerlund has led for 36 years as an elected official and will continue to serve his family, his friends, and his community with grace and humility.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I first met Lamar Alexander in 1995, when he spoke at Boston's Lincoln Day Dinner. Like today, he was folksy, good humored, thoughtful, and impressive. I remarked to Ann that he was surely going to go places. Of course, he had already gone places by then, but he ran for President the next year. One thing Lamar and I agree on is that the best candidate for President does not always win. I think he may well have been just that. You all know that he served as president of a university, Governor, Senator, and Secretary of Education. I have watched firsthand as he has led the Senate's Committee on Health and Education. I don't know any person who has worked longer, harder, and more effectively for the well-being of America's children than Lamar Alexander. His service extends, of course, beyond the children. As we have endured the COVID-19 pandemic, he has led the Senate as we have helped to guide and fund our national response. His healthcare expertise and his determination to keep each of us informed and involved has been invaluable. While America's response to the pandemic may not have been exemplary, Lamar Alexander's leadership of the Senate's role has been superb. The speed at which we will have a vaccine is, in no small measure, a testament to his determination and vision. But Lamar is much more than a Senator. I have seen the devotion he has for his wife and family. I have watched him entertain rooms full of celebrating Republicans with his piano and singing. And I have experienced very personally the kindness and graciousness that have long characterized this man. He was the first Senator to come to meet me when I joined this body. His impact on the Senate, on the State of Tennessee, and on the Nation extends well beyond his legislative accomplishments and leadership. His greatest impact has been that of his personal character. He is a man without guile. He is true to his conscience. He speaks and acts with truth and honesty. He cares about people and endeavors to help others. He is a genuine friend, as is evidenced by the many members of his team wearing plaid masks around this room. He has used his talent and energy not to aggrandize himself but to serve. It could be said of Lamar Alexander that he is a great American of exemplary character. We are a better people because of Lamar Alexander.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Senator Lee, thank you for your excellent remarks with regard to Senator Orrin Hatch. I rise to second what you said and to add a few words, some duplicative. As you indicated, Senator Hatch dedicated his life to serving our country and our State, and he served in this body for some 42 years--a remarkable and extraordinary career of public service. And, of course, he was one of the longest serving chairmen of the Senate Judiciary Committee and, therefore, played a pivotal role in confirming many, many current and now-retired Supreme Court Justices. And while serving as chairman, he also helped shepherd hundreds of district and appellate judges through confirmation, including the majority of Utah's Federal judges. His impact on the State of Utah is not just professional but also personal. Virtually anybody who stopped Senator Hatch and asked his opinion on a topic--he would stop, shake their hand, smile, and give them a full rapt attention. He is a tall drink of water, so you have to look up to Senator Hatch. I came to him, following the crisis of 9/11, asking for his help in securing essential security funding for the Olympic Winter Games of 2002. Senator Hatch immediately took me to meet with other Senators, and he, along with others, was able to secure the funding necessary to make sure that our games were safe and were ultimately produced successfully in a way that made them the most successful Olympic Winter Games in history. He was and is an honorable public servant who continues to have tremendous impact on our State; therefore, it is only appropriate that Utah's Federal courthouse be named in his honor, and I am glad to support this legislation. I yield my time back to Senator Lee.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise today to express my support for the confirmation of Judge Amy Coney Barrett as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. She is exceptionally intelligent, academically astute, and impeccably credentialed. She has a record of sound opinions and temperament as a judge on the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals. Her life experiences provide her with valuable perspective and evident wisdom. Perhaps most important, she is a woman of unquestionable character and integrity, the presence of which is essential to our Nation, as the confidence of the Court itself is in the balance. I will be honored to vote to confirm her nomination. Mr. President, I also rise to address my concern regarding the division and contempt for others that is growing among many of our citizens. The causes of this malady are many and varied, but one to which I draw attention is the declining trust held by the citizenry in our many institutions. A democratic republic is highly dependent upon the confidence of its people in the institutions that lie at its foundation. These includes churches, schools, governments at all levels, the press, corporations, markets, and most relevant today, the justice system and the courts. Absent public confidence in these institutions, a democratic republic will not thrive or perhaps endure. Fortunately, the Supreme Court enjoys a great deal of respect from the American people. Unfortunately, the third branch may be one of the few institutions of our democratic republic that is not experiencing a collapse in public trust. Our churches have been diminished by scandal and by politicization. Trust in local law enforcement has fallen as we have witnessed some officers, who have sworn to protect our communities, endanger the lives of citizens. While this is particularly true for citizens of color, the demonstrations by millions of Americans are evidence that the distrust is broadly shared. Trust in the FBI and the intelligence community, long admired for their integrity and professionalism, has withered with the attacks by politicians from both parties, though admittedly my party has been the more vocal. What a message it sends when the President accepts the word of the Russian President rather than the conclusions of our intelligence agencies. Even the CDC and the FDA have fallen in credibility, due both to inevitable human error and to blistering political attacks. The free press is not only protected by the Constitution; it is critical to the preservation of democracy. Here, too, charges of ``fake news'' and claims that the press is the enemy of the people--worsened by the media's constant amplification of divisiveness--have so diminished the trust many Americans have in the media that they instead believe bizarre, anonymous conspiracy theories on the internet. Now, more than at any other time during my lifetime, it is essential the Supreme Court retain the trust of the Nation. It may be one of the very few, if not the only, of the institutions in which the great majority of Americans have confidence. That is why Judge Barrett's integrity, wisdom, and commitment to the rule of law is so important: She will be critical to the preservation of the public's perception of the legitimacy of the Court. Judge Barrett wrote in a Texas Law Review: If the Court's opinions change with its membership, public confidence in the Court as an institution might decline. Its members might be seen as partisan rather than impartial and case law as fueled by power rather than reason. Consideration of institutional legitimacy has long been a factor in the Court's deliberations. But I would argue that this factor should be given even greater weight today, as so many of our other institutions are diminished and under attack. This would be particularly true were the Court called upon to decide a matter that would determine the outcome of a Presidential election. In my view, it is of paramount importance that such a decision follow the law and the Constitution where it leads, regardless of the outcome, and thereby be beyond reproach, clearly nonpolitical, and preferably unanimous. The Senate will soon send Judge Barrett to the highest Court in the land. I am confident that she is up to the measure of the times in which we now live. May God bless her and her family as they begin this chapter of service to our Nation. I suggest the absence of a quorum.