Mitt Romney

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the 5:15 p.m. vote start at this time.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, I rise to recognize Sergeant Chasen Brown for his selfless demonstration of bravery while providing lifesaving first aid to victims of senseless violence on the evening of October 1, 2017, in Las Vegas, NV. On that day, Sergeant Brown was suddenly and unexpectedly thrust into a massacre of his fellow citizens. As bullets rained down indiscriminately from above on innocent concert-goers, Sergeantt Brown immediately began delivering critical aid to dozens of wounded victims, saving countless lives while placing his own life in extraordinary danger. Bravery, sacrifice, and service to others are not, however, novel concepts to Sergeant Brown. As a gunner for Charlie Battery, 2nd Battalion, 222nd Field Artillery, Sergeant Brown has dedicated his career to serving our country. Today, we are lucky to have his service in the Utah National Guard, and our State is safer as a result. For his heroism, Governor Herbert awarded Sergeant Brown with the Utah Medal of Valor, the highest level of recognition for distinguished service. This honor is well-deserved, but the greatest reward is the gift of life that Sergeant Brown protected for the many civilians he saved that night amid terror and evil. The great people of the State of Utah and our fellow Americans owe Sergeant Chasen Brown a debt of gratitude for his extraordinary courage under unimaginable circumstances. Thank you, Chasen.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise today to propose the TRUST Act of 2020. This is bipartisan legislation. It is sponsored by 14 other Senators, both Democrats and Republicans, and supported by 30 Members from each party from the House. Its purpose is to preserve the Social Security and Medicare trust funds, among others, both of which have been pushed closer to bankruptcy due to the pandemic. The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget projects that Medicare Part A will now become insolvent in only 4 years, and the Social Security retirement trust fund by 2031. Under the law, insolvency would trigger drastic benefit cuts, or, if approved by a future Congress, draconian tax hikes. Our TRUST Act is designed to save these trust funds in addition to other vital Federal trust funds. The TRUST Act also addresses our ballooning national debt, a burden which has become even greater due to the COVID-19 crisis. The CBO projects that the Federal budget deficit will be $3.7 trillion this year. Our national debt will exceed $27 trillion. That could eventually mean backbreaking interest payments, runaway inflation, or national financial calamity. Modeled loosely after the Simpson-Bowles fiscal commission, the TRUST Act would create a process to rescue these funds. Under the bill, an individual rescue committee would be created for each of the trust funds. Each committee would be tasked with drafting bipartisan legislation that would provide for its solvency. Members of the rescue committees would come equally from the House and the Senate and equally from each party. If the majority of a committee supported a solvency plan and if at least two members from each party endorsed that plan, it would be brought, on an expedited basis, to the floor. The TRUST Act has strong bipartisan consensus among Senators and Members of the House, as well as policy advocates across the political spectrum, from Freedom Works to the Brookings Institution, as well as from Alan Simpson and Erskine Bowles This is the right time to act. Our trust funds are approaching insolvency even more rapidly due to the pandemic. More importantly, if we don't act now, it will never happen before we face an overwhelming crisis. One of the lessons the COVID-19 crisis has taught us is that it is far better to prepare and hopefully prevent a crisis than to wait for a crisis to fall upon us. The TRUST Act is the only bipartisan, bicameral solution that has been proposed to save our trust funds and to restore fiscal stability. I urge this body to work in good faith to advance this proposal as part of additional pandemic relief

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. I yield the floor.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, reserving the right to object. Mr. Chairman, I came to the floor earlier this week to implore my colleagues to debate the administration's proposal to withdraw troops from Germany and to vote on my amendment aimed at evaluating such a move. As I committed in my remarks at that time, I am objecting to the managers' package on the basis that the Senate has not been afforded the opportunity to have that debate. The proposed removal of our troops from Germany is a matter of extreme significance for our national security and our military readiness. A decision of this magnitude should not occur without the input of the U.S. Senate. The failure to debate such a consequential matter is a disservice to this Chamber, to our Nation, and to our allies. My amendment seeks to evaluate such a withdrawal and affirm our support for Germany, our support for our NATO allies, and our national security interests, and it sends a strong message to our adversaries like Russia. Therefore, I ask the Senator to modify his request to include the Romney amendment No. 1885.

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I object.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise to address the administration's plan to withdraw some 10,000 troops from Germany, and I rise to advance a bipartisan amendment to slow that process down and potentially even to stop it. The administration explains that Germany needs to get to 2 percent of its spending on military matters, a direction I support. Germany is already at 1.5 percent and is on track to get to get to 2 percent. By all appearances, the withdrawal of 10,000 troops in Germany is a very bad idea. First of all, it is a slap in the face at a key ally, a friend, and a great country. This country is an economic powerhouse. It is dynamic and productive people who have created that economic vitality. It has been driven to global leadership not by virtue of having cheap labor or polluting the air with pollutants or CO2. China buys more from Germany than Germany buys from China. Why? Not because Germany threatens China but because Germany is making products that China wants. It is a democracy noted for its strong, steady, and firm leader. Germany pays an equal share to the United States into NATO, and NATO, of course, has preserved peace in Europe for over 70 years. Now is also a time to draw our friends closer and to link arms with our allies, in part because of China's ambition to become the dominant player on the Earth, to displace the West, to displace the United States, and to supplant democracy with authoritarian despotism. China brutally represses its minorities. The Uighurs, we read, even today are being forced into labor. China invades sovereign lands and nations of its neighbors. It is propagandizing our children here through Confucius Institutes. It steals technology in our country and other countries in the West, and it attacks our cyber bases relentlessly day in and day out. Its military procurement is equal to that--or nearly so--of the United States. Even though we spend far more money than they do on military, as reported, our procurement budgets procure about the same amount of military hardware. Of course, the tip of its spear is its economic predation. China has attacked one industry after another, and through subsidy and predatory pricing techniques, it has driven western businesses out of business. In my view, to divert China from that dangerous path, we need allies-- allies like Germany. Now, there is a second reason that I am opposed to this idea of withdrawing troops from Germany, and that is, it is a heck of a time to give a gift to Russia. We just learned about Russia's support of the Taliban--even reports that they may have been paying bounties for killing Americans. Russia has stepped in to support some of the world's worst actors, like Assad and Maduro. It has invaded Georgia and Ukraine, and it violates nearly every arms agreement it enters into. It is a wounded and declining nation. It has an uncompetitive economy. Senator McCain used to joke that Russia is a gas station pretending to be a country. Its declining population, of course, contributes to its decline. Nations in decline may lash out, and that is what we have seen time and again. This is a time not to give a gift to Russia but to show solidarity with our dear friends, like the people of Germany. One final reason: Germans welcome American troops in their country, and our presence there is of enormous aid to our own military. In Landstuhl, we have a hospital that cares for some 250,000 military personnel and their families across Europe. We also care for those who come in injured from Afghanistan or Iraq. It is a staging area for training exercises that are done with NATO. It is a central hub for our troops in the EU and the Middle East and Africa. In Stuttgart, the European Command, the African Command, and the Special Ops Command are there. Ramstein Air Base is the largest in Europe for our Nation. It also hosts extensive infrastructure of schools, housing, hospitals, and airport maintenance. Moving from those facilities--it would be expensive and wasteful to abandon them. Finally, we are so welcomed by the German people that the leaders of their various states--their state premiers wrote a letter to the Senate, and it said this: ``Do not sever the bond of friendship'' between the United States and Germany. I also got a personal letter from leaders in Germany saying: Do not do this. This sends exactly the wrong message at the wrong time. To slap an ally, a great friend, and a great country like Germany and at the same time give a gift to a malevolent adversary like Russia is ill-conceived and ill-considered. I implore the Senate to consider an amendment to slow this process down and to study it. There is a real question as to whether there will be a chance for a vote of such a nature. In my view, the Senate needs to speak on something of such magnitude. This is a matter of extraordinary significance to American foreign policy. How could we possibly allow the administration to make a decision like this without the input of the Senate? We must vote on this. I will be satisfied if we come together as a body and vote no. People say: No, let the President take out the 10,000 troops. But I won't be satisfied if we don't get a chance to even vote on this. We have a national defense authorization amendment coming forward. This is the time for this amendment to be seen on the Senate floor or in the managers' package. Barring that, I don't see how I can support the managers' package. I don't see how I can support, as a Senator, proceeding without taking up this vital provision of our support for our friend Germany, of our support for our interests in NATO, the interests of our military, as well as our desire not to give Russia a gift, particularly at a time when America has been silent as Russia has been supporting the Taliban and potentially even paying hostages to kill Americans. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise to congratulate Mr. Ray Petersen on a remarkable career of indispensable service to the great State of Utah. By virtue of Ray's enduring commitment to overseeing proper land management practices, Emery County flourishes with beauty and opportunity. The residents of Emery County and the countless visitors who enjoy the region have Ray to thank for his 18 years as Emery County's Public Lands Administrator and his lifetime of public service to rural Utah. Ray has dedicated his career to addressing critical rural issues. As a fourth-generation resident of Emery County, Ray understands well the challenges facing rural communities and the profound impact that Federal, State, and local policy decisions have on the livelihoods of so many. In his role as Emery County Public Lands Administrator, Ray was consequential in assisting policymakers, from the county commission to the Federal Government, reconcile differences and find solutions for the county's land management, whose expansive plans fall heavily under State and Federal domain. Sustained opportunity and access to Emery County's lands are paramount for its economic vitality, particularly to its agriculture, recreation and tourism industries, and its local mining, gas, and oil development. Ray has helped these key local industries navigate the challenges and opportunities of land management issues, to find compromise and success. A fitting final accomplishment to his career, Ray was instrumental in helping Utah's congressional delegation secure a victory for Emery County and the State's public lands as the Emery County Public Lands Management Act was signed into law. This legislation marked the culmination of years of collaboration and cooperation with local partners and officials, ensuring ongoing uses will be enjoyed in Emery County without fear of a potential national monument designation from DC and consolidation of Utah trust lands that will generate millions in revenue for our school kids. It also included long-sought local land transfers to meet city government needs while expanding Goblin Valley State Park, a truly unique place that will now be better managed for future generations. Ray Petersen has championed rural lands issues of extraordinary significance to Utah throughout his esteemed career. Our great State owes him a debt of gratitude for three decades of selfless public service. Thank you, Ray.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, I continue reading the letter from the Birmingham jail by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.: I had hoped the white moderate would see this need. Perhaps I was too optimistic; perhaps I expected too much. I suppose I should have realized that few members of the oppressor race can understand the deep groans and passionate yearnings of the oppressed race, and still fewer have the vision to see that injustice must be rooted out by strong, persistent and determined action. I am thankful, however, that some of our white brothers in the South have grasped the meaning of this social revolution and committed themselves to it. They are still all too few in quantity, but they are big in quality. Some--such as Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, Harry Golden, James McBride Dabbs, Ann Braden and Sarah Patton Boyle--have written about our struggle in eloquent and prophetic terms. Others have marched with us down nameless streets of the South. They have languished in filthy, roach infested jails, suffering the abuse and brutality of policemen who view them as ``dirty niggerlovers.'' Unlike so many of their moderate brothers and sisters, they have recognized the urgency of the moment and sensed the need for powerful ``action'' antidotes to combat the disease of segregation. Let me take note of my other major disappointment. I have been so greatly disappointed with the white church and its leadership. Of course, there are some notable exceptions. I am not unmindful of the fact that each of you has taken some significant stands on this issue. I commend you, Reverend Stallings, for your Christian stand on this past Sunday, in welcoming Negroes to your worship service on a nonsegregated basis. I commend the Catholic leaders of this state for integrating Spring Hill College several years ago. But despite these notable exceptions, I must honestly reiterate that I have been disappointed with the church. I do not say this as one of those negative critics who can always find something wrong with the church. I say this as a minister of the gospel, who loves the church; who was nurtured in its bosom; who has been sustained by its spiritual blessings and who will remain true to it as long as the cord of life shall lengthen. When I was suddenly catapulted into the leadership of the bus protest in Montgomery, Alabama, a few years ago, I felt we would be supported by the white church. I felt that the white ministers, priests and rabbis of the South would be among our strongest allies. Instead, some have been outright opponents, refusing to understand the freedom movement and misrepresenting its leaders; all too many others have been more cautious than courageous and have remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained glass windows. In spite of my shattered dreams, I came to Birmingham with the hope that the white religious leadership of this community would see the justice of our cause and, with deep moral concern, would serve as the channel through which our just grievances could reach the power structure. I had hoped that each of you would understand. But again I have been disappointed. I have heard numerous southern religious leaders admonish their worshipers to comply with a desegregation decision because it is the law, but I have longed to hear white ministers declare: ``Follow this decree because integration is morally right and because the Negro is your brother.'' In the midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churchmen stand on the sideline and mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst of a mighty struggle to rid our nation of racial and economic injustice, I have heard many ministers say: ``Those are social issues, with which the gospel has no real concern.'' And I have watched many churches commit themselves to a completely other worldly religion which makes a strange, un-Biblical distinction between body and soul, between the sacred and the secular. I have traveled the length and breadth of Alabama, Mississippi and all the other southern states. On sweltering summer days and crisp autumn mornings I have looked at the South's beautiful churches with their lofty spires pointing heavenward. I have beheld the impressive outlines of her massive religious education buildings. Over and over I have found myself asking: ``What kind of people worship here? Who is their God? Where were their voices when the lips of Governor Barnett dripped with words of interposition and nullification? Where were they when Governor Wallace gave a clarion call for defiance and hatred? Where were their voices of support when bruised and weary Negro men and women decided to rise from the dark dungeons of complacency to the bright hills of creative protest?'' Yes, these questions are still in my mind. In deep disappointment I have wept over the laxity of the church. But be assured that my tears have been tears of love. There can be no deep disappointment where there is not deep love. Yes, I love the church. How could I do otherwise? I am in the rather unique position of being the son, the grandson and the great grandson of preachers. Yes, I see the church as the body of Christ. But, oh! How we have blemished and scarred that body through social neglect and through fear of being nonconformists. There was a time when the church was very powerful--in the time when the early Christians rejoiced at being deemed worthy to suffer for what they believed. In those days the church was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was a thermostat that transformed the mores of society. Whenever the early Christians entered a town, the people in power became disturbed and immediately sought to convict the Christians for being ``disturbers of the peace'' and ``outside agitators.'' But the Christians pressed on, in the conviction that they were ``a colony of heaven,'' called to obey God rather than man. Small in number, they were big in commitment. They were too God-intoxicated to be ``astronomically intimidated.'' By their effort and example they brought an end to such ancient evils as infanticide and gladiatorial contests. Things are different now. So often the contemporary church is a weak, ineffectual voice with an uncertain sound. So often it is an arch defender of the status quo. Far from being disturbed by the presence of the church, the power structure of the average community is consoled by the church's silent--and often even vocal-- sanction of things as they are. But the judgment of God is upon the church as never before. If today's church does not recapture the sacrificial spirit of the early church, it will lose its authenticity, forfeit the loyalty of millions, and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for the twentieth century. Every day I meet young people whose disappointment with the church has turned into outright disgust. Perhaps I have once again been too optimistic. Is organized religion too inextricably bound to the status quo to save our nation and the world? Perhaps I must turn my faith to the inner spiritual church, the church within the church, as the true ekklesia and the hope of the world. But again I am thankful to God that some noble souls from the ranks of organized religion have broken loose from the paralyzing chains of conformity and joined us as active partners in the struggle for freedom. They have left their secure congregations and walked the streets of Albany, Georgia, with us. They have gone down the highways of the South on tortuous rides for freedom. I yield the floor.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, countless Utahns have stepped up to serve our State and country during the COVID-19 pandemic. Their actions are inspiring, and they help save lives. I rise today to recognize some of these great efforts. I prefer to name individuals and their particular circumstances, but because of the tens of thousands--even hundreds of thousands--of people who participated, I am going to talk about groups and organizations. Healthcare workers from our State travel across our State and also across our country. Intermountain Healthcare deployed two 100-person response teams to New York City hospitals to help handle the surge of patients there. Physicians, nurses, respiratory therapists, and other healthcare professionals were there for weeks, oftentimes 24-hour days. In partnership with Intermountain, University of Utah Health ramped up the State's lab services, medication trials, and testing capacity, including the HERO project, which has tested more than 10,000 Utahns to assess the disease spread throughout the State. The university's Wellness Bus brought mobile testing to underserved areas across our State. Groups around campuses are using 3-D printers to produce hundreds of face shields per day for the healthcare community. The businesses of Silicon Slopes have helped expand State testing efforts through the ``Test Utah Challenge.'' Tens of thousands have been tested through this program. The Utah Manufacturers Association and its membership and its businesses have spearheaded the effort to provide a mask, free of charge, to every citizen of our State. The World Trade Center Utah has partnered with my team to help make sure that local employers are able to access small business loans and other Federal relief programs. The Utah Food Bank is using mobile pantries to safely distribute food on a regular basis throughout the State and is teaming up with organizations like the Larry H. Miller Group to host statewide food drives. The Utah Farm Bureau has purchased food from local farmers and has then helped to distribute it to families in need. Project Protect, in partnership with Intermountain, University of Utah Health, and Latter-day Saint Charities, has produced face shields, masks, and gowns for frontline caregivers throughout the State. To date, more than 30,000 volunteers have sewn more than 3 million masks. These are just some of the many extraordinary organizations and individuals that have come together to help their neighbors. Our State's pioneering heritage is a big part of what makes Utah a model of what we can do when we work together as a community. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session for a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I rise to mark the 150th anniversary of the first ballot cast by a woman in the United States under an equal suffrage law. I am proud that this remarkable milestone occurred in my home State of Utah. The fight for the right to vote for all Americans, regardless of gender, race, or class, was achieved through efforts, large and small, and through great sacrifice. Suffrage is the freedom to vote, to reaffirm the solemn duty of the citizen in a representative democracy. When I vote, I remember the sacrifice of men and women in uniform--of those who have won and preserved freedom for us in the past and of those who preserve it for us today. My vote is a recognition of that sacrifice. It is right and fitting that every American, male and female, has that same privilege. Our great State of Utah was settled by pioneers like Brigham Young, who led his people to a new land in search of liberty and freedom from oppression. While the pioneers and settlers of Utah secured freedom of territory, religion, and thought, the voices of women were still not heard when it often mattered most--during the democratic selection of their government leaders. Seraph Young, like her granduncle Brigham Young before her, endeavored to chart a different course. In the early morning of February 14, 1870, she became the first woman to vote in the United States of America. On that election day in Salt Lake City, 24 other women joined Seraph Young in casting their ballots. Then, in the next election, 2,000 more women followed their lead and exercised their equal suffrage rights. The voices of the few set in motion a monumental shift in our Nation's history. Twenty-four years before the 19th Amendment to grant equal suffrage for women was ratified, Utah once again made history by electing the Nation's first female State senator, Martha Hughes Cannon. Cannon did not hesitate to pursue her own path. After receiving her undergraduate degree in chemistry, she went on to earn degrees in oration, medicine, and pharmacy at a time when few women pursued advanced education. As a physician, church leader, suffragist, and mother, she defeated her own husband at the ballot box to become the first female State senator in U.S. history. Soon, we will honor the tremendous contributions Martha Hughes Cannon and all women suffragists have made as we welcome her as a new addition to Statuary Hall in the U.S. Capitol. The symbols we choose to represent us and our State matter a great deal, and the bronze rendering of Cannon will serve as an enduring tribute to the efforts of all suffragists. To all the women who have led and who continue to lead by example, we thank you.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I now ask unanimous consent that the Judiciary Committee be discharged from further consideration of S. Res. 475 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. ROMNEY. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, the Constitution is at the foundation of our Republic's success, and we each strive not to lose sight of our promise to defend it. The Constitution established a vehicle of impeachment that has occupied both Houses of our Congress these many days. We have labored to faithfully execute our responsibilities to it. We have arrived at different judgments, but I hope we respect each other's good faith. The allegations made in the Articles of Impeachment are very serious. As a Senator juror, I swore an oath before God to exercise impartial justice. I am profoundly religious. My faith is at the heart of who I am. I take an oath before God as enormously consequential. I knew from the outset that being tasked with judging the President-- the leader of my own party--would be the most difficult decision I have ever faced. I was not wrong. The House managers presented evidence supporting their case, and the White House counsel disputed that case. In addition, the President's team presented three defenses: first, that there could be no impeachment without a statutory crime; second, that the Bidens' conduct justified the President's actions; and third, that the judgment of the President's actions should be left to the voters. Let me first address those three defenses. The historic meaning of the words ``high crimes and misdemeanors,'' the writings of the Founders, and my own reasoned judgment convinced me that a President can indeed commit acts against the public trust that are so egregious that, while they are not statutory crimes, they would demand removal from office. To maintain that the lack of a codified and comprehensive list of all the outrageous acts that a President might conceivably commit renders Congress powerless to remove such a President defies reason. The President's counsel also notes that Vice President Biden appeared to have a conflict of interest when he undertook an effort to remove the Ukrainian prosecutor general. If he knew of the exorbitant compensation his son was receiving from a company actually under investigation, the Vice President should have recused himself. While ignoring a conflict of interest is not a crime, it is surely very wrong. With regard to Hunter Biden, taking excessive advantage of his father's name is unsavory but also not a crime. Given that in neither the case of the father nor the son was any evidence presented by the President's counsel that a crime had been committed, the President's insistence that they be investigated by the Ukrainians is hard to explain other than as a political pursuit. There is no question in my mind that were their names not Biden, the President would never have done what he did. The defense argues that the Senate should leave the impeachment decision to the voters. While that logic is appealing to our democratic instincts, it is inconsistent with the Constitution's requirement that the Senate, not the voters, try the President. Hamilton explained that the Founders' decision to invest Senators with this obligation rather than leave it to the voters was intended to minimize to the extent possible the partisan sentiments of the public at large. So the verdict is ours to render under our Constitution. The people will judge us for how well and faithfully we fulfill our duty. The grave question the Constitution tasks Senators to answer is whether the President committed an act so extreme and egregious that it rises to the level of a high crime and misdemeanor. Yes, he did. The President asked a foreign government to investigate his political rival. The President withheld vital military funds from that government to press it to do so. The President delayed funds for an American ally at war with Russian invaders. The President's purpose was personal and political. Accordingly, the President is guilty of an appalling abuse of public trust. What he did was not ``perfect.'' No, it was a flagrant assault on our electoral rights, our national security, and our fundamental values. Corrupting an election to keep one's self in office is perhaps the most abusive and destructive violation of one's oath of office that I can imagine. In the last several weeks, I have received numerous calls and texts. Many demanded, in their words, that I ``stand with the team.'' I can assure you that thought has been very much in my mind. You see, I support a great deal of what the President has done. I have voted with him 80 percent of the time. But my promise before God to apply impartial justice required that I put my personal feelings and political biases aside. Were I to ignore the evidence that has been presented and disregard what I believe my oath and the Constitution demands of me for the sake of a partisan end, it would, I fear, expose my character to history's rebuke and the censure of my own conscience. I am aware that there are people in my party and in my State who will strenuously disapprove of my decision, and in some quarters, I will be vehemently denounced. I am sure to hear abuse from the President and his supporters. Does anyone seriously believe that I would consent to these consequences other than from an inescapable conviction that my oath before God demanded it of me? I sought to hear testimony from John Bolton, not only because I believe he could add context to the charges but also because I hoped that what he might say could raise reasonable doubt and thus remove from me the awful obligation to vote for impeachment. Like each Member of this deliberative body, I love our country. I believe that our Constitution was inspired by providence. I am convinced that freedom itself is dependent on the strength and vitality of our national character. As it is with each Senator, my vote is an act of conviction. We have come to different conclusions, fellow Senators, but I trust we have all followed the dictates of our conscience. I acknowledge that my verdict will not remove the President from office. The results of this Senate court will, in fact, be appealed to a higher court--the judgment of the American people. Voters will make the final decision, just as the President's lawyers have implored. My vote will likely be in the minority in the Senate. But irrespective of these things, with my vote, I will tell my children and their children that I did my duty to the best of my ability, believing that my country expected it of me. I will only be one name among many--no more, no less--to future generations of Americans who look at the record of this trial. They will note merely that I was among the Senators who determined that what the President did was wrong, grievously wrong. We are all footnotes at best in the annals of history, but in the most powerful Nation on Earth, the Nation conceived in liberty and justice, that distinction is enough for any citizen. I yield the floor.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. I have a question to send to the desk.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. Chief Justice, I submit a question to the desk.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Madam President, I rise today to honor the extraordinary service of one of Utah's most dedicated county commissioners, Mr. Newell Harward. He has served Wayne County for the past 7 years, but he has taken on responsibility well beyond that, advocating for rural Utah with honor and distinction as chairman of the Six County Association of Governments. Newell has had an esteemed career and life of service to family, country, and God. Growing up on the family farm in Loa, UT, Newell gained an early appreciation for the value of community, family, and hard work. He also developed a spirit of adventure, later serving a mission abroad in Scotland and joining the Wayne County Flying Club. As the founder of Harward and Rees Construction, Newell is also an entrepreneur whose craftsmanship is literally built into Utah's infrastructure. His company has undertaken everything from city water projects, designs at Lake Powell, to a new bridge over Hell's Backbone in Southern Utah. Newell is perhaps most widely known as a public servant who was elected to serve as Wayne County commissioner. After 4 years, Newell considered stepping down due to illness, but he was undeterred. With a writing campaign, Newell Harward was reelected in a landslide. In October of this year, the President welcomed Newell to the White House to recognize him for his lifelong advocacy on behalf of rural Americans. A true appreciation for Newell's life of service would be incomplete without recognizing his unwavering faith and service to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Newell has served in three bishoprics, as bishop of a large ward, and in the stake presidency. As a loving father to Kelly, Lynette, Sarah, Shonna, Carol, and Travis, a grandfather to 18, and a great-grandfather to 3, Newell has left an indelible mark on Wayne County, the great State of Utah, and indeed our Nation. All of us should strive to live our lives as Newell does, with an overwhelming love of family and community, an enduring faith, and a boundless spirit of adventure. Newell, Gloria, and their family continue to be in our prayers as they fight health challenges with great courage. May God bless the Harward family. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. ROMNEY

Mr. ROMNEY. Mr. President, I wish to congratulate MG Jeff Burton, a man of remarkable achievement and character, on a career dedicated to public service. After 7 years of serving as the adjutant general of the Utah National Guard, Major General Burton leaves behind a distinguished legacy. The Utah National Guard provides military forces that are ready to assist both State and Federal authorities in times of emergency and in times of war. It is comprised of 7,300 soldiers and airmen from the Utah Army National Guard and the Utah Air National Guard. As adjutant general, Major General Burton oversaw the training and military preparation of soldiers and airmen throughout the State. He is a principled and dedicated leader who has set a high standard of conduct for the men and women under his command. Major General Burton and his wife, Charn, have always cared for and supported Guard members and their families, particularly in the tragic times of loss. Their devotion to the servicemen and servicewomen of Utah cannot be overstated. Major General Burton's life of service extends beyond his time as adjutant general. He was an assistant professor at both Brigham Young University and Utah Valley University, where he taught military science. He was awarded the Bronze Star for his exceptionally meritorious service as the commander of the 1457th Engineer Combat Battalion during Operation Iraqi Freedom, during which his unit played a significant role in the initial ground war. Under his leadership, his unit also helped to rebuild the country after its having been devastated by conflict. Our great State of Utah owes Major General Burton a debt of gratitude for his decades of service. We wish the honorable general all the best in his next chapter. Thank you, Major General Burton, for your service to our State and to our Nation. I suggest the absence of a quorum.