Chuck Schumer

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I further ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry be discharged from further consideration of S. 409 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous consent that the Feinstein amendment at the desk be considered and agreed to; that the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Veterans' Affairs be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 711 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to executive session to consider the following nomination: Calendar No. 133; that the Senate vote on the nomination without intervening action or debate; that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate; that no further motions be in order to the nomination; that any statements related to the nomination be printed in the Record; that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action; and that the Senate then resume legislative session.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 127.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 61, S. 921.

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I further ask that the committee- reported substitute amendment be agreed to; the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time and passed; and that motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Environment and Public Works be discharged from further consideration and the Senate now proceed to S. Res. 195.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I have a brief statement on the vote on the January 6 Commission. My colleagues, this was a case of good news and bad news about the Republican Party in the Senate. The good news: Republicans worked with Democrats on comprehensive legislation to strengthen our commitment to scientific research, which will pass the Senate when the Senate resumes session. The bad news: The Republican minority just mounted a partisan filibuster against an independent Commission to report on January 6. Both efforts should have moved forward solidly in a bipartisan way, but out of fear or fealty to Donald Trump, the Republican minority just prevented the American people from getting the full truth about January 6. The Republican minority just prevented the Senate from even debating the bill--no opportunity for amendments, no opportunity for debate. There was an attempt by the Republican minority to shunt this vote into the dark of night, but because of today's Senate time agreement, it was done in broad daylight. The American people will see how each Republican Senator voted. This should have been simple. The Commission was bipartisan, independent, straight down the middle. House Democrats accepted every change that House leadership requested. Speaker Pelosi and I supported and still do support the changes Senator Collins proposed, and we told that to other Senators. Senate Republicans, for months, publicly supported the idea of a Commission, but now, all of a sudden, the Senate minority and the Senate minority leader waged a partisan filibuster against the bill. This vote has made it official: Donald Trump's Big Lie has now fully enveloped the Republican Party. Trump's Big Lie is now the defining principle of what was once the party of Lincoln. House Republicans canned Congresswoman Cheney for the crime of telling the truth that Joe Biden is President. Republican State legislatures seizing on the Big Lie are conducting the greatest assault on voting rights since the beginning of Jim Crow. Republicans in both Chambers are trying to rewrite history and claim that January 6 was just a peaceful protest that got a little out of hand. And now this--a partisan blockade of a simple, independent, bipartisan Commission. I have heard all the excuses why Republicans are opposing this bill: It is too early. It goes on too long. It is not needed. Almost all of these excuses are meritless and were invented in the past 2 weeks. We all know what is going on here. Senate Republicans chose to defend the Big Lie because they believe anything that might upset Donald Trump could hurt them politically. We all lived through the horrors of January 6. I was no farther than 30 feet from those White Supremacist hooligans. Do my Republican colleagues remember that day? Do my Republican colleagues remember the savage mob calling for the execution of Mike Pence, the makeshift gallows outside the Capitol, men with bulletproof vests and zip ties breaking into the Senate Gallery and rifling through your desks, and police officers crushed between doorways? Shame on the Republican Party for trying to sweep the horrors of that day under the rug because they are afraid of Donald Trump. Our democracy has long endured because leaders of good faith, even if they disagreed, even at political costs, shared a fidelity to the truth. That is not so today. I hope this is not the beginning of an effort by Senate Republicans to prevent this Chamber from debating reasonable, commonsense legislation. We will soon see. After the State work period, I will bring forward legislation that would help provide equal pay for women. Will our Republican colleagues let the Senate debate the bill, or will they engage in another partisan filibuster of urgent legislation? We will soon see. Madam President, I have a lot of pages here, a lot of business to conduct.

Mr. SCHUMER. Finally, I ask unanimous consent that the cloture motions with respect to Executive Calendar Nos. 130 and 127 ripen at 5:30 p.m., Monday, June 7; that the cloture with respect to the motion to proceed to H.R. 7 ripen upon disposition of S. 1260 and the mandatory quorum calls for the cloture motions filed today, May 28, be waived.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I know of no further debate on the measure.

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 255, submitted earlier today.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask that it stand adjourned under the provisions of S. Res. 258 as a further mark of respect to the late John Warner, former Senator from Virginia, following the remarks of Senator Cantwell.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Now, Madam President, finally, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate adjourns today, it stand adjourned to then convene for pro forma sessions only, with no business being conducted, on the following dates and times, and that following each pro forma session, the Senate adjourn until the next pro forma session: Tuesday, June 1, at 11:30 a.m. and Thursday, June 3, at 11 a.m. Madam President, I further ask that when the Senate adjourns on Thursday, June 3, it next convene at 3 p.m. on Monday, June 7; further, that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and morning business be closed; further, that upon the conclusion of morning business, the Senate proceed to executive session to resume consideration of the Neals nomination as provided under the previous order.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. In a moment, the Senate will resume business. A few of our Republican colleagues may continue their speeches. The Senate spent 2 hard weeks working on this bill, and many months before that. We have every intention of sticking it out until the job is done, and that is what we are going to do. I look forward to passing this historic and extremely bipartisan bill later today. I yield the floor.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that notwithstanding rule XXII, at a time to be determined on Tuesday, June 8, the Senate resume consideration of S. 1260; that all postcloture time be considered expired and the Senate vote in relation to Cornyn amendment No. 1858; that if a Budget Act point of order is raised and a motion to waive is made following disposition of the Cornyn amendment, the Senate vote on the motion to waive; that if waived, the Senate vote on substitute amendment No. 1502, as amended; that the cloture motion with respect to S. 1260 be withdrawn; and that the bill be considered read a third time, the Senate vote on passage of S. 1260, as amended, if amended, with 60 affirmative votes required for passage, all with no intervening action or debate; further, that the Senate now vote on the motion to invoke cloture on the motion to proceed to Calendar No. 60, H.R. 3233; that following the cloture vote, notwithstanding rule XXII, the Senate proceed to executive session, and the cloture motions with respect to Executive Calendar Nos. 111 and 134 be withdrawn, and the Senate vote on confirmation of the nominations in the order listed; that if confirmed, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action; finally, that following the disposition of Calendar No. 134, the Senate resume legislative session.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, now, let me just tell the public and the Members what this does. It is something we proposed. It assures that there is a vote on the January 6 Commission in the next hour. It assures that the vote occurs in the light of day, not at 3 in the morning. It also assures that votes on the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act will occur and prevail as soon as we return in June. This is a good solution because we get to vote on the Commission. And let me just say this to my Republican colleagues and to the country: This Commission is desperately needed. What has been perpetrated by President Trump over the last several months is the Big Lie--the Big Lie that the elections were fixed, that he is rightfully President. Nothing is more corrosive to our democracy than a view that elections are not on the level. Yet that has been propagated by Donald Trump and many of his allies. A Commission can get to the bottom of this in a clear way. It is a bipartisan Commission. It is a down-the-middle Commission. There was significant Republican input by the Republican leader in the House and the Republican ranking member of the relevant committee. So this is right down the middle. If our Republican friends vote against this, I would ask them: What are you afraid of? The truth? Are you afraid that Donald Trump's Big Lie will be dispelled? Are you afraid that all of the misinformation that has poured out will be rebutted by a bipartisan, down-the-middle Commission? This is about a democracy. It is about the future of our democracy. The Big Lie has eroded that democracy, and we must do everything we can to rebut it. This is not a Democratic or Republican obligation. This is an American obligation. Our democracy--our beautiful, more than-two-century-old democracy is at more risk because of the lies that have been perpetrated by President Trump and his allies than it has been in a very long time, and this Commission is a great antidote to that. So I hope we can get broad support and move forward. I will speak more after the vote on this issue. I yield the floor.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Now, Madam President, on another matter that should also be just as bipartisan in the Senate: the Commission to investigate the January 6 attack on the Capitol. We all know that January 6 was one of the lowest moments in our democracy and one of the lowest moments in the grand, grand history of our 200-and-some-odd-year experiment--noble experiment--in democracy. An outgoing President of the United States, fresh off an electoral defeat--a significant electoral defeat--did something that no other President in recent history has done. Rather than accept the results of the election and support the peaceful transfer of power--a hallmark of our democracy that has inspired democracies all over the world--former President Trump unabashedly lied, repeatedly, about the results of the election and fomented an armed rebellion at the U.S. Capitol. We are all witnesses to those events. We all heard the lies. We lived through their terrible consequences. Lest we forget, 140 police officers were injured in the attack, and 5 Americans would eventually lose their lives. In the weeks since, faith in our elections has plummeted. More than half of the Republican Party now believes that the 2020 elections were rigged and that Joe Biden isn't the actual President of the United States. Republican State legislatures across the country, captured by Donald Trump's Big Lie, are tripping over themselves to restrict access to the ballot box. Arizona Republicans, in an ``election audit,'' have been searching for traces of bamboo fibers in the 2020 ballots--chasing a bananas-crazy, rightwing internet conspiracy that China had ballots imported to tip the scales for Biden. That is how insane this has become--hunting for bamboo in ballots. We need to put a stop to this cancer in the Republican Party. We need to stand up to the Big Lie. We must get at the truth and do everything in our power to restore Americans' faith in our elections and this grand, ongoing, noble experiment of democracy. In that light, a national, bipartisan, independent Commission to report on the events of January 6 is exactly what the doctor ordered. We have to investigate, expose, and report on the truth. We need to establish a trusted record of what really transpired on January 6 and the events that preceded it. That is what this Commission is designed to do in a bipartisan, straight-down-the-middle manner. Now, I have gone through all the silly excuses that we have heard from our Republican colleagues about why the Commission isn't needed or is too early or will go on for too long or needs to be modeled after the 9/11 Commission, even though it already is. The truth of the matter seems to be that Senate Republicans oppose the Commission because they fear that it might upset Donald Trump and their party's midterm messaging. I am not speculating. It was reported in POLITICO yesterday that the Senate Republican leader warned his Conference that a January 6 Commission could hurt the Republicans politically. Well, too bad. This is too important. For the sake of Americans' faith in our democracy, there must be a full, thorough, and trusted account of what happened on January 6. Senate Republicans must decide if they are on the side of truth or on the side of Donald Trump's Big Lie. I yield the floor.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to executive session to consider the following nomination: Calendar No. 135; that the nomination be confirmed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate; that no further motions be in order to the nomination; that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action; and that the Senate then resume legislative session.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, the Senate opens this morning after a very late night of amendment votes on the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act--USICA; those are the initials--five in total, four of which of these amendments were sponsored by Republicans. So far on this bill, the Senate has held votes on no fewer than 18 amendments, 4 from Democrats and 14 from Republicans, and there are more to come. As I mentioned yesterday, in a landmark moment for bipartisanship in the Senate, we even adopted an amendment from Senator Rand Paul by voice vote. Yes, that is right. I said the two words together. Rand Paul; voice vote--four words. I said the two concepts together: Rand Paul; voice vote--four words. Now, the media will tell you that if you are talking process, you are losing, but the process was really important here. For years, Senators have been clamoring for a more open process and more amendment votes. I can't tell you how many speeches I have heard on the floor about the virtues of regular order. Well, this competition bill ought to be the answer to my colleagues' prayers. The bill has moved through regular order, flying through various Senate committees with staggering bipartisan votes. The entire Senate opted to take up the bill by a vote of 86 to 11. Here on the floor, we have held the kind of vigorous, bipartisan, open amendment process that Senators have been calling for. Some of these votes were tough for our side. In the old days, we would have said no. We said yes, we will vote for them, but let's keep moving forward, and we are. Listen to this. It is only May, roughly 5 months since Democrats took the majority in this Chamber, and already more amendments have received rollcall votes than during any of the past 4 years. Let me repeat that so people hear it from one end of the Capitol to the other, particularly on this side of the aisle. In 5 months, more amendments have received rollcall votes in this Democrat-led Senate than during any of the years in which Donald Trump was President and Senator McConnell was majority leader. We have considered the competition bill in an exceedingly bipartisan way. There will be a few final steps to take, a few final amendments to consider, but I hope my Republican colleagues have seen our commitment to developing, drafting, and perfecting this legislation in total concert with the other side of the aisle. With cooperation from our Republican colleagues, we can finish the bill today, and I hope we do. That is our intention, because despite the lack of attention it has garnered from the press, the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act will be one of the most significant pieces of bipartisan legislation we pass in a very long time. It could be a moment in history that future generations look back on as a turning point for American leadership in the 21st century. Everyone knows the Federal Government's commitment to science and technology has been slipping for decades. We have become complacent at the top of the global heap, and our position as the world's economic leader is teetering. We now spend less than 1 percent of our GDP on basic scientific research. The Chinese Communist Party, as a percentage, spends more than twice that. We have put ourselves in the very precarious position of potentially falling behind the rest of the world in technologies and industries that will define the next century. If that happens, the days of America leading the world in scientific innovation and the days of America being the leading economic and military power in the world may be over. This is a moment when the U.S. Senate can arrest the decline and lay the foundation, instead, for another American century. That is why this is a moment in history that future generations could well look back on as a turning point for American leadership in the 21st century. By investing in science and technology and shoring up critical industries like semiconductors, boosting our universities, laboratories, and businesses, we can keep America on top and outcompete the world in industries of the future. That is just what this legislation would do. Our two parties have worked very hard on it. I think we have made a number of notable improvements to the bill. It is time to move forward together and pass this bill.