Chuck Schumer

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time.

Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous consent that the Feinstein amendment be considered and agreed to.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 362, submitted earlier today.

Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 363, submitted earlier today.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions be discharged from further consideration and the Senate now proceed to S. Res. 325.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation be discharged from further consideration of S. 297 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session and be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, first, I want to welcome back all of my colleagues from the August work period. As we return to Washington, as everyone knows, the Senate has a very busy schedule ahead of it. On the nominations front, we will begin this week by holding a cloture vote on James Kvaal to be the Under Secretary of Education. Tomorrow, we will move the nominations of David Estudillo to be district judge of the Western District of Washington, Angel Kelly to serve as district judge for the District of Massachusetts, and the Senate will also begin consideration of Veronica Rossman to be the circuit judge for the Tenth Circuit. On the legislative front, the Senate will pick up exactly where we left off last month. We will continue our fight to preserve voting rights for millions of Americans, and, of course, we will continue working to pass President Biden's Build Back Better agenda and set our country on a path to prosperity for decades to come. At the end of last work period, the Senate took two important steps to achieving that goal. First, we passed the bipartisan $1 trillion infrastructure bill that will make historic investments in our Nation's physical infrastructure. Second, Senate Democrats came together to pass a budget resolution with reconciliation instructions that will clear the way to pass a reconciliation bill with historic and transformative investments in American jobs, American families, and the fight against climate change. Over the August State work period, I remained in constant communication with the chairs of the Senate's relevant committees, as well as with the Speaker and the White House, including the President. I am pleased to say we have made substantial progress in translating provisions of the budget resolution into policies we can pass into law. As we continue our work over the next few weeks, I want to take a step back and explain why this legislation is so important. For far too long, millions of American families have worried that the American dream has increasingly fallen out of reach. Too many in the middle class are just struggling to stay there. Too many who are trying to get to the middle class find the ladder up steeper and steeper. Today, the cost of raising a family, saving for college and retirement, getting a good-paying job and affording healthcare have become very, very hard. As a result, that sunny American optimism, so key to our national identity, has been replaced by a growing sourness and divisiveness in the land. We have to do better, and we will do better. With this legislation, we have a once-in-a-generation opportunity to rebuild our economy and rekindle faith in America's future. It will include the largest tax cut for the middle class in a generation. It will include provisions that are both critically important and overwhelmingly popular with the American people, from strengthening childcare and education to making healthcare more affordable for millions. And, crucially, it will include unprecedented steps to fight the climate crisis and preserve our planet for the next generation. After yet another summer marked by hurricanes, floods, and wildfires, we cannot hold off on taking action any longer. The world is looking to us for leadership on climate change. By achieving the emissions goals Democrats are laying out, we can reassert America's leadership. And through it all, we are going to make sure that this bill is paid for and that those at the very top finally pay their fair share. When this Senate majority began its work many months ago, our original task was to pass legislation that would get our country out of the depths of the COVID pandemic. Now, the legislation we will work on over the next 2 weeks will lay a new foundation for the future of our economy. It will restore the middle class in the 21st century and give many more Americans the opportunity to get there. Building ladders to middle class--that is what this is about, and that is what we are going to do. The next few weeks will be crucial to achieving this goal, and I look forward to working with my colleagues to continue to deliver on our promise of big, bold change for the American people. Of course, even as we work to deliver on our Build Back Better agenda, the House and Senate will also work on other important priorities that demand immediate attention, including passing a continuing resolution before the September 30 expiration of government funding, providing emergency funding to help those devastated by recent natural disasters, and helping resettle our Afghan allies and partners. I expect all of this to be done in a bipartisan and timely way. Of course, over the next few weeks, the House and Senate must also come together to address the debt ceiling. In America, when it is time to pay the bills, we follow through on our obligations, without exception. For a long time, addressing the debt ceiling was considered a routine and responsible step that both sides worked together to achieve. Even when President Trump was in office, Democrats worked three times with Republicans to suspend the debt ceiling because it was the right and obvious thing to do. We didn't pick excuses and say: Here is why we don't want to do it. We knew it was important and it was time to lay aside differences and move it forward. But now, unfortunately, some of our Republican colleagues--even though they were eager to have Democrats support them when President Trump was President--now some of our Republican colleagues are reportedly contemplating a reckless idea, spearheaded by the Republican Senator from Wisconsin, to oppose any effort to raise the debt ceiling whatsoever. And, unfortunately and sadly, the Republican leader seems to be going along. Let me be clear: taking the debt hostage and playing games with the full faith and credit of the United States is reckless, irresponsible, and will harm every single American. It is a complete nonstarter. This is not just another political debate. It is about honoring our unbroken commitment to pay our debts and avoid another financial crisis at a crucial moment for our country. Now it is important to remember that this is not about green-lighting future spending. This is about paying debt from past spending, which was incurred during the Trump administration and which received favorable votes from the majority of Republicans and Democrats. Indeed, it is a new study that came out. According to the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service, the Trump administration incurred $5.4 trillion in new debt after the debt ceiling was raised in 2019, up through his last day of office. So all of the new $5 trillion in debt, bottom line, was caused under the Trump administration, not by Democratic spending--under the Trump administration, $5.4 trillion from the last day the debt ceiling was raised in 2019 to the last day of Trump being in office. Another report by the Treasury Department further states that, over the entirety of the Trump administration, that figure rose to as high as $8 trillion. Again, let me repeat this so my Republican colleagues hear it loud and clear. This is not about the Democrats incurring debt. Between the last time that the debt ceiling was raised in 2019 and the final day of the Trump administration--nothing to do with Biden or Democrats or anything in 2021--his administration added more than $5 trillion to the national debt; and over the 4 years of Donald Trump, new debt totaled as much as $8 trillion. So both sides--both sides--have a responsibility to pay our bills. Both sides, led by the Republican Senate, incurred much of this new debt. Senators from both parties voted overwhelmingly in support of the many laws that contributed to this obligation. In the middle of the COVID pandemic, the Congress came together under Donald Trump, when Donald Trump was President, to pass successive COVID relief laws, like the CARES Act, the PPP extension, and the ``908 COVID deal'' in December. Democrats and Republicans voted in huge numbers in support of these laws. Republicans voted to make these expenditures. Now we must come together to do the responsible thing and pay those bills. Leader McConnell assured the country in 2019, when Donald Trump was President, that we would ``no doubt [raise the debt ceiling] on a bipartisan basis.'' Again, that is what McConnell said when Trump was President: We will ``no doubt [raise the debt ceiling] on a bipartisan basis.'' He said, when Trump was President, failure to do so would be a ``disaster.'' Failure to do so now, Leader McConnell, is an equal disaster. It doesn't matter who is President. We still incurred the bills. So I believe it should be no different this time around. The United States has never, ever, defaulted on its debt. I can't imagine Republicans would want to be responsible for the first-ever default. We need to work together to raise the debt ceiling and avoid causing irreparable harm to our economy, still recovering from the devastation of the pandemic. I would say to the business community and the financial community, let Leader McConnell know, stop playing games with the debt ceiling.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, now on one final issue, on voting. Before the Senate concluded the previous work period, Republicans blocked multiple efforts to even debate voting rights legislation in the U.S. Senate. Let me be clear: Republicans refusing to support anything on voting rights is not an excuse for Democrats to do nothing. Over the recess, a number of my colleagues and I, including Senators Klobuchar, Merkley, Warnock, Manchin, Padilla, Kaine, King, and Tester, worked diligently to craft a revised voting rights piece of legislation. This compromise proposal would protect the freedom to vote, end partisan gerrymandering, stop the scourge of dark money in our politics, among many other good things. I applaud my colleagues for their hard work and their progress to come together with a very strong voting rights bill that all Democrats can support, while respecting the role of States and promoting greater confidence in our democracy. Now Senator Manchin has been having discussions with our Republican colleagues to try and garner support for this important legislation. This is a good proposal and I encourage all my Senate colleagues to support it. That said, we must be honest about the facts. The Republican-led war on democracy has only worsened in the last few weeks. Most notably, the Governor of Texas recently signed into law a vile new voter suppression bill that ranks as one of the most draconian and undemocratic in living memory. Meanwhile, partisans across the country are sharpening their knives for a coming spate of vicious gerrymandering, which further threatens to divide our politics. This is unacceptable. So the Senate much must act. I intend to hold a vote in the Senate as early as next week on voting rights legislation. Time--time--is of the essence. I yield the floor.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, for the information of Senators, there will be two rollcall votes at 11:30 a.m., two rollcall votes at 2:20 p.m., and two rollcall votes at 5:30 p.m.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 10 a.m., Tuesday, September 14; that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, and the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day and morning business be closed; that upon the conclusion of morning business, the Senate proceed to executive session to resume consideration of the Kvaal nomination postcloture; further, that all postcloture time on the Kvaal nomination expire at 11:30 a.m.; that following the cloture vote on the Estudillo nomination, the Senate recess until 2:15 p.m. to allow for the weekly caucus meetings; that if cloture is invoked, at 2:20 p.m., all postcloture time on the Estudillo nomination expire; that if cloture is invoked on the Kelley nomination, all postcloture time expire at 5:30 p.m.; finally, that if any of the nominations are confirmed, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, for my colleagues, the clerk is no longer going to recount, to save us a little time. I just urge my colleagues to please stay in your seats so we can move this along. Oh, and speak up when you are called. Is that what you mean? I have no trouble speaking loudly, as everyone knows here.

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, we are about to vote on the budget resolution. I remind my colleagues that we will have a vote very shortly thereafter on voting rights. I thank the Presiding Officer. Vote on S. Con. Res. 14, as Amended

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, now, Senate Democrats have just taken a massive step toward restoring the middle class in the 21st century, giving more Americans the chance to get there. Teddy Roosevelt said: Nothing in [the] world is . . . worth doing unless it means effort, pain, [and] difficulty. What we are doing here is not easy. Democrats have labored for months to reach this point, and there are many labors to come, but I can say with absolute certainty that it will be worth doing. The Democratic budget will bring a generational transformation to how our economy works for average Americans. It will cut taxes for American families; it will lower costs for everyone; it will create good-paying jobs while tackling climate change; and it will be paid for by making our Tax Code more progressive and more fair: asking corporations and the wealthy to pay their fair share; it will help middle-class Americans stay in the middle class; and it will build ladders into the middle class. It will restore the basic social contract in America: If you work hard, you can do better and pass on even greater opportunities for your children. And, in doing so, my friends, it will restore something in the American character that we have nearly lost: that hopeful optimism; that can-do attitude; that frontier spirit--eyes fixed on the horizons; the kindness and decency and faith in the future that is fundamental not only to the American spirit but to American democracy. I can think of no more worthy pursuit.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I object to the Senator from Texas's legislation. It is obvious to just about every American that it would make a bad situation even worse. So I object.

Mr. SCHUMER. Now, even at this late hour, and before the conclusion of the session, this Chamber is going to take one more step in the fight to protect voting rights in this country. In a moment, I will move to discharge the Rules Committee from further consideration of the For the People Act, a vehicle for the Senate to have a debate on voting rights. It is my intention that the first amendment to the bill would be the text of a compromise bill that a group of Senators are working on. Let me be very clear. This is a debate the Senate must have. In America today, we are witnessing the most sweeping and coordinated attacks on voting rights since the era of Jim Crow. Reactionary Republican legislatures are making it harder for poorer, younger, and non-White Americans to vote, while at the same time making it easier for partisan actors to steal an election. Senate Democrats are not going to stand by while this happens. We are going to fight to protect the sacred right to vote. Now, before I make my motion, I yield to my colleague and friend from West Virginia.

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I thank my friend for his dedication to finding a way forward on this critical issue. And now, pursuant to S. Res. 27, the Rules Committee being tied on the question of reporting, I move to discharge the Rules Committee from further consideration of S. 1, For the People Act of 2021. And for the information of the Senate, it is my intention the first amendment to the bill would be the text of a compromise bill that a group of Senators are working on

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to yield all remaining time on both sides.

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.