Chuck Schumer

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, in conclusion, before I turn it over to some of my colleagues, Democrats have tried to do something very simple. We asked the Senate to start debate--just debate--on legislation to protect voting rights and strengthen our democracy. Republicans said no. Democrats have asked to debate a measure just to prevent partisan gerrymandering, and, then, frankly, in my colleague's response, he was all over the lot: It is good to have politicians do it; it is not good to have politicians do it. It is good to have judges do it; it is not good to have judges do it. We would set standards to make sure that in a State like Wisconsin, where 53 percent of the people voted for a Democratic member of the State assembly, only a third of the districts were Democratic, drawn by a Republican legislature. So Republicans have said no. They don't even want to debate these issues. Democrats have asked to debate the measure to bring much needed transparency to campaign donations and get special interest dark money out of politics. Republicans still said no. So let there be no mistake about what is going on here. We have reached a point in this Chamber where Republicans appear to oppose any measure--any measure--no matter how common sense, to protect voting rights and strengthen our democracy. Let there be no mistake. Both inside this Chamber and outside of it, Republicans have formed a wall--a total wall--of opposition against progress on voting rights in the U.S. Senate. Even on an issue as sacred as the right to vote, Senate Republicans refuse to allow even a debate. They are afraid to debate. Yesterday morning, we saw what it looks like when the Senate comes together. This is what it looks like when it doesn't. Apparently, there are very serious and important limits to bipartisanship. There are some issues where Republicans refuse to join us, in good faith, to make progress for our country. I never thought I would see the day when voting rights, which used to be supported in a bipartisan way as recently as 2006, would be one of those issues. But that is what we have come to--total Republican intransigence when it comes to simple measures to make our democracy more perfect and strengthen the hand of the individual voter. Now, let me be clear. Republicans refusing to support anything on voting rights is not an excuse for Democrats to do nothing. In recent weeks, I met with a number of Democratic Senators: Senators Klobuchar and Merkley, Manchin and Warnock and Padilla, Kaine, King, and Tester to discuss a compromise voting rights bill. We have made a great deal of progress on that legislation. We had a very good meeting as late recently as yesterday afternoon, and we intend to rally around it. So, tonight, I am filing cloture on a vehicle to allow the Senate to take up the compromise voting rights bill. Voting rights--voting rights--will be the first matter of legislative business when the Senate returns to session in September. Our democracy demands no less. I yield the floor. I yield to my colleague from Oregon and then my colleague from Rhode Island.

Mr. SCHUMER. Now, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. 2093, the For the People Act of 2021.

Mr. SCHUMER. The Republican minority has just prevented the Senate from even having a debate--a debate; just that--on voting rights in this country. I understand my Republican colleagues don't approve of every aspect of the Democratic bill to protect voting rights, but surely there are areas where our two parties can find some agreement. Partisan gerrymandering, for instance, has plagued our country for too long. It skews our democracy towards the extremes. It strips the American people of their right to have a truly representative government. Voters ought to pick their politicians, not the other way around. But in so many States, partisan legislators draw maps that artificially maximize the number of seats that the majority party will win. Some districts are so safe that the most extreme candidates can run and win with hardly any competition. Surely my Republican colleagues would agree that partisan gerrymandering deserves a debate on the Senate floor. It is a small part of S. 1 but one that has broad universal support--and the support, by the way, of all 49 of my Democratic colleagues. So I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. 2670, Calendar No. 119, the Redistricting Reform Act of 2021.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President.

Mr. SCHUMER. So the American people should understand, Republicans just blocked the Senate from even debating legislation to end partisan gerrymandering and make our Congress more representative of the people. Unanimous Consent Request--S. 2671 Mr. President, surely our Republican colleagues, however, would agree that billions of dollars in anonymous campaign donations every year is not a function of a healthy democracy. Surely they must agree that America's representatives should have only one boss--the people, not the special interests. So I am going to ask the Senate now to debate a simple measure to bring a much needed transparency to campaign donations--just transparency, not even limits, although I would certainly support those. At the very least, the American people deserve to know who is trying to influence their representatives and how strenuously. So I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. 2671, Calendar No. 120, the DISCLOSE Act of 2021, which has the support of our entire caucus.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 252.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 64.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 251.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, once again, congratulations to all of those who worked so hard on this very significant and very important bill, and now we proceed to the second track.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, first let me, before I begin, thank Senators Carper and Capito for managing this bill and doing it in such a fine way--and their staffs as well. Now, Mr. President, it has been a long and winding road, but we have persisted, and now we have arrived. There were many logs in our path, detours along the way, but the American people will now see the most robust injection of funds into infrastructure in decades. In a few moments, the Senate will pass the bipartisan infrastructure bill, dedicating over a trillion dollars to strengthen every major category of our country's physical infrastructure. It has been a long time in coming. Our economy is No. 1 in the world, but infrastructure ranks No. 13. You will find better roads, bridges, airports, and broadband in the United Arab Emirates than in the United States of America. Today, the Senate takes a decades-overdue step to revitalize America's infrastructure and give our workers, our businesses, and our economy the tools to succeed in the 21st century. The bill will make large and significant differences in both productivity and job creation in America for decades to come. To my colleagues, particularly the group of 10, then 11, then 22 who worked so hard in a bipartisan way, congratulations. Congratulations on a job well done. Thank you to our committee chairs and ranking members whose expertise was required at several stages. And to the staff who sacrificed weekends, family gatherings, and most often sleep in order to finish this bill, thank you. Thank you to President Biden and his team at the White House. President Biden has been in office for only 7 months, and already the Senate is about to pass the first major infrastructure package in over a decade, on a bipartisan basis, with his complete and total involvement. Throughout the process, I have tried to prod the negotiators along when they have needed it and given them space when they have asked for it. At times, it took a deadline to kick negotiations into high gear; other times it required a few extra days to allow compromise to gel. But when the Senate is run with an open hand rather than a closed fist, Senators can accomplish big things. So despite this long road we have taken, we have finally, finally reached the finish line. Of course, we Democrats believe we need to do much more. The bipartisan infrastructure bill is a very significant bill, but our country has other very significant, very important challenges. Working families need help. Small businesses need a leg up. Climate change threatens the future of our planet. Our Tax Code needs to be straightened out. Other parts of our infrastructure not addressed in this bipartisan bill still need focus, attention, and help. So to my colleagues who are concerned that this does not do enough on climate, for families, and making corporations and the rich pay their fair share, we are moving on to a second track, which will make generational transformation in these areas. Once this bill is complete, the Senate will immediately turn to the second track in our two-track strategy, passing a budget resolution that will unlock historic investments in American jobs, American families, and the fight against climate change. The two-track strategy is proceeding full steam ahead. At its core, the Democratic budget--both parts--is about restoring the middle class in the 21st century and giving more Americans the opportunity to get there. Too many in the middle class are worried about their future. The sunny American optimism has turned into a sourness, an anger, a divisiveness in the land. Bold, transformative action on both traditional infrastructure and on helping families--middle-class families--cope and on climate will restore that bright, sunny optimism that has been part of this American psyche for centuries. At its core, what we want to do is this: We want to cut taxes for families. We want to create millions of jobs while tackling the climate crisis, and we want to pay for it by making corporations and the wealthy finally pay their fair share. After we pass the bipartisan infrastructure bill this morning, Senators should expect to vote to proceed to the budget resolution, and we will begin the process for debating amendments shortly thereafter. Democrats are prepared to move quickly and decisively through the amendment process so we can finish what we set out to do before the end of the work period. The longer it takes to finish, the longer the Senate will be in session. At the start of July, I set two ambitious goals for this Chamber before our August recess. One was to pass a bipartisan infrastructure bill to boost our economy, something the Senate has not achieved in many years, and this is a strong and bold accomplishment. The second was to pass a budget resolution with the kinds of transformative changes I have mentioned. Pundits called it wishful thinking in a Chamber known for unhurried deliberation. Well, we are moments away from achieving the first goal, and I am confident that very soon the Senate will take the first major step toward achieving our second goal. The Senate is on track to finish both tracks and deliver an outstanding result for the American people. Vote on H.R. 3684

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you, Mr. President. Thank you, my colleagues. Let's cooperate and finish this up.

Mr. SCHUMER. Thank you. That is the most Republican applause I have gotten in a little while. OK. I ask unanimous consent that following the Kennedy amendment, the following amendments be the only amendments remaining in order; that the amendments be reported by number and the Senate vote in relation to the amendments in the order listed: Lee, 3141--Lee, the clerk; Inhofe, 3331; Daines, 3292; Hagerty, 3742; Hyde-Smith, 3568; Grassley, 3650; Sullivan, 3626; Cruz, 3681; Lee, 3815; Kennedy, 3753; further, that on the disposition of the Kennedy amendment, the last Kennedy amendment, the Senate vote on the adoption of S. Con. Res. 14, as amended, with no further intervening action or debate.

Mr. SCHUMER. Now, Mr. President, we have come to an agreement here. I am going to read it in a minute, and I just want to say that we are going to try to have everyone sit in their seat. There are 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 amendments. If we all sit in our seats and try to stick to the 10 minutes or as close as we can get to it, we can finish in 10 minutes. We can get this done quickly. If we all finish voting by 5, he can bang the gavel and get us to do it quicker than 10. OK? (Applause.)

Mr. SCHUMER. Question.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I move to proceed to Calendar No. 122, S. Con. Res. 14, the concurrent resolution on the budget. Motion to proceed to Calendar No. 122, S. Con. Res. 14, a concurrent resolution setting forth the congressional budget for the United States Government for fiscal year 2022 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal years 2023 through 2031. Vote on Motion to Proceed

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Finally, I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum calls for the cloture motions filed today, August 11, be waived.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to proceed to Calendar No. 77, S. 2093.

Mr. SCHUMER. I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. SCHUMER

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.