Brad Sherman

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Madam Speaker, I was unavoidably absent from the Chamber on Monday, January 13, 2020 for the first vote of the series. Had I been present, I would have voted ``Yea'' on Roll Call No 14.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Madam Speaker, this resolution imposes extraordinary restrictions on this President, an extraordinary President who needs extraordinary restrictions. This is best exemplified by the President's gratuitous comment that he would hit cultural sites in Iran. Not only is that a war crime, but it is a mistake because it drives the Iranian people toward the regime while alienating our European allies whose support for our sanctions is critical for them to work. The minority leader came to this floor and said Democrats were dupes of the Islamic Republic. I will compare my record of efforts against the Islamic Republic of Iran with those of any other Member. You could argue whether Soleimani's death makes us safer or not over the next few months. We have removed a terrorist mastermind from the battlefield, but we have inspired the other terrorists. The real issue is the effect on Iran's program. That program is more robust today than it was a week ago, as Iran has employed more centrifuges and is building a larger stockpile, all without our European friends, who are still in the JCPOA taking any action against Iran. There was no policy process on the golf course where the President made this decision. He heard not from a single expert on Iranian politics, religion, or the economy. Our maximum pressure campaign is designed to put such pressure on the Iranian people that they choose not to endure it, but demand that the nuclear program be scaled back or ended, or that the regime that has that program be swept away. This assassination undercuts that effort by building support for the regime and its nuclear program with most of the Iranian people by making Soleimani a martyr in front of a Shiite population, a Shiite religion that lionizes martyrdom, we increase the likelihood of an Iranian nuclear weapon.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Madam Speaker, Robert Mueller lays out facts from 2017 that constitute Obstruction of Justice but says the President cannot be indicted, only Congress can apply the law to those facts. Many of us have been talking about impeachment since those facts emerged in 2017. Of course, today, we focus on more recent crimes. So why did we talk of impeachment back when a Republican-led Congress would not act? Why do we impeach today when a Republican-led Senate is unlikely to act? First, because it is our constitutional duty, no matter what the political consequences. Second, because it is the most effective tool to chasten and restrain a President who does not naturally feel constrained by the rule of law. I would note that the President's attempt to extort Ukraine was secretive and furtive, far different from his modus operandi of brazen threats that we saw in 2017. We can only imagine what high crimes and misdemeanors this President would have boldly committed had nobody been talking about impeachment then--had he felt immune from impeachment. Today we will demonstrate that the President is not above the law.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak in favor of S. 178, the UIGHUR Act of 2019. This bill has the best of both worlds: It has a Senate bill number and House of Representatives content. The bill came over from the Senate, and then we unanimously adopted, in the Foreign Affairs Committee, my amendment in the nature of a substitute, which put together three bills focused on the Uighur issue. It included the work of Senators Marco Rubio and Robert Menendez found in S. 178; the work found in H.R. 649 of Chris Smith and Tom Suozzi of this House; and the legislation that I reintroduced with the ranking member of the Asia, the Pacific, and Nonproliferation Subcommittee, Ted Yoho, H.R. 1025. So this bill represents putting together those three bills to deal with the detention of over 1 million Uighurs and other Muslim minorities in Xinjiang and other Chinese repression of its Muslim minority population. The Chinese Government has sought to erase the distinct Uighur Muslim culture and religious traditions through mass detentions, reeducation camps, and a coordinated campaign under the banner ``Strike Hard Against Violent Extremism'' launched in 2014. Thanks to recently leaked Chinese Communist Party documents, we now know that the impetus for this campaign came from the highest levels of the Chinese Communist Party. In April 2014, General Secretary Xi ordered the party officials to, and these are the words, show ``absolutely no mercy'' in using ``organs of dictatorship,'' another quoted phrase, to suppress Muslim minorities. More than a million Uighurs were then imprisoned in camps. In a country with the rule of law, you are incarcerated by the state because you have been convicted of a defined statutory offense. Why are 1 million people behind barbed wire in the Xinjiang province of China? The charge against them is ``their thinking has been infected by unhealthy thoughts.'' Where in the world would anyone be free if a million people can be incarcerated because the government has determined that their thoughts are unhealthy? Along with reeducation camps, the Strike Hard campaign has also involved high-tech surveillance and monitoring of Uighurs, monitoring and suppressing Muslim religious practice, including funeral practices, and suppression of the Uighur language. Beyond its borders, the party has tried to intimidate Chinese Muslim minorities who are living abroad. And in China, some individuals with permanent residency status in the United States have been prohibited from leaving the region. In Xinjiang, the party has forced Uighur families to have Han Chinese agents live in their homes. The extent of this Chinese effort to, in effect, ``sinofy'' the Muslim population of western China is staggering. The legislation before us is an important start, but it is only a start in our efforts to counter Chinese repression of its Muslim minorities, and we will have hearings in the Asia, the Pacific, and Nonproliferation Subcommittee to develop additional steps that America could take. I want to highlight two parts of this legislation. First, the bill requires the President to impose the Global Magnitsky sanctions against all Chinese officials who are responsible for the repression of the Uighurs. We are long past the point when this should have been done, and it should not be linked to ongoing negotiations on trade or any other issue. Second, the bill requires the Commerce Department to update our export controls to ensure that the Commerce Control List, which covers dual-use items, is updated to create a special regime for China. Commerce will be required to identify items that assist in the monitoring, surveillance, mass detention, and forced labor we see going on in China today, and deny licenses for the export or reexport of those items to China. U.S. technology should not be used to further one of the most egregious human rights abuses of our time. And in writing this legislation and the amendment in the nature of a substitute that came out of the Foreign Affairs Committee, we worked diligently to ensure that we avoid capturing too much and unduly hindering legitimate and beneficial commerce, including thorough discussions with the tech industry. So I thank Chairman Engel and Ranking Member McCaul, of course, our Speaker, Nancy Pelosi, who was here. I thank Senators Rubio and Menendez, Chris Smith, and Tom Suozzi. I thank Jim McGovern for his work, and I thank my partner in running the Asia, the Pacific, and Nonproliferation Subcommittee, Mr. Yoho.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I will close when the gentleman has closed on his side, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing. We vote today on S. 1838, but this is not just a Senate bill. This is a bill very similar to the one introduced in this House by the gentleman from New Jersey. This House has already voted on this bill and supported it overwhelmingly. Today, once again, we show the world our commitment to the people of Hong Kong and to the preservation and protection of Hong Kong's autonomy, given China's aggressive attempts to undermine the ``one country, two systems'' approach. With this important legislation, we send a clear signal that the United States will hold those undermining Hong Kong's rights and autonomy accountable and that the American people stand shoulder to shoulder with the people of Hong Kong. With few exceptions, the people of Hong Kong have fought for their rights through peaceable protest, and we stand with them. Mr. Speaker, I hope all Members will join me in supporting the passage of this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 2710) to prohibit the commercial export of covered munitions items to the Hong Kong Police Force.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on S. 2710.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, let me start by thanking Senator Merkley for his hard work on this legislation. The House a few weeks before passed a similar measure, the PROTECT Hong Kong Act, authored by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), whom I was about to refer to as the Chair but has now joined us here in the regular seats of the House. Such bipartisan, bicameral legislation supporting the people of Hong Kong is a testament to the relationship between our two peoples, but it is also an indication of Congress' deep concern over the growing violence in Hong Kong. In recent weeks, we have seen an escalation in the conflict between Hong Kong's security forces and the people of Hong Kong. The same police forces sworn to protect the people are now indiscriminately targeting people with tear gas, pepper spray, and water cannons. I am particularly heartbroken over the images of students under siege and parents begging the police not to shoot their children. We have seen similar images before, just 30 years ago in Beijing. The fact that these horrors are now taking place in Hong Kong, a beacon of democracy and human rights, is worrisome. I am deeply concerned by the recent escalation of violence, and I call on all parties to exercise restraint and seek a peaceful solution to address the very legitimate concerns of the people of Hong Kong. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important measure and ensure that U.S. companies are not contributing to the suppression of Hong Kong's people in their fight to secure their freedoms and their democracy. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, Members of this House will remember that, just a few months ago, we passed very similar legislation in the House to the bill that is in front of us today. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), who is an important leader on this issue. The gentleman wrote the House version of this bill.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing. Mr. Speaker, we have watched as the Chinese Communist Party works to break down and undermine the ``one country, two systems'' framework that has paved the way for a strong relationship between Hong Kong and the United States. This has motivated millions of Hong Kongers, the people of Hong Kong, to take to the streets for months to protest in defense of their basic human rights. These prodemocracy activists have faced tear gas, pepper spray, and rubber bullets by a police force sworn to protect them, and now they face lethal force as well. The passage of this bill demonstrates, once again, to the people of Hong Kong that the United States stands with them in their protest of China's erosion of the autonomy and the way of life that was promised them back in 1997. It takes a step to ensure that U.S. companies demonstrate a commitment to U.S. values in this regard, making sure that U.S. companies aren't facilitating violence against the protestors by selling what we, sadly, know can be lethal crowd control mechanisms. This bill is an important part of Congress' response by the effort of Beijing to deprive Hong Kong of the autonomy and democracy that it was promised back in 1997. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, today is a great day because, after decades of struggle, this House will recognize the Armenian genocide, just in time to be viewed by the last survivors of the first genocide of the 20th century. Two weeks ago, I came to this floor and I said now is the time, finally, to recognize the Armenian genocide because it was no longer the time to kowtow to Turkey. Since then, many of us have approached the Speaker and urged her to put this bill on the floor. But this great day belongs to Nancy Pelosi, our Speaker, who made the decision to bring it to the floor, where we will pass this resolution, H. Res. 296, which I and so many others introduced to this House in April of this year. And, of course, I have cosponsored and been an original cosponsor of every Armenian genocide resolution since 1997. We always should have recognized the Armenian genocide, but we were told again and again that we wouldn't do it because we have this great alliance with Turkey. Earlier this month, Turkish forces shelled to the left and then to the right of an American base. It seemed clear to many that they were ready to kill Americans. America withdrew. And this was not some well- planned, careful, deliberate withdrawal. We left because of the Turkish shelling and the Turkish threats. Great alliance? It has been a great alliance for Turkey. We defended them from communism. We defended them from the Soviet Union. We provided them $23 billion in aid. And we are the reason why there is not an independent Kurdistan in northern Iraq. They shelled to the left; they shelled to the right of an American military outpost. From 1915 to 1923, the Ottoman Empire massacred 1.5 million Armenians, the first genocide of the 20th century. There is no doubt that this occurred. Even the administration testified before our committee last week. The massacre of 1.5 million Armenians in 1915, et cetera, was one of the greatest crimes of the 20th century, and this is not in dispute. There is no dispute that that mass death constituted a genocide because Raphael Lemkin, who invented the word ``genocide,'' said the Armenian genocide was an example--the first example, perhaps--of what he was talking about. It is time that we recognize the genocide because genocide denial is the last act of the genocide. First, you obliterate a people; then, you seek to obliterate their memory; and, finally, you seek to obliterate the memory of the obliteration. But genocide denial is also the first step in the next genocide. When Hitler's cadres wondered whether they could get away with the Holocaust, he assured them: Who today speaks of the annihilation of the Armenians? And it is time to recognize this genocide to remove a stain on America's honor because, up until now, we have hidden and refused to acknowledge the truth. We have been silent, all in an effort to appease Turkey. Turkey committed a genocide in World War I and denies it to this day. Germany committed a genocide during World War II and has acknowledged it from the 1940s. Germany has moved on to be a prosperous and strong democracy. Turkey continues to deny the genocide, then passes law prohibiting the discussion of the genocide; and that leads to censorship, authoritarianism, undercuts the rule of law, leads to corruption and a country that has great problems. Where would Germany be if it denied the Holocaust to this day? Where would we be if we denied the genocide of so many Native American Tribes? Turkey will be a great ally of the United States only when it recognizes the first genocide of the 20th century, only when it allows free discussion of its own history by its own people. So, today is the right day to recognize the first genocide of the 20th century. We should have done it earlier. We should do it every year on the anniversary in April. But it starts here and now, and, finally, America can stand up along with so many other countries that have recognized that genocide.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, after decades of struggle, this House will recognize the Armenian genocide just in time for it to be seen by the last few survivors of the first genocide of the 20th century. We should have recognized that genocide again and again long ago, but we didn't because we were told that we had a great alliance with Turkey. Earlier this month, Turkish forces shelled near and deliberately bracketed American bases. Americans fled in unseemly haste. Great ally. It has been a great alliance for Turkey. We defended them from communism in the 1940s, defended them from the Soviet Union for decades, and provided them with $23 billion in aid. It is critical that we counteract Turkey's genocide denial, because genocide denial is the last act of a genocide--first you obliterate a people, then you seek to obliterate their memory, and finally you seek to obliterate the memory of the obliteration--and because genocide denial is also the first step in the next genocide. When Hitler's cadres wondered if they could get away with the Holocaust, he was able to assure them: Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians? We must recognize this genocide to remove the stain on America's honor because, up until now, we have refused to acknowledge truth and we have been silent, all in an effort at appeasement. The fact is that many other countries have recognized the genocide, including Belgium, Canada, Greece, Italy, Argentina, and Germany. And when France had the courage to pass a genocide recognition resolution, they were threatened with a boycott of all their exports. In fact, what happened was a fourfold increase in French exports to Turkey. The only thing worse than unnecessary appeasement is appeasing a power that will not actually respond. Today, Germany is a great and prosperous democracy, a great ally of the United States. Where would Germany be if, to this day, they denied the Holocaust? Turkey will be a great ally of the United States and a prosperous and modern nation only when Turkey recognizes the first genocide of the 20th century. Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentleman for bringing up this rule and for answering the question why this is so important to do this today.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. American honor demands that we end our complicity in genocide denial. Four arguments are made against this resolution: The first is that it is not true. No one can even make that argument anymore. 1.5 million Armenians and countless Syrians, Greeks, and others massacred by the Ottoman Government. Second, they argue that Turkey is such a great ally that we should turn a blind eye to what happened last century. Earlier this month, Turkish forces shelled both to the left and to the right of American military bases. American soldiers fled in unseemly haste. What a great ally Turkey is. Then we were told: Well, the Foreign Affairs Committee hasn't had hearings. We have had countless hearings on this for decades, including, also, a 4-hour markup where we passed it through the committee, and the only argument made on the other side there was Turkey was such a great ally. Well, last week, we had hearings in our committee that demonstrate that Turkey is not such a great ally of the United States. And, finally, we were told--and this is insulting, I think--during the rules debate by someone arguing against the rule that it is not worth our time: 1.5 million dead. The fact is that genocide denial is the last act of a genocide. First, you obliterate a people; then you obliterate their memory; and, finally, you seek to obliterate the memory of the obliteration. And, also, genocide denial is the first step in the next genocide. When Hitler's cadres wondered whether they could get away with the Holocaust, he was able to reassure them by saying: Who today speaks of the annihilation of the Armenians? Denying genocide in the past will lead to more genocides in the future. Today, Germany is a great and prosperous democracy because it has come to grips with its own past. Where would Germany be today if it denied the Holocaust? Turkey will become a prosperous and a modern nation only when it recognizes the first genocide of the 20th century. The best thing we could do for Turkey is to acknowledge the genocide and urge them to do likewise.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and this is, indeed, a bipartisan speech. The fact is that many other countries have recognized this genocide, and they have done so under tremendous Turkish pressure. For example, France was told that they would not be able to export to Turkey if they recognized the genocide. They did, and, in the subsequent 6 years, French exports to Turkey quadrupled. This genocide has been recognized by Argentina, Germany, Italy, Belgium, and the list goes on and on. It is time for America to also recognize the truth. I look forward to the day, which is not true today, when scholars and individuals in Turkey can talk about the genocide and can come to grips with their own past instead of being threatened with incarceration for even mentioning this debate, because Turkey will not have the rule of law and democracy until you are free to discuss the first genocide of the 20th century on Turkish soil.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor a leader in the Jewish community, Rabbi Morley Feinstein. Ordained in 1981 at Hebrew Union College--Jewish Institute of Religion in Cincinnati, Rabbi Feinstein served as the assistant and first associate rabbi of Temple Beth-El in San Antonio, Texas. From 1987 to 2002, he served as senior rabbi of Temple Beth-El in South Bend, Indiana. During his tenure there, Indiana's Governor recognized Rabbi Feinstein with the state's highest citizen honor, The Sagamore of the Wabash, for his efforts in promoting peace and justice. Rabbi Feinstein has devoted time for thirty-four summers teaching at the camps of the Union for Reform Judaism. In addition, he has served in leadership roles with the Los Angeles Council of Religious Leaders, the Central Conference of American Rabbis, and the Board of Rabbis of Southern California. For the past 17 years, Rabbi Feinstein has served as senior rabbi at University Synagogue in Los Angeles, where he has shared his love for teaching Torah and helped to grow a vibrant Jewish community. He has also brought his passion for music to this sacred work. I have had the privilege of attending services officiated by Rabbi Feinstein and have seen firsthand the welcoming spiritual home he has fostered at University Synagogue. In his role as rabbi emeritus, Rabbi Feinstein will remain a treasured resource to our community. Rabbi Feinstein is loved by his wife Dr. Margarete Myers Feinstein, sons, Aaron and Ari, twin daughters, Eliana and Renata, and his two grandchildren. Madam Speaker, I wish to thank Rabbi Feinstein for his service to our community.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution, and I rise in opposition to the recent decision of the Trump administration. We had a situation in Syria that was stable. We had a modest deployment of American troops. We were successful in limiting American casualties to a very low number. We had defeated the caliphate. Our friends, the Kurds, who had incurred most of the deaths by the many thousands necessary to destroy the ISIS caliphate, were safe. In other words, the situation was stable and favorable to the United States. Now we have taken an action in which America is humiliated, the Kurds are subject to slaughter, our word means less in the world, and ISIS stands to be revitalized. This is such an obvious mistake. It is hard to find anyone with any knowledge of foreign policy that regards it as anything other than an unforced error. It is such a great mistake that it makes you wonder whether it was an intentional mistake designed to give Russia territory in northeast Syria, for whatever reason we might want to do that. It is time to reevaluate our policies toward Turkey. Since the 1940s, we have safeguarded Turkey through our membership in NATO and theirs. We protected Turkey from subversion in the 1940s and protected it from the Soviet Union for decades. Recently, over the last 20 years, we have had a policy of obsequious humiliation in our approach to Turkey. We have kowtowed to Ankara in failing to recognize the Armenian genocide. In doing so, we have taken a foreign policy normally based on truth and honor, and instead, humiliated ourselves through silence and concealment. It is time to recognize the Armenian genocide by an overwhelming vote here in the House. It is time for us to stop dishonor in our relationship with Turkey.

Mr. SHERMAN

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 543) recognizing Hong Kong's bilateral relationship with the United States, condemning the interference of the People's Republic of China in Hong Kong's affairs, and supporting the people of Hong Kong's right to protest, as amended.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 543.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. The world is watching Hong Kong, and Hong Kong is watching the floor of the House of Representatives. People by the tens of thousands in Hong Kong have demonstrated in favor of bills we are considering here today. In doing so, they have taken great risk to themselves and showed tremendous courage. The least we could do is pass these bills. I rise today to speak in favor of these bills on Hong Kong. I am proud to cosponsor all of the legislation under consideration dealing with Hong Kong. I want to first focus on a resolution I introduced with our colleagues, Mrs. Wagner; Mr. Connolly; and Mr. Yoho, the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and Nonproliferation, my partner on the Asia, the Pacific, and Nonproliferation Subcommittee. This resolution demonstrates that the so-called extradition bill is an infringement on the rights of the people of Hong Kong, including their right to a high degree of autonomy, autonomy that was granted to Hong Kong when that city was returned to the control of Beijing. This resolution also establishes that the House of Representatives stands with Hong Kong protestors and supports their five major demands. These demands are: Complete withdrawal of the extradition bill; Universal suffrage in the election of the chief executive and all members of the Legislative Council; The establishment of an independent commission to investigate the police's excessive use of force against the protestors; The changing of the classification so these protests are not classified as riots and the participants are not classified as rioters; and, finally, Having all charges against the people who participate in these protests dropped. Many of us in Congress and around the United States have been inspired by the people of Hong Kong standing up for their fundamental rights over the last few months. One of the protests brought nearly 25 percent of the entire population of Hong Kong into the streets. That is simply unprecedented. It would behoove Beijing to heed the protestors' demands. Sadly, instead of recognizing their own role in causing these protests, the Chinese Communist Party has tried to characterize the demonstrations as the handiwork of the United States. We categorically reject this assertion. These protests were motivated, first and foremost, in reaction to the effort by the People's Republic of China and the Chinese Communist Party to interfere in the autonomy that was promised to the people of Hong Kong. These protests were motivated by the policies of Beijing and the Hong Kong government that have increasingly reduced the city's high degree of autonomy. The state-run media has even gone so far as to accuse a particular State Department official by name of orchestrating the protests. That is an insult to the people of Hong Kong, who speak for themselves and act for themselves. Moreover, it has put that diplomat and her family in danger. This is simply unacceptable behavior, and the Stand with Hong Kong Resolution criticizes this egregious action by the Chinese Government. Finally, let me reiterate my support for the other complementary bills that we are considering today on Hong Kong. The first is the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019, which was introduced by our colleague Mr. Smith, who will be managing time on the other side. This legislation will amend the Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992 to account for the changes that have taken place over the last 25 years. The Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act also conveys to Beijing that it cannot undermine the city's freedom while expecting America to still give that city preferential trade arrangements. I am also a strong supporter of Congressman Jim McGovern's PROTECT Hong Kong Act, which would restrict U.S. firms' ability to sell the Hong Kong police weapons to use against protestors. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume, and I will close. Mr. Speaker, several years ago, I joined the then chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Royce, in visiting Hong Kong. We had a chance to spend a lot of time with both young and more experienced leaders fighting for democracy and autonomy for Hong Kong. And this has, in fact, been the policy of the United States since the 1992 Hong Kong Policy Act, which establishes our support for democratization as a fundamental principle of U.S. foreign policy. In recent days, we have seen demonstrators in Hong Kong asking the U.S. Congress to pass the three pieces of legislation that are before us. The protestors want to know if our support for democracy is merely rhetorical or if we are willing to take action to defend our principles. By passing these three bills today, we will affirm that the U.S. Congress supports democracy, human rights, and appropriate autonomy for Hong Kong. Mr. Speaker, as to all three bills, I want to thank Speaker Pelosi and Chairman Engel and many other colleagues for their leadership on this issue. Mr. Speaker, turning to the specifics of H. Res. 543, the specific matter before us at this moment, I want to thank my Foreign Affairs Committee colleagues for helping to introduce this measure, including Mrs. Wagner, Mr. Connolly, and Mr. Yoho, who spoke just a few minutes ago. H. Res. 543 recognizes our country's strong relationship with the people of Hong Kong. It is an important measure of solidarity at a time when protesters are facing police brutality and China is trying to take away the autonomy that it promised. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this measure, and I yield back the balance of my time.