Chris Smith

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. So much good--the family, the faith community. I spent some time with a number of Catholics and evangelicals. They love God. They really want to do His will on Earth, as it is in Heaven, as we are admonished in the Lord's prayer, but they face many crippling challenges. On the sickness side, malaria is endemic. They have made major gains on the HIV/AIDS pandemic. They have so many issues that they are trying to address and in comes this horrific Boko Haram organization, which has taken brutality to a new low. They are capable--and let's not kid ourselves. This is a gang, but it is a well-trained gang that is bloodthirsty. We have seen it before. Look what happened in Liberia and Charles Taylor, who brutalized Sierra Leone and Liberia. Thankfully, he got a 50-year prison sentence by the special court of Sierra Leone and now is in prison, but the pain that he unleashed through his terrorism--and he was the President of that country. Here, you have a situation where a group of thugs, well trained, are unleashing hell upon wonderful people. Again, that is why we can be of help, especially in the area of intelligence and in the area of training--of course, on the humanitarian side, sharing best practices, especially psychological trauma type of interventions.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Gohmert, I want to thank you, again, for your leadership and for taking the time to go to Lagos to meet with all the families and to, again, amplify the message that we must do more. There is more that we can do. I was extraordinarily impressed with our people that are on the ground. They are totally can-do, both our Embassy, as well as our military people. They want to help. We have got to make sure that we are resourcing them sufficiently as well. The Government of Nigeria and President Goodluck Jonathan need to listen to the international chorus--the U.K. is there, the French are trying to be helpful on the intelligence side as well--but they own the leadership of this. They need to step up to the plate. Again, I can't emphasize enough the specialized training that could really enable their troops to efficaciously combat Boko Haram. It needs to be done so urgently and so comprehensively. They need a comprehensive strategy. I thank my good friend.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Again, I say--and you emphasized it with your lifelong love of the Nigerian people and your knowledge of them--I think most Americans would be very encouraged to know just how strongly faith-filled the Nigerian people are. Whether they be evangelical, Catholic, or Muslim, they take their faith seriously. They are very ethical people, great people, very good business people. If infrastructure and roads and bridges and the like were to become even more accomplished throughout Nigeria--as Nigeria goes, so goes the rest of Africa, it is often said--they will be a great trading partner. They are already a huge trade partner of the U.S., but that will grow exponentially, going forward. Again, I have always been impressed with the faith of so many Africans, in general, but the Nigerians' faith in God is extraordinary.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Before you got here, I think, at least, I raised the issue of Habila Adamu. He was a man whom I met in an IDP camp in Jos in September of last year. He did tell the story about how Boko Haram broke into his house, dragged him outside, with a terrorist holding an AK-47 right to his nose area. With his wife weeping, pleading with this man not to shoot her husband, he said: You convert or else I will shoot you. He said: I am ready to meet my Lord. So the trigger was pulled, and he blew his face away. You can see it on the other side that he has had some reconstructive surgery. Not only was this man a living martyr because he survived it--they left him for dead because he was bleeding so profusely--but when I met him in Jos, he didn't have a scintilla--the slightest--of malice towards the gunmen. He said he prays for them. I mean, you are talking about Christian love overcoming a terrible hatred, the likes of which we can't even understand. When he testified here--because I invited him to come to Washington to testify before my subcommittee--you could have heard a pin drop. A lot of the press, including the Associated Press, led with his story. That is transformative, I believe, to see someone who, almost like our Lord from the cross, says: Forgive them, Father, for they know not what they do. Here was this man who was a living martyr, and I couldn't have been more moved, inspired. I saw him again on this most recent trip, and the joy that he radiates--he radiates Christ; you see it in his eyes when he speaks-- was just extraordinary and humbling because none of us know and I don't know if I could ever react like that. I hope I never do. He had that peace that surpasses all understanding. He was there, and he could have died right that day.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I thank my good friend for yielding. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Venezuelan Human Rights and Democracy Protection Act and to thank my distinguished colleague, Chairwoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, for her bold leadership in calling attention to the deplorable human rights situation in Venezuela and for creating this meaningful diplomatic tool to assist the Venezuelan people in resisting tyranny; first, the tyranny imposed by Hugo Chavez, and now that of his understudy in oppression, Nicolas Maduro. At its core, this important initiative authorizes targeted sanctions to those who are responsible for violence and abuse, namely, members of the Maduro regime. The regime's silencing of democracy advocates, such as Leopoldo Lopez, is a violation of fundamental human rights and is an example of what makes this piece of legislation so fitting and so necessary. I also support the bill's redirection of funds towards supporting civil society groups in Venezuela involved in promoting respect for democracy and fundamental freedoms, most importantly, the respect for the right to life, expression, and the right of religious liberty. Indeed, I want to underscore the church's role as a voice independent of the State of Venezuela and how it has been unafraid to speak up on behalf of the oppressed and those protesting injustice. The Maduro regime has sought to silence the church, which remains a force independent of the government and a witness to the truth. The House of Representatives honors and deeply respects the key role that the church and faith-based civil society groups are playing in the fight for democracy and human rights in Venezuela. As we all hope to see a free and democratic Venezuela, I strongly urge my colleagues to support the Ros-Lehtinen legislation, H.R. 4587.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 4028 introduced by my good friend and colleague, the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Meng), which adds desecration of cemeteries as a violation of religious freedom identified in the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998. Sadly, such an addition is necessary because we have seen repeated acts of desecration of cemeteries occurring throughout the world, especially in Europe, but also in the United States, including my own State of New Jersey. Jewish cemeteries seem to be a particular target of desecration. By some counts, attacks on Jewish cemeteries have been on the rise over the last several years. We have tried to document that again and again in our work at the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and the Organization for Security Cooperation itself. A number of Jewish organizations as well have come forward with extraordinarily demoralizing numbers of cemeteries, as well as synagogues that have been attacked, as there is a rising tide of anti- Semitism. I chaired a hearing on May 22 on the International Religious Freedom Act with a focus on the Commission on Religious Freedom, and one of the things that was brought forward in vivid detail has been the lack of enforcement and the lack of due diligence on the part of the administration when it comes to the International Religious Freedom Act. Not since 2011 has there been a designation of what we call country of particular concern, CPC status, or the dishonorable status that it conveys ought to be done every year. Congressman Frank Wolf, the author of IRFA, the International Religious Freedom Act, made it very clear it is law, and I would point out for the record that I chaired all of the hearings in the House as that bill was working its way through the House. We have had, I believe, a dereliction of duty on the part of the administration to do what it has to do under IRFA. There has been no designation since 2011. The commission pointed out that there are eight countries that ought to be so designated, followed by eight others, including Vietnam, that needed to be added to the list, making a total of 16 countries that are then liable to sanctions, the 18 or so sanctions that are prescribed in the legislation, again, authored by Mr. Wolf. I am so glad Ms. Meng is adding this to the list, but the list itself and all of the other violations need to be taken seriously by the administration. Hope springs eternal. I hope they do it sooner rather than later--like today--but I won't hold my breath. I say this because it is a very, very serious issue, and that was brought forward at our hearing just the other day. Finally, Mr. Speaker, there are other groups, including the Ahmadi religious minority in Pakistan. We heard testimony on May 22 about how their gravestones are being violated as well. By far, Jewish people have their cemeteries desecrated and others as well, and it is a terrible and despicable act of violence against individuals and religious freedom.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is left?

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, it has been 25 years since China's Government crushed the peaceful demonstrations we remember by the name ``Tiananmen Square.'' The resolution before us honors the extraordinary sacrifice endured by hundreds of thousands of peaceful Chinese democracy activists who rallied for almost 2 months in Beijing and in over 400 other cities in China in a heroic quest for liberty and human rights. It has been estimated that over a million people took part. Tiananmen has also come to symbolize the brutal lengths China's Communist Party will go to remain in power. When the tanks rolled into the square on June 4, 1989, mothers lost sons, fathers lost daughters, and China lost an idealistic generation of future leaders. You know, Mr. Speaker, some may prefer to look past or even trivialize the wanton slaughter by Chinese soldiers. The memory of the dead and those arrested, tortured, and exiled requires us to honor them, respect their noble aspirations for fundamental freedoms, and recommit ourselves to the struggle for freedom and human rights in China. Former President Jiang Zemin said in an interview that Tiananmen was ``no big deal.'' But it was a very big deal that has left an enduring mark on Chinese society and on U.S.-China relations. The Government of China continues to go to astounding, even bizarre, lengths to censor and ban open discussion of Tiananmen. This resolution sends the right message: we will never forget Tiananmen, ever, especially so as long as the Chinese people cannot discuss it and its significance openly without harassment or arrest or torture. Mr. Speaker, one of the most enduring symbols of the Tiananmen demonstrations was the unveiling of a facsimile of the Statue of Liberty on May 30, 1989. It was a moment that thrilled freedom advocates around the globe. There was this enduring symbol of freedom facing the portrait of Mao Zedong hanging in Tiananmen Square. This moment was extraordinary because it showed that when the Chinese people are able to speak publicly and freely, they ask for greater freedoms, democracy, and justice. These are universal liberties that can be found in demonstrations for liberty worldwide. We see it in Cairo and Caracas, Turkey and Tunisia, Kabul and Kiev. There was a moment when we all believed that Tiananmen Square demonstrations would be a triumph of freedom and democracy. Later in 1989, the Warsaw Pact nations started to crumble, and eventually the former Soviet Union fell as well, but the Communist leaders of China sought to cling to power through unbelievable brutality and force. They sent tanks and soldiers into Beijing to ``clear the square'' on the evening of June 3 into June 4. The beatings, the bayonetting, the torture and murder of students and the ubiquitous display of tanks turned the dream of freedom into a bloody nightmare. Mr. Speaker, in 1991, I was able to visit Beijing prison number 1 on a trip with my great friend and colleague Frank Wolf. It was a bleak gulag, where some 40 Tiananmen Square demonstrators were being unjustly detained. We saw firsthand the price paid by brave and tenacious individuals for peacefully petitioning their government for freedom, and it was not pretty. They looked like walking skeletons of Auschwitz, and they worked grueling hours making products, some of which ended up in U.S. markets. Mr. Speaker, for the past 25 years, the Tiananmen demonstrations have shaped the way the Chinese Government deals with dissent. Despite the country's stunning economic growth over the past two decades, Beijing's leaders remain terrified of their own people. China's ruling Communist Party would rather stifle, imprison, or even kill its own people than defer or embrace their demands for freedom and rights. President Xi Jinping's tenure as President, which started with so much promise of new beginnings, has instead ramped up the repression. China today is in a race to the bottom with the likes of North Korea. Last year was the worst year since the 1990s for arrests and imprisonment of dissidents. Over 230 people have been detained for their human rights advocacy, and those are the ones we know about. There are many, many more. In the past month leading up to the Tiananmen anniversary, Beijing has detained some two dozen activists for seeking to commemorate the anniversary, even criminalizing private gatherings and art installations. China remains, as we all know, one of the worst offenders of human rights overall. It remains the torture capital of the world. Religious freedom abuses continue with absolute impunity, and ethnic minority groups face repression when they peacefully seek rights of culture and of language. Hundreds of millions of women, Mr. Speaker, have been forced to abort their precious babies because of a draconian attempt to limit population growth in effect since 1979. China's one-child policy is a human rights disaster without precedent, and it is a demographic nightmare as well. Brothers and sisters in China, Mr. Speaker, are illegal, and the preference for having boys has led to a gender imbalance and a mass extermination of the girl child. This is not only a massive gender-based crime, Mr. Speaker, but a security problem as well. Experts are coming to the conclusion that China's unprecedented gender imbalance will lead to more crime, social instability, worker shortages, and even possibly war. Of course it has had a horrific impact on sex trafficking. Last year, China was rightfully demoted to a tier 3 country under the provisions of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act because of the missing girls and daughters, so those slavers are now buying and selling women as commodities because women don't exist relative to the number of males in the People's Republic of China all because of a cruel one child per couple policy. Finally, Mr. Speaker, repression has not dimmed the desires of the Chinese people for freedom and reform. There is an inspiring drive in China to keep fighting for freedom under very difficult and dangerous lethal conditions. This drive is the most important asset in promoting human rights and democratization. When democratic change does come to China, it will come from within, not because of outside pressure; although that pressure needs to be applied, and it needs to be applied judiciously and effectively. U.S. policy, in both the short and long term, must be, and seem to be, supportive of advocates of peaceful change. We can't abscond in our responsibility. Lists need to be tendered every time we meet with Chinese leaders, whether it be the White House or any Members of Congress, of political prisoners. I believe that someday China will be free. Someday the people of China will be able to enjoy all of their God-given rights. As a nation of free Chinese men and women, we will honor them and they will be celebrated someday as heroes of Tiananmen Square and all of those who sacrificed so much and for so long for freedom.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. First of all, let me begin by thanking our distinguished chairman, Ed Royce, for his leadership on combating human trafficking in general and for his strong support for this legislation today. To him and his staff, I am deeply, deeply grateful. Then, to Eliot Engel, the ranking member, we work as a team, and he works as a team, and it is one of the most bipartisan committees, probably, in the House. Thank you for your leadership on this as well and for your kind words a moment ago. I do deeply appreciate it. Madam Speaker, protecting women and children from violence and predatory behavior is among the highest duties and responsibilities of government. So today is truly a historic day--a historic day in the struggle to end human trafficking and to protect the weakest and must vulnerable from modern-day slavery. As prime author of the landmark Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, as well as reauthorizations of that law in 2003 and 2005, I believe the five bills under consideration by the House today will significantly prevent the horrific crime of human trafficking, protect and assist victims, and prosecute those who exploit and abuse. Madam Speaker, as we all know, legislative priorities in the U.S. House of Representatives don't happen by default, nor by happenstance. I especially want to single out Majority Leader Eric Cantor for his extraordinary leadership in ensuring that these five bills--and there will be others, I am sure, in their wake--were brought to the floor. There were multiple referrals to committees and subcommittees. I know that our bill was referred to the Judiciary Committee--we worked very closely with the Judiciary Committee and their staff--as well as Homeland Security, which also was very supportive. It is that kind of coordination and leadership that makes what looks like an easy walk-- and this has not been an easy walk for these bills; it never is--to come to the floor today with all of the differences of opinion. We are united on the floor of the House of Representatives today in saying in a bipartisan way absolutely ``no'' to this crime of human trafficking. So thank you Eric Cantor for that leadership. It is deeply, deeply appreciated. Madam Speaker, H.R. 4573, the International Megan's Law to Prevent Demand for Child Sex Trafficking, is a serious attempt to mitigate child sex tourism by noticing countries of destination concerning the travel plans of convicted pedophiles. And to protect American children, the bill encourages the President of the United States and everyone else, like the Secretary of State, to use bilateral agreements and assistance to establish reciprocal notification so that we will know when a convicted child abuser comes to the United States. Madam Speaker, in 1994, a young girl in my district, then my hometown of Hamilton Township, was lured into the home of a convicted pedophile who lived across the street from her home. Megan Kanka, 7 years old, was raped and murdered. No one, including Megan Kanka's parents or any of the other neighbors, knew that their neighbor across the street had been convicted twice and jailed for child sexual assault. The combination of concern for at-risk children and outrage towards those who abuse them led to enactment of Megan's Law--public sex offender registries--in every State in the country. In 2006, Chairman Sensenbrenner nationalized the whole idea and concept of the registry as part of his historic law, the Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act. Madam Speaker, it is imperative that we take the lessons learned on how to protect our children from known child sex predators within our borders and expand those to children globally. Child predators thrive on secrecy, a secrecy that allows them to commit heinous crimes against children with impunity and without any meaningful accountability. Megan's Law, with its emphasis on notification, must go global to protect American children and children worldwide. Let's not forget the prevalence or the size of this abuse. Nobody knows for sure exactly how many, but the International Labor Organization estimates that 1.8 million children are victims of commercial sexual exploitation around the world every year. Madam Speaker, it is also worth noting that in 2010 the Government Accountability Office issued a report entitled, ``Current Situation Results in Thousands of Passports Issued to Registered Sex Offenders.'' They found that at least 4,500 U.S. passports were issued to registered sex offenders in fiscal year 2008 alone. The GAO emphasized that this number is probably understated due to the limitations of the data that it was able to access and analyze.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Thank you, Chairman Royce. Meanwhile, the law enforcement and media reports continue to document Americans on the U.S. sex offender registries who were caught sexually abusing children in East Asia and Central and South America and everyplace in the world. It is the same horror movie replayed over and over. We must do more to warn destination countries so that they can, in turn, protect their children from sex tourism. We have the information and technology that is employed to protect children. Madam Speaker, I ask Members to support this legislation. It is the second time that we have brought this bill to the floor. It is slightly different than it was in 2010. It passed then. It got no action in the United States Senate. I hope all five of these historic bills are taken up in a very timely fashion by the U.S. Senate because protecting the weakest and the most vulnerable--women, children, and especially the at-risk population-- from this cruelty must be an imperative. And the Senate needs to act, as we are acting. I would like to thank the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children for their support of the legislation.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Royce for swiftly bringing this important resolution, H. Res. 573, to the floor. I thank Congresswoman Frederica Wilson for her sponsorship and also Eliot Engel for the bipartisanship that has been exhibited on behalf of this very, very important and timely resolution. Mr. Speaker, nearly 2 months ago, a large group of uniformed men, Boko Haram terrorists, kidnapped nearly 300 schoolgirls from the Chibok Government Girls Secondary School. This case has recently caught the attention of the international community, and people worldwide are now--and belatedly, I would suggest--calling for swift action to recover these innocent young women. Unfortunately--and perversely--Boko Haram now basks in its international attention and continues to release videos to demonstrate the leverage they believe they have gained by this and other kidnappings. Meanwhile, boys caught by these terrorists are not kidnapped; they are summarily executed. Fifty-nine of them were killed in one school alone in Borno State just this past February. Mr. Speaker, the Government of Nigeria continues to be slow to react to this outrageous situation, even after accepting much-needed international security assistance. It is only since the uproar in Nigeria and outside the country that the Nigerian Government has asked for international assistance in addressing this situation. That request has triggered a U.S. interagency team consisting of personnel from the Departments of State, Defense, Justice, USAID, AFRICOM, and the FBI. That team was led by AFRICOM commander General David Rodriguez and Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Sarah Sewall, who will testify tomorrow at Chairman Royce's hearing. This enhanced engagement is welcomed in light of weak efforts by the Nigerian Government and a police-military-security apparatus that we have found to operate in a very divided manner and make enemies among the Nigerian public by their clumsy and sometimes brutal response to Boko Haram terrorist attacks. Mr. Speaker, it is worth noting here that, for years, many of us--and this has been bipartisan--have been calling on the Obama administration to declare Boko Haram a foreign terrorist organization. I held a hearing back in 2012 and asked, rather pointedly, of then- Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson why Boko Haram was not so designated, particularly in light of the killings that occurred at the U.N. facility in Abuja. There were no good answers. We tried again. I finally went on a factfinding trip in September of last year. We went to Jos, Greg Simpkins, my staff director and I, and met with people who were the survivors of firebombing attacks that occurred in their churches while they were at mass or at church service on Sunday. We heard harrowing tales. We even brought one of the survivors, a man named Ikenna Nzeribe, who came and told how an AK-47 was put to his jaw. He was told: You either renounce your faith in your Jesus or you die. He said: I am ready to see my Lord. The trigger was pulled, and he lost half of his face and was left for dead. I say that because the brutality of this organization--which now has some 300 young, innocent women that are probably being raped and abused in so many ways--just underscores the need for concerted action, first and foremost, by Nigeria and, secondly, by a full assist by the international communities. Earlier today, five mutually reinforcing bills to combat human trafficking passed on this floor of the House of Representatives. This is another vivid, extraordinary, hard example of human trafficking, of stealing young girls right from their school, putting them in trucks, and then taking them into the bush where horrible things are being done to them. We need to leave no stone unturned, and if that means lifting in the sense of only working with those troops that are human rights certified to assist the military of Nigeria, parts of the Leahy amendment may have to be waived, we have to provide that command and control and that ability for the Nigerian military to find and bring these young girls back to safety.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, let me just say that we are really speaking with one voice tonight, and that is on behalf of the young women, the young girls, who have been abducted by Boko Haram. Thankfully, there is absolutely no divide between Republicans or Democrats, and really the world. The world is speaking out. This is absolutely outrageous, but it is part of a trend and a surge that is happening in many parts of the world, including in Africa. Al- Shabaab in Somalia. We know the terrible killing spree that went on in Kenya, in Nairobi, not so long ago. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb. Ansar-al-Dine and Mujao in Mali. And then, of course, Seleka in the Central African Republic. And then, of course, Boko Haram. Number nine of the whereas be it resolved ``calls on the President to provide Congress a comprehensive strategy to counter the growing threat posed by radical Islamist terrorist groups in West Africa, the Sahel, and North Africa.'' They are bad, Mr. Speaker, and they are getting worse. Many of us have been calling in a bipartisan way for years that Boko Haram be designated a foreign terrorist organization, and it was belated. It took years to designate this organization, this cruel, insensitive, and murderous organization. Thankfully, at least now everyone gets it, but unfortunately there are many, many victims who are suffering. The war on terrorism, Mr. Speaker, remains largely unfinished. My hope is that this resolution and the commitment of the U.S. Government, the French, and the European allies, and frankly people around the world, even the Chinese know because they were recently hit as well, will understand that Boko Haram has to be stopped. All means necessary have to be employed to mitigate--no, not mitigate--destroy this threat to children, to women. Let's not forget: here is a group that targets schools, literally abducts children, kills the men, the boys, and abducts the young girls. Just in May and April they conducted the worst attack on bus stations throughout Abuja. The worst hit. It barely made the papers, Mr. Speaker. Boko Haram is a murderous organization, and it is about time we all did our part to ensure that they end their rein of terror. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, in a little more than two weeks, Ukraine will be holding presidential elections while Russia continues its campaign of aggression and destabilization. The evidence overwhelmingly indicates that the pro-Russian separatist militants that have been operating in parts of eastern Ukraine act at the behest and direction of the Russian government. President Putin has already said that the Ukrainian elections are illegitimate. Yesterday Putin softened his tone with respect to the May 25 elections. Yet at this point words mean little unless they are matched by deeds. Putin has also claimed that the tens of thousands of troops deployed on Ukraine's border are being pulled back, yet so far there is no evidence that this is happening. The upcoming elections are legitimate--and more than legitimate. They are heroic--many people will be taking real risks of future reprisals in voting. Yet according to a recent IRI poll, an overwhelming 84 percent of Ukrainian citizens said they will definitely or are likely to vote in the elections, including a substantial majority in the two regions in which the militants are active. The vast majority of Ukrainians do not support the separatist movement, and wish to remain in a united Ukraine. It is up to the Ukrainian people--and only the Ukrainian people--to decide their own future through democratic means. It is not up to Russia--whose President famously said that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a ``major geopolitical disaster . . . a genuine tragedy''. These are views shared by few of the people living in Ukraine, whether they consider themselves Ukrainian or Russian, and few of the people living in the other non-Russian former Soviet republics. The real tragedy here is the suffering of so many innocent people at the hands of militants, extremists, and hooligans--including the OSCE military monitors who were held hostage by the pro-Russian militants for more than a week. The militants have murdered a number of pro- Ukrainian activists and have kidnapped, threatened and intimidated others, including journalists who simply favor democracy and free speech. Some 40 people are in captivity in the separatist hotbed of Sloviansk alone. Minorities also have reason to be concerned--militants have attacked the Roma community and among Russian special forces in Ukraine are members of neo-Nazi and anti-Semitic groups. And over the weekend, we saw the terrible clashes in Odessa that resulted in the deaths of more than 40 people. We must not forget Crimea, where the Russians are consolidating power and taking measures against Crimean Tatars and ethnic Ukrainians The revered long-time Crimean Tatar leader and former Soviet political prisoner, Mustafa Dzhemilev, has been banned from returning to his homeland. Other activists have been attacked and threatened. An overwhelming majority of Ukrainian citizens, even in the two regions where the pro-Russian separatists are most active and where most of the violence is taking place, don't wish to join Russia, and certainly don't want war. I welcome U.S. and international assistance to Ukraine's democratic and economic development, including for the upcoming elections. Especially important is helping Ukraine strengthen the rule of law and overcome the devastating legacy of corruption left in the wake of the ruinous Yanukovich regime. The U.S. and international community should redouble efforts to counter Russian aggression and to support the Ukrainian people's overwhelming aspirations for peace, freedom, democracy and economic well-being. We must stand shoulder-to-shoulder with those who want dignity, peace and freedom, in solidarity against those seeking to impose foreign autocracy and imperial rule.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chairman for bringing this important resolution forward and also Congressman Frank Wolf, who has been tenacious in insisting that there be a select committee. There are serious gaps. We all know it. The people who lost their lives who died unnecessarily their loved ones and the American people deserve to know the truth about Benghazi. When Secretary Clinton came before the Foreign Affairs Committee, I asked her point blank: You have said, Madam Secretary, that you take full responsibility. How do you define ``full responsibility''? She defined it from the day of, and all that preceded Benghazi is precluded from that definition. Despite the fact that there was one cable after another, suggesting that there were serious gaps in security, all of that seemed to have not made its way to either her or her senior staff. That is very much of a lack of attention to detail, and a light needs to be brought to that. I asked two of the people who headed up the ARB, the Accountability Review Board, why they did not interview Secretary Clinton. They had no good answer. I asked them twice--no good answer. Back in 1998, when we got hit in Dar es Salaam and in Nairobi, I chaired the hearings of the Accountability Review Board. We looked painstakingly at all of the gaps that existed and I wrote the Secure Embassy Construction and Counterterrorism Act of 1999. There were lessons learned. Those lessons were not applied the way they should have been to Benghazi. Requests were made for help. We still don't know the truth. The new select committee will leave no stone unturned. It will get answers. Again, those who died, their loved ones, and the American people deserve to know the truth.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engle, thank you for introducing this important legislation H.R. 2548, the Electrify Africa Act, which my subcommittee Ranking Member Karen Bass and I have joined you in sponsoring. We acknowledge the importance of this legislation, and we hope our colleagues share our enthusiasm for what this bill can accomplish. Congress' interest in Africa is not only longstanding, but also varied. Some of focus on development, and some are more interested in trade. Others are keen to meet the humanitarian needs of the continent, while still others believe education is the key to Africa's future success. All of those elements are important, but none of them can be accomplished fully without electricity, which is in far too short a supply throughout Africa. In Africa's largest cities, there are plenty of lights, and in Lagos, Accra, Nairobi, Dakar, Johannesburg, Addis Ababa or Lusaka the modern way of life is thriving--day or night. Unfortunately, in many other cities, electricity is fleeting, and in too many rural areas it is simply scarce. Generators provide the power by which many companies are forced to do business, and in many homes, generators are needed to ensure that modern activities can continue when the government-provided power flickers out. This is so expensive that many Africans are forced to rely on more basic means of providing light once night approaches, but in the 21st century, the people of Africa must not be dependent on the sun or candles and lanterns to deliver their light. Certainly, these means cannot power their cell phones, televisions or other technology on which today's societies thrive. We all want Africa to join in the development the rest of the world enjoys, yet that is not possible without a steady source of energy. Manufacturing is only a notion without the power to move assembly lines and produce goods. Vaccines and other medicines will last only so long without refrigeration, and that requires steady electrical power. A student studying by candlelight or by the light of a lantern is a quaint notion that can no longer be the reality of young Africans striving to build a better life. H.R. 2548 will improve access to affordable, reliable electricity in sub-Saharan Africa, where more than two-thirds of Africans lack access to electricity. This bill does not provide electricity as a gift; it facilitates cooperation between our government and African governments in finding the most efficient and effective means of establishing electric power for their citizens. By requiring our Administration to create a comprehensive multiyear strategy, H.R. 2548 ensures that there is a mutually agreeable plan that can be implemented by future Administrations and Congresses in collaboration with willing African partners. This bill also calls on U.S. representatives to international institutions to leverage other international support for providing electricity to Africa. I call on my colleagues to join with us in voting for H.R. 2548. In doing so, we will not only provide power for Africa, but we also will energize our dreams for Africa's current and future development.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I, as no doubt all of you, have been shocked by images of horrific human rights violations, including summary executions, torture, rape, and chemical weapon attacks in Syria. Since the Syrian Civil War began, perhaps as many as 150,000 people may have been killed and more than 9 million people have been forced to leave their homes, 6.5 million of them internally displaced. By the end of last year, it is estimated that neighboring countries such as Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon, and Iraq were holding nearly 3 million Syrian refugees. Who is culpable for such heinous acts, and how can they be held accountable, be they members of the Assad regime or Islamist radicals from neighboring countries? Those who have perpetrated human rights violations among the Syrian Government, the rebels, and the foreign fighters on both sides of this conflict, must be shown that their actions will have serious, predictable, and certain consequences. They need to learn the lesson that Charles Taylor learned when he got a 50- year sentence when he was brought to trial and convicted by the Special Court for Sierra Leone. H. Con. Res. 51, introduced on September 9, calls for the creation of an international tribunal that would be more flexible and more efficient than the International Criminal Court to ensure accountability for human rights violations committed by all sides. Such a tribunal would draw upon past experience, creating a justice mechanism robust enough to hold perpetrators accountable for the most egregious wrongs, yet nimble enough not to derail chances for peace due to rigidity. Beginning with the Nuremburg and Tokyo tribunals, a body of law has developed concerning war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. Since the end of the Cold War, we have seen examples of ad hoc tribunals in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and hybrid mechanisms such as the Special Court for Sierra Leone. As chair of the subcommittee on human rights, especially during the 1990s, as well as the Helsinki Commission Chairman, I held a series of hearings on the Yugoslav courts, and those that were in Sierra Leone and Rwanda, and often had the chief prosecutors testify at those hearings, including Carla Del Ponte from the Yugoslav court and others from the Special Court for Sierra Leone, including David Crane. We brought David Crane back this past October 30 to ask him what his view would be on such a court, and he gave riveting testimony, as did other experts, as to the absolute need for the immediate establishment for this kind of flexible court. Each of these tribunals has achieved a level of success that has escaped the International Criminal Court. The Yugoslavia tribunal has won 67 convictions, the Rwanda tribunal has won 47, and the Sierra Leone tribunal has won 16 convictions. Meanwhile, the ICC--costing about $140 million annually--has thus far seen only one conviction. One thing we do not want to do is go down the ICC route. The ICC process is distant and has no local ownership of its justice process. It is far less flexible than an ad hoc tribunal, which can be designed to fit the situation. The ICC requires a referral. In the case of the President and Deputy President of Kenya, it was Kenya itself that facilitated the referral. That is highly unlikely in the case of Syria. Since Syria is a Russian client state, this U.N. Security Council member would oppose any referral of the Syria matter to the ICC, but might be convinced to support an ad hoc proceeding that focuses on war crimes by the government, as well as the rebels--one that allows for plea bargaining for witnesses and other legal negotiations to enable such a court to successfully punish at least some of the direct perpetrators of increasingly horrific crimes. And Syria, like the United States, never ratified the Rome Statute that created the ICC, which raises legitimate concerns about sovereignty with implications for our country, which this panel also addresses. There are issues that must be addressed for any Syria war crimes tribunal to be created and to operate successfully. There must be sustained international will for it to happen in a meaningful way. An agreed-upon system of law must be the basis for proceedings. An agreed- upon structure, a funding mechanism and a location for the proceedings must be found. There must be a determination on which and how many targets of justice will be pursued. A timetable and time span of such a tribunal must be devised. And there are even more issues that must be settled before such an ad hoc tribunal can exist. Those who are even now perpetrating crimes against humanity must be shown that their crimes will not continue with impunity. Syria has been called the world's worst humanitarian crisis. One might reasonably also consider it the worst human rights crisis in the world today. Therefore, the international community owes it to the people of Syria, and their neighbors, to do all we can to bring to a halt the actions creating these crises for Syria and the region. We have the opportunity to give hope to the terrorized people of Syria. The subcommittee I chair held a hearing last October 30 where we heard from some of the most experienced voices concerning international justice mechanisms. We have met several times with the State Department, and we have worked diligently with the House Committee on Foreign Affairs--especially Ranking Member Eliot Engel and Chairman Ed Royce--in shaping a lean, muscular resolution that can be adapted to address the situation in Syria as it currently exists, providing broad latitude for the administration to conduct foreign policy. The suffering of the Syrian people must end, and we have the opportunity to help achieve that. H. Con. Res. 51 is a means to that end, and again, those who are committing these horrific crimes need to know that they face the certitude of punishment.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, a hearing that I held earlier this week addressed an extremely critical topic: the worsening crisis in the Central African Republic, where untold lives hang in the balance and the window for action is narrowing each day. It was not the first hearing we have held on the CAR. It follows up a hearing that we held last November when the situation already appeared dire, as well as numerous meetings and interventions with bishops, humanitarian NGOs, diplomats, and interested parties. At our November hearing, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary Robert Jackson stated that the CAR was in a ``pre-genocide'' stage. Since the time Mr. Jackson last spoke to us, the situation appears to have gotten demonstrably worse. We will hear again today from Mr. Jackson, who will update us not only on the situation on the ground, but also on a change of policy that I believe reflects a course of action that we had recommended the administration undertake last November, namely, that United Nations peacekeepers be introduced into the country as the existing African Union force has been serving too many vested interests. Hopefully, such an intervention will not come too late, because as we are witnessing a country in rapid disintegration, apparently descending from a ``pre-genocide'' stage to one characterized by a word almost too painful to articulate: genocide. In a country that for decades had been characterized by brutal misrule and brazen corruption, we are seeing for the first time sectarian divisions such have never existed before. Economic tensions and rivalry over land used for grazing versus planting have always existed, but these have given way to butchery based on religious and ethnic affiliation. This is happening at a time when we mark the twentieth anniversary of the genocide in Rwanda. When that country was being turned into a massive killing field, the world stood idly by. Both President Clinton and then-U.N. Peacekeeping Chief Kofi Annan had actionable intelligence information that could have prevented or at least mitigated the Rwandan genocide but chose callous indifference that enabled slaughter of unprecedented proportions. When the blood stopped flowing, the world looked at the corpses piled high and was shocked, ``never again'' was the phrase that was on everyone's lips. It is happening again. The question before us is whether the phrase ``never again'' is one that we simply use to pay lip service while doing nothing, or whether we are going to act. We had two witnesses from the U.S. Government at the hearing, as I mentioned, Acting Assistant Secretary Jackson, and also Anne Richard, Assistant Secretary for Population, Refugees and Migration. While the State Department sending two people to testify is encouraging, as it shows a heightened commitment to the issue, the questions I asked them to answer were not only about ``what are we doing,'' but also whether or not ``we are doing enough?'' In 2012, the Obama administration, to much fanfare, created an Atrocities Prevention Board, following a Presidential Study directive which stated that ``Preventing mass atrocities and genocide is a core national security interest and a core moral responsibility of the United States.'' The APB is supposed to provide early warning of mass atrocities, and mobilize interagency resources to stop such atrocities. But where has this Board been? Did we take our eyes off the ball in the CAR, perhaps because we are confronted by so many other crises? While we have taken some steps, including authorizing $170 million in humanitarian and peacekeeping aid--are such resources adequate given the magnitude of the problem? We have a situation where in a country with a population of roughly 5.2 million people, 1.3 million are in risk of starvation, while 2.5 million in total are estimated to need some form of humanitarian assistance. That is nearly half the country. We are seeing ethnic cleansing, whereby whole villages are being emptied and the countryside laid waste. There are more than 600,000 internally displaced persons in the CAR, plus more than 320,000 others who are refugees in neighboring countries. Illustrative of how the situation has worsened, the total number of those displaced has doubled since the time we held our hearing last November. We are told that an estimated 2,000 people have been killed since December, but I believe that number is a conservative estimate. What reports we do receive, however, are bloodcurdling. Human Rights Watch reported on an attack on a Muslim neighborhood in the town of Guen in the early morning hours of February 1 by so-called anti-Balaka forces. A father recounted how as the family was fleeing he saw his ten-year-old boy shot in the leg and fall down. The child was set upon by men with machetes, who hacked at him until he was dead. Four days later, in what was reminiscent of the massacre in the former Yugoslavia, anti-Balaka forces came upon a group of Muslims who were hiding. They separated the men from the women and small children, and executed the men: 45 of them, using machetes and then shooting those who lay wounded. Though for decades the CAR has been beset by violence and misrule, such religious based violence is something that is a new phenomenon. But how did the country get to this point? What began as a political coup d'etat in March 2013 against former President Francois Bozize by Michel Djotodia quickly took on religious and ethnic overtones. As was detailed in our November hearing, Djotodia--who, thankfully, has now been replaced by interim President Catherine Samba-Panza--came to power with the military backing of Seleka, a militia of about 25,000 men, up to 90 percent of which come from Chad and Sudan and therefore constituted a foreign invasion force in the eyes of many. They did not speak the local language, and are Muslim in a nation that is over 80 percent Christian or otherwise non-Muslim. They destroyed churches, executed priests and stirred up sectarian hatreds where little to none had existed previously. What we began to see happening last November in response to Seleka was a reactionary backlash by anti-Balaka, self-defense gangs. Since then, retaliatory outrages committed by anti-Balaka forces have escalated, and Muslim civilians who had nothing to do with Seleka became targets. As in the case of Guen, whole neighborhoods in the capital city of Bangui, and whole villages, have been cleansed of their Muslim populations. As we heard from our witnesses, there are numerous causes contributing to grievances, including a fight for control over conflict minerals. Guen, for example, is in a mining area, and thus there are economic motives at work as well. Insofar as the conflict can be described as religious on one level, it is also true religious fervor and dedication that provides the greatest hope for peace in the Central African Republic. Some of you will recall how a few months ago three great religious leaders came to Washington and New York to meet with Congressional and U.S. Government leaders, as well as United Nations officials. One was a Muslim imam, another an evangelical Christian leader, and a third the Catholic Archbishop of Bangui--Imam Omar Kobine Layama, Archbishop Dieudonne Nzapalainga, and the Rev. Nicolas Guerekoyame-Gbangou. The three of them spoke with one voice about their efforts to preach reconciliation in their country and to end the violence. They also asked for our help before it became too late. Finally, I want to relate to you a story about another man of God, someone whom those of you who attended our November hearing, will remember. Two weeks ago was Holy Week, and on Holy Thursday, Bishop Desire Nongo of the Diocese of Bossangoa and one of the witnesses at our last hearing, was visiting an outlying parish along with three of his priests. The car he was traveling in was stopped on the road by Seleka gunmen whose leader had for a period occupied Bossangoa. He accused Bishop Nongo of having thwarted his plans and working with international peacekeepers. He then sentenced him and the other three priests to death. The gunmen removed his Episcopal ring and the large pectoral cross which you might remember Bishop Nongo wore. The four men were placed in a truck and were to be driven north to the border with Chad for the order to be carried out. On the way to the gallows, their truck was stopped yet again by Seleka gunmen, this time commanded by another warlord who also knew Bishop Nongo and his good work in Bossangoa, where the Bishop provides care for over 35,000 people displaced by the violence. He ordered the Bishop and his priests freed and, through the efforts of international aid organizations and the peacekeepers, they were helicoptered back to Bossangoa in time for Good Friday. This story really hit home with me. Here is someone who shared coffee with me in my office, who sat in that witness chair over there and gave a powerful defense of the weakest and most vulnerable, someone I especially know and deeply admire and respect, who just two weeks ago today was about to be killed until Providence intervened. But be it a bishop or a farmer, every precious life has value. Far too many have died, and, unless we act, far too many more will likely die. Recall the words of the Presidential Directive I cited earlier: ``Preventing mass atrocities and genocide is a core national security interest and a core moral responsibility of the United States.'' I believe this is true, but such sentiments are empty if they are not backed up by action.