Chris Smith

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, on behalf of the majority, we welcome and support the amendment by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Souder). The links between drugs and terrorism and the overall future of a democratic Afghanistan are self-evident and important. It is critical that we take down and extradite to the United States those kingpins and warlords in the drug trade who are affecting our Nation here at home and poisoning the new democracy in Afghanistan and fueling terrorism at the same time. The Souder amendment will let us know whether we are getting cooperation and support from the government of Afghanistan on this critical part in the fight against illicit drugs: extraditions. According to DEA, there are four pending U.S. requests for extradition from the government of Afghanistan, including one major kingpin. We need to know if we are getting cooperation on these requests, and if not, why not. I support and strongly urge adoption of the Souder amendment.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to offer my best and warmest wishes to a good friend and constituent, Mr. Benjamin H. Danskin, who today celebrates his 80th birthday. Ben Danskin has been a key figure in government service, public advocacy and business development in Monmouth County, New Jersey for more than 50 years. He is respected, admired and well-liked by colleagues, associates and former political rivals. His family and close friends are inspired by his wit, good nature, character, charisma and kindness. Born and raised in Spring Lake, New Jersey, Ben and his older brother, Clyde, learned the importance of public service through their father's example. Their father, Benjamin S. Danskin, was a realtor with Horatio Clayton Real Estate and Insurance, which he later bought and named the Danskin Agency. Successful in business, Benjamin S. Danskin also succeeded in the public arena. He served as the Secretary of the State Division of Tax Appeals, President of the New Jersey Association of Tax Commissioners, and Deputy Director of Taxation, assisting in the creation of the state tax equalization program. Government service would become a family trait. In September 1943, young Ben Danskin joined the Army as a Lieutenant and began training to become a B-25 bomber pilot. When World War II ended, Ben enrolled in the Dickinson College to pursue a degree in political science. He graduated in 1949 and moved back to Wall Township with his wife, Betty Joan Slockbower, who had been his high school sweetheart. In April of this year, Ben and Joan celebrated their 58th wedding anniversary--and they are the proud parents of three loving daughters: Cathy, Nancy, and Barbara. Upon his return from the war, Ben immediately invested himself in his community and embarked upon a life-long commitment to distinguished public service. He joined his father at the Danskin Agency and was elected to the Wall Township Committee. At the age of 27, Ben was appointed as the Mayor of Wall Township, the youngest mayor in township history. In 1963, Ben Danskin was elected as a Monmouth County Freeholder and he served as such until 1969 when he was elected to a five-year term as the Monmouth County Clerk. He was appointed to his first three-year term as Monmouth County Treasurer in 1974. He was reappointed in 1977, replaced by a Democratic freeholder majority in 1980, but reappointed to the treasurer's post in 1983, once the GOP regained the majority on the board. Just last December, 2004, Ben Danskin stepped down from the position of Monmouth County Treasurer after 21 years of consecutive service. From 1969 to 1982, Ben Danskin led the Monmouth County Republican Committee as its Chairman. He has remained influential in the party throughout his illustrious career. A genuine leader, Ben Danskin has helped launch critical county initiatives and shape public policy through thoughtful, substantive persuasion. He continues to be sought out for his wise counsel and advice. Though he would not like it discussed, there are lasting tributes to Ben Danskin's hard work and public service. He is credited with a leading role in the establishment of Brookdale Community College, the creation of the Monmouth County Correctional Institution, and the expansion of the Monmouth County park system, just to name a few. Ten of thousands of Monmouth residents continue to benefit from the programs Ben Danskin helped conceive and nurture during his years of public service. On the business side, Ben counts his co-founding of Allaire Community Bank in 1996 as one of his most successful endeavors. The bank thrived and was recently bought out by Central Jersey Bank. Ben Danskin's public career is admirable not only for its demonstration of commitment and longevity but more so for the impact he has had on so many positive initiatives for the people of Monmouth County. Happy 80th Birthday, Ben Danskin. On behalf of our mutual friends and constituents, I offer our deepest gratitude for your years of dedicated service and commitment to the public good.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 333) supporting the goals and ideals of a National Weekend of Prayer and Reflection for Darfur, Sudan.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support of H. Res. 333 which supports the goals and the ideals of a national weekend of prayer and reflection for Darfur, Sudan. It is fort that this resolution also come to the floor today when we mark the tenth anniversary of another genocide, that which took place in the Balkans and, in particular, 10 years ago to the day, July 11, 1995 when the killing fields were very much covered with blood and murder in Srebreniza. This body a few weeks ago passed my resolution to remember that horrific event, and sadly, today we are on the floor again bringing much needed attention and priority and hopefully an appeal for prayer and fasting on behalf of those who have suffered and are suffering in Darfur, Sudan. It was almost a year ago, Mr. Speaker, on July 21 that the House passed H. Con. Res. 467 that finally, at long last, called what is occurring, in Darfur, a genocide. Since that time, the United States Government has provided over $600 million in humanitarian relief to help ease the suffering of the most affected by this terrible conflict and over $150 million to support the African Union in their mission in Darfur. President Bush, the Congress, Democrats, Republicans, House and Senate, countless numbers of churches, nongovernmental organizations, think tanks and activists around the world have devoted a huge amount of time trying to raise awareness about the genocide in Darfur and mobilizing political and material support for efforts to mitigate and hopefully end this genocide. For its part, the U.N. Security Council has passed no less than six resolutions addressing the situation in Darfur. Still, the crisis, the genocide, continues. Out of a pre-conflict population of 6.5 million, anywhere between 300,000 and 400,000 Darfurians have perished, and an estimated 10,000 continue to die each and every month. Over 2 million have been forced from their homes. Entire villages have been looted and destroyed, and countless men, women and children have been murdered, abducted, abused or raped. Mr. Speaker, I believe it is our Nation's richest and most important tradition that we turn to God in prayer, in good times and bad, to thank Him for His blessings and to ask and to petition Him for His help. I believe we delude ourselves if we think that we possess the wisdom or the courage or the skill to solve the myriad of vexing problems that we face. We needed God's help. Earlier today, Reverend Dan Coughlin, the House Chaplain, in his opening prayer here, eloquently pointed the way to us as Members of Congress, as people of faith, when he quoted scripture that everyone who exalts himself shall be humbled, and those who humble themselves shall be exalted. Prayer certainly is a humbling process of realizing who we are in relation to God. He pointed out in his prayer again that life itself has taught us that ``all exaltation leads only to illusion, and left to ourselves, we can easily slip and fall'' and he calls on us as government leaders with ``high aspirations'' hopefully to be ``grounded in the people we serve'' and again this whole idea of humbling ourselves in prayer so that we can bring God's blessing and power into any situation. Nowhere is that more true than in these vexing problems that we see all over the globe especially in places like Darfur where this genocide has been occurring. The events of the past year have shown us that it is extremely difficult to impose peace upon Darfur. In the Book of James, we are told that faith without works is dead. Yes, we need the works--humanitarian assistance, including food and medicine. We need the statecraft. We need the peacekeeping intervention that is being organized now as part of the African Union peace mission. All of that has to be done but we also must pray. We must pray for even those who perpetrate such atrocities against their own brothers and sisters, that they will lay down their weapons and turn from this gross evil and the destructive path that they have chosen. We must pray for the people of Sudan, especially its leaders, and especially those thugs who are on the ground today, who derive their fleeting power from the barrel of a gun, to end their reign of terror against innocent men, women and children. H. Res. 333 supports a national weekend of prayer and reflection for Darfur and solemnly encourages the people of the United States to observe that weekend, and I think it should be every weekend and every day, but certainly in a very focused way for a weekend by praying for an end to genocide, for a lasting peace for these beleaguered people. It also urges all churches and synagogues and mosques and religious institutions in the United States to consider, to focus upon the issue of Darfur in their activities and to observe the national weekend of prayer and reflection with appropriate activities and services. I want to thank my good friend and colleague Mr. Payne, my fellow New Jerseyan, for introducing this important resolution, and I am very proud to be one of the cosponsors. I urge my colleagues to support it and above all to join us in praying that a just and a merciful God will stop the slaughter, to pray that He will heal the surviving victims who have been so brutally traumatized, and pray that God empower the international community to mete out justice to the perpetrators of this heinous genocide. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 333.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution, H. Res. 343.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution authored by the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) which brings the largely untold story to the attention of the American people, as well as to the international community, of the continued involvement of the North Korean regime in the kidnapping of thousands of innocent people. These abductions began more than half a century ago according to a survey of the Korean National Red Cross, which documented the kidnappings of over 7,000 South Koreans during the Korean War. Those abducted represent a wide cross-section of society from both South Korea and Japan: film producers and fishermen, housewives and ministers, airline attendants and university students, mothers and even children. North Korean agents did not discriminate in their cold and calculated selection of potential victims. Cases through the years include the 1977 abduction of a 13-year-old Japanese girl by North Korean frogmen who came ashore in her country. As recently as August of 2004, a former North Korean, now a South Korean, passport holder, was reported by her husband as having been kidnapped in China by agents of North Korea. Officially sanctioned kidnapping represents horrific behavior, and it raises the question as to whether abduction should be cited as terrorist activity. Should Pyongyang remain on the State Department's list of state sponsors of terrorism because of regime collusion in such reprehensible activity? The kidnapping and subsequent murder in Pakistan of American journalist Daniel Pearl in the months following the attacks of September 11 seems to have answered that question once and for all. Organized kidnapping does constitute an act of terrorism. The fact that Pyongyang has conspired with the Japanese Red Army, a designated terrorist organization, is a clear indication of its own connection to terrorist activities. The United States and other allies who fought together in the Korean War under the banner of the United Nations have a direct interest in the forced detention of certain individuals by the North Korean regime. Those detained include, according to a South Korean Ministry of National Defense estimate, over 500 South Korean prisoners of war held over half a century, against their will and in violation of the 1953 Korean War Armistice agreement. The fact that they had been held for more than 50 years in horrific conditions that include forced labor is of deep concern to both Congress and the people of the United States. Those kidnapped also include a South Korean citizen who was then a student at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, as well as a South Korean missionary who is a spouse of a resident of the State of Illinois. Those cases are of direct concern to Members of Congress. Mr. Speaker, we all recognize that resolution of the nuclear issue on the Korean peninsula is of critical importance. We welcome Pyongyang's decision announced over the weekend to return to the Six-Party Talks later this month as a first step back from the brink. Let us hope this leads to concrete progress. North Korea has asked for signs of respect from the United States in connection with its decision to return to the negotiating table in Beijing. However, the North Korean regime must recognize that in order to win the respect that it craves from the United States and the international community, it must begin to behave in acceptable ways. Continued gross human rights violations, including the abductions of persons from South Korea, Japan and other countries, are absolutely deplorable and will only bring additional dishonor to the North Korean regime, and certainly they are not means for winning the respect and acceptance by the international community. Pyongyang should immediately cease and desist from carrying out abductions, release all victims of kidnappings and prisoners of war still alive in North Korea, and provide a full and verifiable accounting of all other cases. Only then can a reformed North Korea take its place as a full member in the community of nations. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 168) condemning the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for the abductions and continued captivity of citizens of the Republic of Korea and Japan as acts of terrorism and gross violations of human rights, as amended.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Con. Res. 168.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 343 introduced by my friend and colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Crowley), and commend him for sponsoring this. At least ten other Members have joined him as cosponsors on the resolution. In May of 2005, the Kuwaiti Parliament amended its basic election laws to provide something which we in America take for granted, the rights of women to vote and to run for office. This resolution puts the U.S. House of Representatives on record as commending this important step in the Middle East. The Kuwaiti Parliament has taken action to recognize the important role of women in international human rights, and the House states in its resolution how important that role is and how it must be respected and promoted regardless of historical, cultural or religious heritage. This action by the Kuwaiti Parliament underscores its recognition of these important rights and shows its support for the American policy of actively advancing women's rights all over the world. This resolution recognizes America's view that this important step by the Kuwaiti Parliament is an important step for the women of Kuwait and for the nation as a whole. The resolution formally commends the government and the Parliament of Kuwait for this important action and urges full participation of Kuwaiti women in the political life of their country. I urge support of this resolution, Mr. Speaker. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 343) commending the State of Kuwait for granting women certain important political rights.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 155) urging the Government of the Republic of Albania to ensure that the parliamentary elections to be held on July 3, 2005, are conducted in accordance with international standards for free and fair elections.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. As we consider this resolution, I want to thank those who have worked hard to craft the text that meets various concerns and reflects the realities of Srebrenica as we know them. In particular, I want to thank the Congress of North American Bosniaks and its members for stressing the need for the United States Congress to address this issue at this time, not only for their sake but for the sake of humanity. I also want to thank the Coalition for International Justice for providing us with background on who was indicted for crimes relating to Srebrenica by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia located at the Hague, as well as their current status. Finally, I want to thank the chairman of the International Relations Committee, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), and especially the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), who is one of the cosponsors of this resolution and a great friend of human rights; and also for our friends on the Subcommittee on Europe and Emerging Threats, to which it was also referred, for working with us on helping to craft this regulation. And to the 39 cosponsors, including the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin), who is the ranking member on the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, which I chair in the House. Let me say, finally, Mr. Speaker, that Article 2 of the Genocide Convention, quoted in the text of this resolution, defines genocide as, ``Any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, such as: A, killing members of the group; B, causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; C, deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; E, forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.'' Genocide is defined as the commission of acts with that intention, whether or not the acts succeed or are completed. The word ``prevention'' is also in the title of the Genocide Convention. While not specifying what to be done or obligating countries to do anything specific, clearly genocides must be defined as something taking place and not as something necessarily accomplished. If accomplished, it is too late to prevent it. When I look at this definition, Mr. Speaker, and then hear what happened in Srebrenica 10 years ago, I, and I know others, can only agree with the Appeals Chamber at the International Criminal Tribal for the former Yugoslavia, which confirmed in April 2004 that the crime of summarily executing almost 8,000 men and boys at Srebrenica alone meets the legal definition of genocide. The Appeals Chamber, in which an American is the presiding judge, concluded in its decision appealing a conviction that ``the law must not shy away from referring to the crime committed by its proper name. The Appeals Chamber states unequivocally that the law condemns, in appropriate terms, the deep and lasting injury inflicted and calls the massacre,'' and I continue this quote, ``at Srebrenica by its proper name: genocide. Those responsible will bear the stigma, and it will serve as a warning to those who may in the future contemplate the commission of such a heinous act.'' The court got it right, Mr. Speaker. This resolution gets it right. And, finally, I just want to thank the gentleman to my left, Bob Hand, who has been with the Commission on Security and Cooperation now since 1983 and who first came as an intern, for his diligence in crafting major portions of this legislation. I want to thank him for his work and his attention to detail. He is also the staff specialist for the commission on all the areas of the former Yugoslavia and Albania, and I am deeply grateful for his work as well. And Dan Freeman, our expert parliamentarian, to my rear, I want to thank him for his work as well.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, in consideration of H. Res. 199, today the House of Representatives brings honor to the men, women and children of Srebrenica in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In a little over 2 weeks, it will have been 10 years since the massacre of approximately 8,000 men and boys from that small town. Mr. Speaker, renewed attention is focused on this event in light of the recently released video showing members of the Serb paramilitary group, the Scorpions, executing young Bosniak men from Srebrenica. Many Members of this House saw the news coverage of this video, including an interview of a woman who never knew what actually happened to her young son at Srebrenica in July 1995 until she saw the footage on television that he was among those executed. In passing this resolution, we are expressing solidarity with the thousands of women like her, and others, who a decade ago witnessed something so evil that it defies comprehension. There are four basic motivations, Mr. Speaker, for passing this resolution today. First, there are those who, despite being indicted for genocide, continue to evade justice. Second, some continue to deny that the atrocity even occurred or they contend it was something other than genocide. Third, the international community must learn from its failure to stop slaughter from taking place in a declared safe area, and let us all remember Srebrenica was called a safe haven, especially as we look at similar situations around the globe. Finally, 10 years after Srebrenica, Srebrenica survivors, including many who came to this country as refugees and are now American citizens, still feel the excruciating pain of losing so many of their innocent loved ones. Mr. Speaker, I want to stress that the resolution notes the direct support that came from the Serbian regime of Slobodan Milosevic and its followers. This is no small circle of Milosevic henchmen, as some in Belgrade have claimed. We are referring to an entire regime, albeit an undemocratic one, and not just a few individuals in positions of authority. Moreover, followers of the regime existed in the military, the police and other state institutions, and when it appeared that he was succeeding in a conflict against neighboring peoples, Milosevic actually garnered popular support. Milosevic has rightfully been in The Hague, as we all know, Mr. Speaker, since 2001, but why have others like Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic remained at large? Why until recently, if not to today, have they benefited from the protection not only from criminal networks but perhaps by segments of the military and the police? To me, that shows broader involvement than has been alleged. The reference to the followers of the Milosevic regime clearly indicates that we are not referring to those in Serbia, including those in positions of authority today, who had no role in what was happening when they put themselves at risk in opposing Milosevic and his policies in the 1990s. I would just point out to my colleagues that on the Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights, which I chaired for several years through the 1990s, we did hold hearings, and many of us made trips to the former Yugoslavia. In one of those hearings, we heard from Hasan Nuhapovic, a former translator of the U.N. peacekeeping forces in Srebrenica. Hasan was one of those who lost his family and I would just quote very briefly from that testimony that he gave to our committee. He said, ``My family, just like thousands of others, was simply handed over to the Serbs in the village of Potocari, 6 kilometers north of Srebrenica on 13 July 1995. They have never been seen since. The Dutch peacekeepers threw my family out of the camp right in front of my eyes. The people, especially the men and boys who were inside the camp, didn't want to leave the relative safety of it.'' It goes on to say, ``The Dutch refused to tell the refugees inside the camp what was going on with the people outside.'' He says, ``They lied, saying that everything was all right and that the people from inside the camp were also going to be evacuated to the federation territory. The Dutch lied to the refugees inside the camp,'' he goes on. ``The Dutch knew that the men and boys outside the camp were being separated from the women and children and that some of them were even killed right on the spot. They watched the Serbs take away and kill civilians. They did nothing to prevent it.'' Mr. Speaker, this resolution remembers those 7- to 8,000 men and boys who were slaughtered in Srebrenica, and it says in a collective voice of the House of Representatives, Democrats and Republicans alike, that we care, we care deeply. We are sorrowful for those who lost their lives, and hopefully never again. I will insert a Chronicle of Genocide in the Record at this point. Chronicle of Genocide prologue The town of Srebrenica is located in eastern Bosnia's Drina River Valley, about 15 kilometers from the Serbian border. In 1991, the town was home to 37,000 inhabitants, including roughly 27,000 Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) and 9,000 Serbs. Prior to the outbreak of Yugoslavia's civil war, members of Srebrenica's different ethnic groups lived together for decades without major conflict. After the end of the Cold War, Srebrenica had its first encounter with conflict in April 1992 when Serb paramilitary forces gained control of the city for several weeks. One month later, Srebrenica was recaptured by Bosnian Muslim fighters from the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. By September, Bosnian Muslim forces had succeeded in uniting Srebrenica with the neighboring town of Zepa and increasing the size of the territory under their control to 900 square kilometers. However, the enclave remained isolated from the main Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina and strategically vulnerable to advancing Serb forces. In January 1993, Bosnian Serb troops (which logistically and financially were not entirely independent from and were supported by Serbian military and police forces) from the self-proclaimed Republika Srspka launched an offensive to retake the Muslim- controlled areas around Srebrenica. After months of fighting, the villages of Konjevic Polje and Cerska were captured, severing the connection between Srebrenica and Zepa and reducing the size of the Srebrenica enclave to 150 square kilometers. Bosnians from neighboring areas streamed into the town of Srebrenica, increasing the population to as many as 60,000 people. When the Commander of the U.N. Protection Force (UNPROFOR), French General Philippe Morillon, visited Srebrenica in March 1993, he discovered an overcrowded city beset by siege conditions. The Bosnian Serb troops had destroyed the town's water supply and the population was running short on food, medicine, and other necessities. Before his departure, General Morillon promised residents that Srebrenica was under U.N. protection and that he would never abandon the city's inhabitants. On April 16, 1993, the U.N. Security Council passed a resolution declaring that ``all parties and others treat Srebrenica and its surroundings as a `safe area' that should be free from armed attack or any other hostile act.'' The first group of UNPROFOR soldiers arrived in Srebrenica on April 18, 1993 and fresh troops were rotated into the city every six months after that. In January 1995, a battalion from the Netherlands rotated into the enclave. By this time, few supply convoys were reaching the city. In March and April, the Dutch soldiers defending the city observed a build-up of Bosnian Serb troops in the surrounding area. The Drina Corps of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS) was preparing for a major attack on Srebrenica. chronology of genocide March 1995--Radovan Karadzic, President of the self- proclaimed Republika Srpska, issues a directive to the Bosnian Serb Army ordering the VRS to ``complete the physical separation of Srebrenica from Zepa as soon as possible'' and block aid convoys on their way to Srebrenica. July 2, 1995--Republika Srpska Army General Milenko Zivanovic signs two orders outlining plans for attacking the enclave and issues the order to various units of the Drina Corps to prepare for combat. The operation is code-named ``Krivaja 95.'' July 6, 1995--Bosnian Serb forces launch their attack on Srebrenica. The Commander of the city's Dutch battalion, Colonel Karremans, contacts the U.N. General Staff in Sarajevo requesting NATO air support after refugee camps and U.N. monitoring posts are shelled. July 9, 1995--Forces from the VRS Drina Corps surround the town of Srebrenica. President Karadzic issues a new order in which he approves the capture of Srebrenica. July 10, 1995--The Bosnian Serbs shell Srebrenica and residents flee toward the U.N. base at Potocari. Colonel Karremans makes an urgent request for NATO air support when Bosnian Serb forces shell his soldiers' positions. The Commander of the U.N. forces, French General Bernard Janvier, initially rejects the request, but ultimately approves the use of air strikes. In the meantime, the VRS forces stop attacking U.N. soldiers and the air attacks are postponed. Colonel Karremans assures Bosnian Muslims that NATO airplanes will execute a major attack on Bosnian Serb troops if VRS forces are not withdrawn from the Protection Zone by 6:00 a.m. the next morning. July 11, 1995--Bosnian Serb forces conduct extensive shelling of Srebrenica. 9:00 a.m.: Colonel Karremans is notified that his request for air support was not submitted on the correct form. At 10:30 a.m., the re-issued request reaches General Janvier. However, the NATO warplanes that have been circling Srebrenica since 6:00 a.m. are low on fuel and have to return to their base in Italy. 2:30 p.m.: NATO planes bomb Republika Srpska army tanks. The Bosnian Serb forces threaten to kill captured Dutch soldiers and shell the U.N. base in Potocari. Plans for further NATO air strikes are abandoned. General Ratko Mladic, together with General Krstic (then Deputy Commander and Chief of Staff of the Drina Corps), General Zivanovic (then Commander of the Drina Corps) and other VRS officers enter Srebrenica. 8:00 p.m.: Representatives of the Bosnian Serb forces meet UNPROFOR leaders at the Hotel Fontana in the neighboring city of Bratunac. General Ratko Mladic chairs the meeting, and the two sides discuss the mounting refugee crisis. Around 10:00 p.m.: In Srebrenica, military leaders of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina and local civilians decide to form a column of men--about two thirds of which were Bosnian Muslim civilians--with the goal of escaping from Srebrenica through the mountains toward Tuzla. The column starts moving north around midnight. 11:00 p.m.: A second meeting at the Hotel Fontana results in a plan to transport Bosnian Muslim civilians out of the enclave. July 12, 1995.--VRS General Milenko Zivanovic signs an order directing the Drina Corps to secure all buses and mini- buses belonging to the VRS. The Republika Srpska Defense Ministry sends three orders to its local secretariats directing them to procure buses and to send them to Bratunac. 10:00 a.m.: A third and final meeting is held at the Hotel Fontana to discuss the fate of the Srebrenica Muslims. Ratko Mladic issues an order to transport Bosnian Muslim refugees out of Potocari, stating that it is the only way to guarantee their survival. He also informs those present that all males between the ages of 16 and 70--essentially all military-aged men, (which however did not prevent boys of much younger age as well as much older men to be included in this group) must be separated from the others and screened to prevent the escape of possible ``war criminals.'' 1:00 p.m.: Dozens of buses arrive in Potocari. Women, children, and the elderly are driven by bus from Potocari toward Tuzla, which is under the control of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Military-aged men are systematically separated out and detained in Potocari before being transferred to Bratunac. Bosnian Serbs forces, including some military and municipal police, take positions along the Bratunac-Milici road with the intention of intercepting the column. Equipped with heavy armor and artillery, the Bosnian Serb forces open fire on the column as it crosses the road between Konjevic Polja and Nova Kasaba. Many survivors of the attack are taken prisoner. The U.N. Security Council declares that the international community is ``[g]ravely concerned at the deterioration in the situation in and around the safe area of Srebrenica, Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and at the plight of the civilian population there.'' July 13, 1995.--The evacuation of women, children, and the elderly continues. Military-aged men are separated from the refugees and transferred to Bratunac. As many as 6,000 men from the column headed from Srebrenica to Tuzla are captured and detained by Bosnian Serb forces. Several thousand of them are brought to a field close to Sandici and to the soccer stadium in Nova Kasaba. Bosnian Serbs begin the mass execution of Muslim detainees at sites near the Jadar River, the Cerska valley, and a warehouse in Kravica. 8:00 p.m.: The removal of the Bosnian Muslim population from Potocari is completed. July 13-14, 1995.--Executions continue in Tisca. July 14, 1995.--Executions continue in Orahovac. July 14-15, 1995.--Executions continue at the Petkovci Dam. July 16, 1995.--Executions continue at Branjevo Military Farm and the Pilica Cultural Center. The front of the decimated column of Bosnian Muslims succeeds in reaching territory controlled by the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. July 17-18, 1995.--Executions continue at Kozluk and other locations. September-October 1995--The Bosnian Serb forces engage in a concerted effort to conceal the mass killings by exhuming bodies from mass graves, turning over the ground, and reburying human remains in smaller, remote gravesites. Epilogue Evidence presented at The Hague in the trial of Bosnian Serbs accused of war crimes established that during the month of July 1995, Bosnian Serb forces executed between seven and eight thousand Bosnian men and boys. The International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) found ``beyond any reasonable doubt that a crime of genocide was committed in Srebrenica''. Immediately after the massacre, Republika Srpska President Radovan Karadzic and VRS Chief Ratko Mladic, the highest political and military leaders of the Bosnian Serbs, were indicted by the Tribunal for their roles in the Srebrenica genocide. To date, they have successfully avoided arrest. The crimes in Srebrenica are also included in the indictment against former Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic. Radislav Krstic and Vidoje Blagojevic, high ranking officers of the Bosnian Serb Army, have been convicted of complicity in genocide. Dragan Jokic, Deputy Commander of the Zvornik Brigade, has been convicted of crimes against humanity. General Radislav Krstic, deputy commander of the VRS Drina Corps, has been convicted of genocide. Officers Momir Nikolic and Dragan Obrenovic, and the soldier Drazen Erdemovic, have admitted their guilt and been convicted of crimes against humanity. Those convicted in connection with the genocide have received prison sentences ranging from five to 35 years. Drazen Erdemovic, sentenced to five years in prison for the murder of at least 75 men from Srebrenica, has already been released. Ljubisa Beara, Head of Security at the General Headquarters of the Bosnian Serb Army, has been charged with genocide and is awaiting trial. Army and police officers Drago Nikolic, Ljubomir Borvcanin, Vinko Pandurevic, and Vujadin Popovic, also indicted for genocide, have surrendered to the Tribunal in The Hague and are awaiting trial. Radivoje Miletic and Milan Gvero, Generals of the Bosnian Serb Army, have surrendered to the Tribunal and are charged with expelling Bosnian Muslims from Srebrenica. General Zdravko Tolimir, who is accused of the same crimes, is still at large. The Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia used strong language to describe the Srebrenica genocide during the trial of General Radislav Krstic: ``By seeking to eliminate a part of the Bosnian Muslims, the Bosnian Serb forces committed genocide. They targeted for extinction the forty thousand Bosnian Muslims living in Srebrenica, a group which was emblematic of the Bosnian Muslims in general. They stripped all the male Muslim prisoners, military and civilian, elderly and young, of their personal belongings and identification, and deliberately and methodically killed them solely on the basis of their identity. The Bosnian Serb forces were aware, when they embarked on this genocidal venture, that the harm they caused would continue to plague the Bosnian Muslims. The Appeals Chamber states unequivocally that the law condemns, in appropriate terms, the deep and lasting injury inflicted, and calls the massacre at Srebrenica by its proper name: genocide. Those responsible will bear this stigma, and it will serve as a warning to those who may in future contemplate the commission of such a heinous act.'' To date, several thousand bodies and parts of bodies from victims of the genocide have been exhumed from mass graves. So far, 1,327 of these bodies have been identified and buried in the Memorial Centre in Potocari near Srebrenica. Of the 27,000 Bosnian Muslims who inhabited Srebrenica before the war, only a few hundred have returned to live in the city. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of our time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 199, the resolution under consideration.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.