Debbie Stabenow

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Well, if we do nothing, then a number of programs revert to what is called a Depression-era policy, and there is something called the dairy cliff that everybody is always worried about because it goes back to a pricing structure that would completely throw the dairy industry into upheaval. And so this is not OK.

Ms. STABENOW. The current farm bill expires at the end of December. So we have to do something before we leave in December.

Ms. STABENOW. Yes. Absolutely, yes.

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, for more than 2 years, I have been working with colleagues on both sides of the aisle to pass my sixth farm bill, the third one that I have either been chair or ranking member of the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry. I have met with farmers across the country who have made clear that crop insurance is their No. 1 risk management tool, farmers who made clear that the farm safety net must be the backbone of support for all farmers and not just a handful of mostly southern commodities. I have met with families who are finding it harder and harder to make ends meet as food insecurity in our country continues to grow. I have met with rural communities who are struggling to access the basic things they need to thrive, like access to healthcare, including mental health, childcare, clean drinking water, and high-speed internet that we are all working to address. The farm bill has always been the place where we put the power of the Federal Government at work in a bipartisan way to support farmers and families and communities. That is the coalition that has always been the foundation of a successful, bipartisan farm bill. In May, the House released a proposal that would put immense taxpayer resources into a handful of mostly southern commodity programs. I am not saying that these farmers don't need support--they do--but it can't be at the expense of millions of other farmers and ranchers in this country, farmers in the middle of the country, farmers who grow fruits and vegetables, who run smaller and diversified operations or lack access to the tools and support that are overwhelmingly favored in the House bill. The large increases in farm subsidies should not be paid for on the backs of families in need or the broader needs of our small towns and rural communities. In the spring, I unveiled our Democratic proposal, a 90-page, section-by-section bill to try to refocus our negotiations on holding the farm bill coalition together and actually getting a bill passed, not robbing Peter to pay Paul but instead taking a balanced approach that supports all of agriculture, our friends, our families, and rural communities across the country. But unfortunately this did not spark the serious negotiation I had hoped for in order to put forward a bipartisan farm bill that can both pass the House, pass the Senate, and be signed by the President of the United States. So today I am introducing my Rural Prosperity and Food Security Act, a 1,397-page bill. This is it. This is a tremendous amount of hard work that has gone on, both from my staff--and I want to thank a really incredibly smart, creative team of people--and great staff on both sides of the aisle that have worked with us and colleagues on both sides of the aisle. This particular farm bill has over 100 bipartisan bills incorporated in it, and this is the full text of the farm bill that I believe should pass and can pass and needs to be passed for our farmers and for others so impacted by the farm bill. It is a robust bill. It includes $39 billion in new resources above the farm bill baseline--$39 billion more in funding above the normal farm bill baseline. It puts more farm in the farm bill for all of our commodities, not at the expense, though, of rural communities or American families that are critical to holding the farm bill coalition together. It provides farmers with the certainty of a 5-year farm bill, and this is really important. We can do ad hoc help, but our farmers need the certainty of a 5-year policy so they can go to the bank, so they can get the financing they need, so they can know how to plan. This does that and at the same time responds to current needs. We are going to move up payments so that we can respond now, to more urgent needs right now that need to happen. It also authorizes a permanent disaster program to ensure we have a process in place when disasters like Hurricanes Helene and Milton strike. This new program will put a consistent process in place so farmers have certainty and the USDA can get the money out the door. No more scrambling. No more leaving farmers behind. Our farmers deserve this. It also makes a significant investment in title I for the 22 row crops that receive the lion's share of the resources available in the House proposal. We know--I know Republican colleagues primarily are focused on title I, and so we do a number of things to be able to increase support. We move up the Agriculture Risk Coverage and Price Loss Coverage Programs' payments by 6 months so that farmers receive assistance faster so they can keep their operations going. One of the things I have been concerned about, with so much reliance on ARC and PLC, is it doesn't pay out for a year and a half or 2 years. We have farmers that need help now, and we can fix that by putting dollars into speeding up the payments, and that is what we do in this bill. It also increases the effective reference prices that trigger help by as much as 15 percent, with all 22 commodities getting at least a 5- percent increase for the first time in a decade. The Rural Prosperity and Food Security Act continues to include crop insurance. Again, the No. 1 risk management tool that farmers have told us they want--crop insurance. It makes it more affordable and ensures that all farmers have access to this critical tool. It provides more coverage to more farmers at a lower cost. This crop insurance responds much more quickly than the ARC and PLC Programs, and it is important that we continue to make that as affordable as possible. Importantly, I include a provision that will partially reimburse farmers' crop insurance premiums and what is called NAP fees to put cash in people's pockets who urgently need it right now. Again, we can use the structure and policies of a farm bill rather than ad hoc assistance and just move up the payments, provide more assistance right now, and do it while we are passing a 5-year farm bill. That is what we should be doing. The bill also strengthens support for specialty crops, which are almost half of what we grow--our fruits and vegetables and horticulture in this country. It strengthens support for specialty crops and ensures that farmers have the support they need to make sure we have American fruits and vegetables on our tables. This is a significant investment in all farmers and all of agriculture because, frankly, farming is one of the riskiest businesses out there--maybe the riskiest. I don't know if other people get up and look at the weather every day to try to figure out what is going to be happening for them. But it is getting even riskier now because of what is happening with the climate crisis, and we know that. The majority leader was talking about disaster assistance being put out. It is critical. I strongly support it for farmers as well as for communities. But that is going to get more and more and more because of what is happening in the atmosphere and what is happening with climate change. How many once-in-a-generation storms or droughts need to hit our farmers over the head before we take this crisis seriously? This bill will roll the historic investment we made in the Inflation Reduction Act into the farm bill baseline for the future. We take dollars for voluntary conservation programs that farmers are using, that farmers want. Right now, that funding is outside the farm bill baseline. We can make a tremendous, tremendous move forward for farmers by moving it into the farm bill baseline while keeping the language regarding climate. Popular voluntary conservation programs that go directly to farmers-- that is what we are talking about. This will make our farmers more resilient, because it is very simple: You put more carbon in the ground, you have healthier soil. You take more carbon out of the atmosphere, it is healthier for everybody. So this is a win-win, and we need to continue to support our growers and embrace the investments that we have already made. I also am including new investments in biofuels. I see our Presiding Officer, who has been such a leader in Illinois and across the country. So important for jobs. So important as another place in which we can have a cleaner environment and cleaner fuels and more jobs. We put more into the loan programs and local foods, trade. The list goes on and on, including a downpayment on a much needed ag research moonshot. We need reinvestment in the future of agriculture, in the future of our food supply. But a farm bill is not just about investing in our farmers and ranchers--of course that is critical--but it is also about investing in the communities they call home. We know that rural communities are shrinking, and it is getting harder and harder to pass the farm on to the next generation. In this bill, we are betting that rural prosperity is American prosperity. It improves quality of life for rural families by improving rural healthcare, including mental health services, and also childcare, rural childcare, which is so critical and so often not available. It grows the middle class by creating good-paying jobs in manufacturing and entrepreneurship and small businesses in rural America. It increases our investment in connecting communities to high-speed internet, which everyone in this Chamber agrees is essential to our success in the world. Whether it is a child being able to do their homework or a farmer being able to see a doctor or small businesses being able to access new markets beyond their rural Main Street, that all starts with reliable, high-speed internet. We have made major steps in the infrastructure bill that we passed; but, frankly, there is more to be done, and there is more focus that needs to be put on our rural communities to get that done. And, importantly, this bill makes sure that rural communities are not left behind when it comes to accessing the resources of the Federal Government. When it comes to securing Federal grants, I know my hometown of Clare, MI, can't compete with Detroit or New York City when it comes to staffing. So we leveled the playing field by investing in the resources rural communities need to compete for hiring grant writers and planners and advisers to provide technical assistance so they can get the resources that they need. And, finally, it is discouraging to me that the needs of families have been lost in this debate over the last 2 years. Yes, the farm bill must be the backbone of support for farmers and ranchers across the country. Yes, the farm bill must ensure that farming and a rural way of life can thrive today and into the future. Yes, the farm bill is where we put the support of the American people behind the men and women who feed and clothe and fuel this country. And I would challenge anyone to look at my record as the leader of the Senate Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry Committee and say with a straight face that I am not a stalwart champion for farmers and ranchers. But a farm bill must also be about the single mom in Michigan working two jobs who just needs a little bit of extra help to put food on the table for her kids so her children can thrive. At a time when food insecurity rates in our country have increased for the second year in a row, it is absolutely unacceptable for anyone to attempt to cut SNAP and other nutrition programs. I refuse to leave this mom behind. Not on my watch. We should be investing in the farm bill nutrition programs that are the heart of the family safety net in this country. Our Rural Prosperity and Food Security Act does that. It does that and lays the groundwork to see a future where we could actually end hunger in America. It protects nutrition assistance and draws a clear line in the sand that we will not walk away from the progress we have made to keep families fed in this country. This is a bill that keeps farmers farming and families fed and rural communities strong, all of which are critically--critically--important. And it is a robust bill that is paid for by using the same resources our Republican colleagues in the House used to pay for their bill, but we don't divide the broad bipartisan coalition that is the foundation of the farm bill to do it. In my time leading Democrats in the community, I have locked arms with Republican leaders like Senator Pat Roberts to defend programs that may not have been my priority, but it meant holding the coalition together. That is how you get legislation done. That is how you do it on a bipartisan basis. You know, farm bills failed to pass the House in 2012 and 2018 because Republicans included cutting food assistance in their bill, and they didn't have the votes to pass it. They couldn't pass it. In 2018, the farm bill passed the Senate with a historic 87 votes, and the only no votes were 13 nays by Republicans--just want to underscore that. So we know how to do this and get a bipartisan bill done that is robust support for our farmers and ranchers and communities and our families. Now, frankly, today, as I look to the future and what comes if we don't get a farm bill done, I have a lot of question marks because Project 2025, the roadmap for the incoming Trump administration, actually proposes eliminating ARC and PLC--the very programs the House Republican bill makes their top priority. It would also gut crop insurance. It would terminate U.S. sugar production, and slash trade promotion programs. Now, I don't know what is going to happen to that. Maybe nothing. But it should worry everybody that that is the vision that is out there. And, frankly, I think that is why it is no secret why the House farm bill that came out of committee on a primarily partisan vote last spring has not yet been put up for a vote on the House floor, because I don't think--and everyone tells me--there are not enough Republican votes to pass it. And the last time I checked, the Chamber will be similarly divided next Congress in the 119th. So I would encourage my Republican colleagues to join with us, to join with me, to get this done now, to do what we need to do for farmers: provide them certainty, provide them more immediate help, and to do it right now. I would encourage Republican colleagues to rethink their proposal to make the largest cut to the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program in more than 30 years. That is not the way we get a bill done. I would encourage them to join us to pass a meaningful 5-year farm bill now-- there is no reason we can't--and a bill that provides immediate assistance, within the farm bill, for what our farmers need. The Rural Prosperity and Food Security Act is robust, adding $39 billion to the farm bill baseline. It is bipartisan, with over 100 bipartisan bills included, and it balances the needs of farmers, ranchers, families, and rural communities. It holds the broad farm bill coalition together, which is critical for the future of any farm bill, and I firmly believe that it is the best--and probably only--path to pass a 5-year farm bill this year. I urge my colleagues to come together and consider this bill seriously. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, on behalf of the majority leader, I ask that the Chair execute the order of July 23, 2024, with respect to the Taylor nomination.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, first, I am so grateful to be here with colleagues who care deeply about protecting our reproductive freedoms and supporting families all across America. I want to thank Senator Patty Murray, who has been our leader on this for many years. It is just incredible to me that in 2024, we are standing here even having to talk about this. It is really incredible. I just want to take us back to it because this Congress, Republicans have had 16 chances to protect reproductive freedom--over 16 chances-- and every time, they have voted no. So today, once again, they block a bill to protect access to IVF for thousands of American families. Now, we had this vote before, and then the former President said he changed his mind and he wanted to make IVF free and he wanted to force insurance companies to cover IVF. I thought, well, that is great. Let's come together in a bipartisan way to be able to move forward and protect this really important part of reproductive freedom. So we bring the bill up again. Now, I assume that the former President was on the phone all last night calling our colleagues, calling all of our Republican colleagues--I mean, like he did for his effort to block and kill the bipartisan border security bill. When he wanted to make sure that didn't go forward and he had an issue to run on, he was burning up the phones. Well, given what he said to the American people about his now support for IVF, I assume he was burning up the phones last night. Well, if he was, it wasn't very effective. And, Mr. President, we know he wasn't. We know, when he really wants something, what he does. When he really wants something, he is calling the Speaker of the House to say: Don't support a bipartisan bill to continue the government; shut it down. But I bet there wasn't one phone call made last night to support this effort to protect a woman's reproductive freedom and the freedom of families to grow their families. Since the fall of Roe, Republicans have continued their assault on reproductive freedom: IVF; questions about birth control; of course, abortion access; and then a whole range of privacy questions for women in terms of what happens during their pregnancies. We know that IVF is about allowing the freedom to have children. If you struggle with infertility, it gives you a way, an effective way, to start or grow a family. It has helped thousands of Americans, thousands of American children, including my friend Ellen, who now has a beautiful little boy, Carter. He just had his first birthday party not long ago. I mean, how could you not love that face? Carter is incredible, and we are all so excited for Ellen and for Carter. That is the miracle of IVF. IVF has also helped Brittany from Holly, MI, start her family. After being diagnosed with PCOS at 16, she experienced fertility issues when she was ready to start a family. After 3 years, six rounds of fertility treatments, countless tests, and two rounds of IVF, she gave birth to her beautiful baby girl, Eloisa, who is now 11 months old. What a blessing. Despite the strain this journey put on her relationships, Brittany told me that every penny was worth it. ``Every penny was worth it for our daughter. IVF has made our family complete.'' She is not the only Michigander who has been able to start a family because of IVF. When her husband was serving our country in the U.S. Navy, Sue from Brighton, MI, used IVF to bring her son into the world. At the time, she was an elementary school teacher, and her husband was deployed for months at a time. Her entire salary went towards the seven rounds of IVF that were needed to have a successful pregnancy. With insurance only paying for some of the medication, she spent over $100,000 out of pocket on treatment to be able to have that baby. This journey put an emotional and financial strain on Sue and her husband, and that is surely not surprising, and this situation is not unique. Our veterans and servicemembers sacrifice so much for our country. They shouldn't have to sacrifice their ability to start or grow a family because these treatments aren't covered and politicians tell them they don't have that choice. Families shouldn't have to choose between going into debt to cover the enormous cost of treatment and having a baby just because it is not covered by insurance. That is why voting for the Right to IVF Act was a no-brainer for me. We need to protect this freedom, access to this opportunity for families. We need to expand and protect fertility treatments for our servicemembers and our veterans and cover adoption assistance. We need to cover and lower the cost of IVF treatments for all. We need to make sure women have the freedom to make our own reproductive decisions, not rightwing politicians, not judges. When I hear the former President say that this was all about sending the decision back to the States rather than the Federal Government--no. This is about having individual women and their families make a decision. It doesn't matter if it is a Federal politician or a State politician; the point is, there should be no politician. It should be the woman and her family making those decisions, the woman herself making that decision about what will happen for her. So that is what we are fighting for, and we are not going to stop fighting for that. In America, we had that freedom for over 50 years, and it got ripped away by Donald Trump and the appointments he made to the U.S. Supreme Court. Now it has just unleashed all kinds of harm, all kinds of damage for women, and death, because of the fact that some folks think they can control women's lives. I am incredibly disappointed that our Republican colleagues did not join us today in protecting this important freedom. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, I rise today to pay tribute to my chief of staff and dear longtime friend, Matt VanKuiken, who will be moving on to the next step in his career this week, after 16 years of outstanding service in my office. Those of you who know Matt understand how passionate he is about golfing. We have all experienced also his witty sense of humor. Matt is a literal political pundit. With that, Matt, I want you to know there are no ifs, ands, or putts about it. You have been a terrific chief of staff and the best, by par. I could always count on you to drive right in to solve problems, to scramble and find the best approach to any situation, and to stay the course until the job was done. Matt, from what I understand, my phone calls to you while you were golfing really helped you improve your game over the years. So I want you to know that I have a gift for you back in the office, some golf balls and tees with my campaign colors, so that you won't ever forget about my calls when I am not calling you every day. True story, Madam President: Matt first applied to work in my office when he was a student at Western Michigan University. We offered him an internship in my West Michigan office, and he turned us down. But, fortunately, we didn't hold that against him. Sixteen years ago, I made one of the best hiring decisions ever when I hired Matt as a legislative aide, handling energy and environmental issues, which I know, Madam Chair, you care so much about, as do I. He went on to serve in senior roles over the years, including as my legislative director and my chief of staff, including his role now as a key member of our top leadership chiefs. He has had an incredible Senate career. Since his early days in the office, Matt had a way of rising to the occasion. A perfect example of this happened one day, a late afternoon in 2013. For reasons unknown, Matt was left alone in the office when my private incoming line rang. Unsure of exactly how to answer or transfer the call on this line, he was going to let it ring. He soon realized that the line had no voicemail, and he decided he should attempt to answer it. It was a good thing he did because it was President Obama trying to reach me. In typical Matt fashion, he figured it out. He kept his composure. The call went off without a hitch, although he claims to this day that President Obama could hear his hand shaking through the phone. I can point to so many big accomplishments where Matt has played an absolutely instrumental leadership role. Over and over again, he doesn't give up, and he finds creative ways to get things done in the face of seemingly insurmountable odds. Getting funds to address the needs of families and fix the pipes in Flint was a herculean effort. Because the crisis wasn't a natural disaster, Flint didn't qualify for certain types of disaster funding. Under Matt's leadership, we found a way to get it done. Today, almost all of the lead service pipes in Flint have been replaced, and the children and families of Flint have access to safe water. In 2015, Matt was instrumental in getting funding to Detroit and other Michigan cities to tear down blighted homes and rebuild neighborhoods. My goal, which we thought was simple and found it wasn't, was to transfer available funds from one account in the Treasury to another account to address these critical housing issues. Over and over again, we were told getting support to transfer the funds was impossible. In fact, multiple times, Leader Reid told us it was over. We were playing Whac-A-Mole, as one obstacle after another popped up. But, in the end, with Matt's tenacity and hard work, we succeeded, and it was worth it. The mayor of Detroit recently told me that the actions we took created safe neighborhoods for families in Detroit a decade sooner--10 years sooner--than they would have been able to do it had they not had those funds. So, thank you, Matt. I could go on and on. Matt helped me get an agreement with Canada to limit trash from coming into Michigan landfills from Toronto. He helped established the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative, or GLRI--which, again, Madam Chair knows about--our premier funding source to protect our precious lakes. This program has been incredibly successful in Michigan and across our entire Great Lakes region. I couldn't have done all of this and so much more without Matt's leadership and his hard work. But Matt's legacy is more than our legislative successes. It is most reflected in my incredible staff and alumni from my office. He has been the best--the best--chief who has built the best team in Congress. He has been a friend, a mentor, and a supportive colleague to so many. He has created the kind of culture that has made my office so effective at getting things done and a great place to work. At around 11:30 every day, Matt asks folks in the office: ``What are we doing for lunch today?'' And you will see him with at least two, sometimes more, colleagues heading down to grab food and then coming back to his office to eat together. During his time as chief, we have had one of the lowest staff turnovers of any office. And it is not just because they love Arby's or spicy chicken sandwiches, although he has gotten a lot of recruits to do that. When Matt makes decisions, he seeks a lot of input from our office, from our staff, which is so important. One staffer talked about how, during the pandemic, he would regularly check in with everyone on the team and seek feedback when deciding new protocols and office systems as the pandemic evolved. In chaos and uncertain times, Matt made sure everyone felt supported and competent that they had what they needed to succeed. And, of course, he has always done that for me. Matt has also effectively bridged the divide between DC and the Michigan staff. This means leading our all-staff retreats, making sure everyone knows each other, and setting the tone of constant collaboration in service to our State. The people of Michigan have benefited every single day from his leadership and service. Matt's relationships outside of our office have also been instrumental in so many successes. These relationships are what keeps our office informed and helps us serve the people of Michigan. When I finally decided not to run again, I knew it was the right decision for me and my family. I knew it was time to pass the torch. But I couldn't imagine not being with my Senate family every day and not working with Matt every day. It is the hardest decision I ever made--the right decision but the hardest. Matt will be starting an exciting new job soon. I know he will continue his commitment to excellence and service in this new role and beyond, and I am confident that he will continue his great success in everything he does. I will be forever grateful for Matt's contributions to my success, for his loyalty, and his friendship. I wish Matt continued success and happiness in the next chapter in his life, and I wish him joy and happiness with Heather and his wonderful daughter Sophie, who is with us today in the Gallery.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, I am really proud to be joining the senior Senator from Hawaii and other colleagues who will be coming to the floor to talk about such an important topic and bill as the Reproductive Freedom for Women Act. We know that for 50 years, Roe v. Wade protected our freedom to make our own healthcare decisions, and then 2 years ago, it was gone. I can't believe that today's young women, including my daughter and granddaughters, have fewer freedoms than their mothers and their grandmothers did. Frankly, we are furious in Michigan. Do you want to know just how furious? Well, in Michigan, we turned our anger into action, and in November of 2022, we had the largest voter turnout for a midterm election ever. One of the measures on the ballot enshrined a right to reproductive freedom in our Michigan Constitution. It passed by a strong 13-point margin because Michiganders understand that healthcare decisions should be made by individual women--not by judges, not by politicians. By the way, we hear all the time on the other side that it is a debate between, should it be Federal politicians or State politicians? Neither. Neither. This is about individuals having the freedom to make their own healthcare decisions. I can't believe we have to debate this in 2024 in America, but a lot of folks just haven't gotten the message yet. Today, 22 States now have near total bans or severe restrictions on abortion services, and that means one out of three women now lives under an extreme or dangerous abortion ban. We know who is to blame for this because they brag about it all the time: Donald Trump and the MAGA Republicans. Since the fall of Roe, Republicans have continued their assault on access to contraception, on IVF, a choice for those who desperately want a baby and need some additional help from science to help make that happen, to severe and total restrictions on abortion services. Unfortunately, MAGA Republicans want total control of our lives and total control of our fundamental freedoms. Last month, Democrats acted to protect these freedoms for women. Unfortunately, every time we brought bills to the Senate floor, Republicans blocked them, and unfortunately, we know they won't stop there. We know that the Republican Party, if they have their way, will create a national abortion ban, which means Michigan's constitutional protections that people worked very hard to achieve--hundreds of thousands of signatures, working hard, voting to put this protection for our freedoms into the Michigan Constitution--will all be ripped away if that happens. Imagine what this would mean for a woman who learns that the pregnancy she desperately wants is not viable and her own life is at risk. This is actually happening, unfortunately, all the time right now in the States that have severe restrictions. I will never forget hearing a woman talking about her own experience of being told she wasn't close enough to death to get care in the emergency room. She had to go and sit in her car until she was so close to death that they felt they could treat her. Doctors are now talking to their attorney before they are talking to other doctors or women and their families and so on. We are seeing so many things happen--so many things now. We have already seen one study showing in Texas that there has been an 8- percent increase in infant mortality. That means children don't live until their first birthday because something has happened. So who decides what happens to someone in that situation--the woman, supported by her family and her doctor, or a rightwing Supreme Court and Republicans in the U.S. Senate or any other elected body? Today, we have an incredibly important vote. It will tell us where every single Member of this Chamber stands. Do you think women should have the basic freedom to make decisions about our own health--that anyone should have the freedom to make decisions about their own health? It is as simple as that. We know where we stand. We are working every day to defend our freedom to make decisions about our own healthcare; to make sure that it is not a politician, that it is not a judge; that it is women, their faith, their families, their doctors; that people who are directly involved are making those decisions. The women of this country should have the freedom to make our own decisions about our own healthcare, our own lives, and our own futures. That is what this vote is about. And we are not going to give up until we have those freedoms fully protected. I would urge colleagues to pass the Reproductive Freedom for Women Act. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the scheduled vote occur immediately.

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, first, I want to agree with my friend from Iowa. There is no question that we need a new FDIC Chair. We don't need a bunch of potshots on the President or using this for political purposes. We need a new FDIC Chair, and the good news is that the President has already sent the Senate a nomination for a new Chair. So, first of all, this resolution isn't necessary. It is not going to do anything to improve the culture of the FDIC. I wish it would, but it won't. The reality is that the Banking and Housing Committee is moving quickly to consider and report out the nomination. Additionally, I should just note the resolution has some factual inaccuracies that misrepresent the findings of the third-party report. But the most important thing is that the Senate should be focused on providing new leadership that can implement the recommendations of the third-party report and begin the much needed overhaul of the FDIC. I could not agree more. We need to work together. Put the potshots and partisanship aside. It is not about attacking the President. It is about getting this person out of there to be able to have new leadership come in. That is what is happening. That person has been nominated. The Banking and Housing Committee are moving forward, and that is where we need to be focused. Anything else is just wasting time. So, with that, I object.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, first, I want to thank the senior Senator from Washington State, who is also the President pro tempore of the U.S. Senate, for her incredible leadership on all of the issues related to reproductive freedom. And I just want to start by saying that I cannot believe that we are in 2024--we are not in 1824; we are in 2024--and we have to stand on the floor of the U.S. Senate and say that we need to protect a woman's right to choose IVF as the process to start or grow her family or that we have to protect her ability to make decisions on birth control or on abortion services or any other reproductive issue--any other reproductive issue. This is not for people here to decide what every single woman--every person--involved in this should decide. It is not for politicians. It is not for judges. This is an individual freedom in America and needs to be protected, and that is what today is about as well. For those who want to have children but struggle with infertility, IVF is a path. It is a wonderful path--expensive path. It may take a lot of time, but it is an important path to grow a family. I have two senior members of my staff who have chosen IVF for different reasons. One of my staff has a beautiful little boy, Carter, who celebrated his first birthday not long ago. Amazing. And my other staff person is excitedly waiting with her wife for their new son to be born in September. Different paths, different choices. Their choice. Their choice. Not the choice of politicians. Not the choice of judges or anybody else. Their choice. And IVF has helped thousands of Americans have children, including Brittany from Holly, MI, who I know is with us today. After being diagnosed with PCOS at 16, she experienced fertility issues when she was ready to start a family. After 3 years, six rounds of fertility treatments, countless tests, and two rounds of IVF, she gave birth to her beautiful baby girl, Eloisa, who is now 8 months old--8 months old. Despite the strain this journey put on her relationships, Brittany told me that ``Every penny was worth it for our daughter.'' She said: Every penny was worth it for our daughter. IVF has made our family complete. And she is not the only Michigander who has been able to start a family because of IVF. When her husband was serving our country in the U.S. Navy, Sue from Brighton, MI, used IVF to bring her son into the world. At the time, she was an elementary schoolteacher and her husband was deployed for months at a time. Her entire salary went toward the seven rounds of IVF that were needed to have a successful pregnancy--a wanted, present pregnancy. With insurance only paying for some of the medication, Sue spent over $100,000 out of her own pocket on treatment. This journey put an emotional and financial strain on Sue and her husband, as we would expect. And this situation is not unique. Our veterans and our servicemembers sacrifice so much for our country. They shouldn't have to sacrifice their ability to start or grow their family because these treatments aren't covered. And families shouldn't have to choose between going into debt to cover the enormous cost of treatment and having a baby just because it is not covered by insurance. That is why passing the Right to IVF Act is a no-brainer for me. I hope it is a no-brainer for everybody on the floor of the Senate. This should be 100 Members of the Senate supporting this bill. We need to protect the freedom for millions to use IVF. We need to expand and protect fertility treatments for our servicemembers and our veterans and cover adoption assistance, which is in this bill. We need to lower the cost of IVF for everyone, and we need to make sure women have the freedom to make our own reproductive decisions--not rightwing politicians, not judges. That is why we must pass the Right to IVF Act, and it needs to be done today.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, I rise at a very serious moment in our history. I want to thank Senator Hirono, Senator Markey, all of our colleagues, for joining together in really--not only speaking out but standing up for women across the country, for families, for everyone who wants the capacity to have their own freedom to make their own healthcare decision, their own personal decisions about their lives. That is really what this is all about. Let me first back up in the big picture because we know for 50 years, Roe v. Wade protected our freedom to make our own healthcare decisions. Then 2 years ago, because of a new Supreme Court majority appointed by Donald Trump--gone. I was a college student when Roe v. Wade was decided. I can't believe that women today--that my daughter; that my granddaughter, as she grows up--may have fewer freedoms than I did all those years ago. Today, 21 States now have near-total bans or severe restrictions on abortions. That means one out of three women now live under extreme and dangerous abortion bans. And we know who to blame because he said it. Donald Trump--MAGA Republicans--he said himself: I was proudly the person responsible for ending Roe, proud to put the lives of millions of women at risk, proud to take this freedom away. And if you think Donald Trump and Republicans are going to stop there, then you haven't been listening to them. First, their ultimate goal is to have a nationwide ban. Under a nationwide ban, all of Michigan's hard work--our election to protect our freedoms in the Michigan Constitution that we passed 2 years ago-- will be gone. None of that will matter, and we can't let that happen. But as we are here talking about today, Republicans have indicated they want to go even further in their assault on reproductive freedoms. Rightwing judges and Republicans across the country are attacking access to contraception. I never thought, Madam President, in my wildest dreams that I would be standing on the floor of the U.S. Senate talking about efforts to take away my right, your right, any woman's right, any person's right to make their own decision on when to have a family, on contraception. But right now, in States like Virginia--not very far from here--Nevada, and Arizona, Republicans are working to block protections for birth control right now. Justice Clarence Thomas, as has been quoted on this floor today, has called on the Supreme Court to reconsider the constitutional freedom to access contraception in America. Let's be clear: Birth control is a key part of a woman's healthcare. It is important for reproductive decisions, for treating medical conditions, for decreasing the risk of cancer, and, most importantly, it is a personal decision. This is a personal decision. Americans don't want politicians-- anybody here--or judges and their doctor's office in their medicine cabinet or in their bedroom. They want to make their own decisions. They have every right, in America, to make their own decisions about their healthcare, their life, and their future. That is as basic as it gets in America. We talk about the freedoms that we have in this country, and that is pretty basic: to make your own decisions on your own healthcare. Well, we are here on the floor as Democrats to say: We couldn't agree more. We could not agree more. This is absolutely fundamental. And that is why we need to pass the Right to Contraception Act now. Everybody on this floor is going to have a chance to either vote to do that or not. This critical legislation will guarantee the right--the freedom--to contraceptives, a right that was decided by the Supreme Court nearly 60 years ago. We can't let Republicans turn back the clock. We need to defend Americans' freedom to make decisions about our own healthcare, our own lives, our own futures. Protecting contraceptives is an essential part of that. It is a basic part of that for us, and that is why we are here. Reproductive freedom is something we should all embrace as a basic American freedom. I hope colleagues will join us in moving forward on this essential legislation. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, I am really pleased to be here on the floor with my colleagues who just want to get something done on the border. I mean, how long have we talked about this? Senator Kaine talked about 2013. I was here as well. It was an amazingly difficult piece of legislation to negotiate at the time, but it was comprehensive, and in the end, it was a big bipartisan vote in the U.S. Senate. I agree with Senator Kaine. When it went to the House, we thought: OK. We put together this comprehensive bill that is not only border security, it is about how we manage and create a pathway to citizenship and address young people who have been here their whole lives--who have been here as juniors--and for agriculture jobs, which I work with all the time. Our farmers need ag labor and want to know there is a legal path to be able to have people work here. It covered everything. At that time, Republicans in the House didn't want to deal with it, didn't want to solve it. So we have been down this road before, but I really did think, this time, in the context of the national security bill, the demand from Republican colleagues, that they wouldn't consider the supplemental security issues without a tough border bill. I said: OK, here we go. We all know, there were major negotiations, months of negotiations. Senator Murphy, Senator Sinema, Senator Lankford--everybody was stretching and pushing and trying to get to a spot for something that would really, really make a difference. They did, and the vast majority of us said OK, we are going to support it. But that was 105 days ago--105 days ago that Republican colleagues had a chance to solve the issue that they come to the floor to speak on every day. They keep coming to the floor every day saying: We need you to do something about the border. We need you to do something about the border. Well, we offered a bipartisan bill--a tough bill--to do something about the border, and at the last minute, they said no. I want to speak for a moment about one piece in here that is so important. We think about the southern border, and there is certainly funding in here for the northern border. But one of the things that is in here I know our Presiding Officer cares deeply about as well, affects every part of the country--it certainly affects Michigan--is the capacity to stop the flow of deadly fentanyl. It is so important, and it is in this bill. On April 2 the Justice Department announced the largest law enforcement seizure of fentanyl in the entire history of Michigan, April 2. Forty kilos of fentanyl were found--enough to kill every single Michigan resident. On April 19, a Michigan medical examiner raised the alarm on what was quoted as a really bad patch of fentanyl in Michigan and warned the public that there had been 6 drug overdoses in 11 days, raising the flag of what was going on here. It only takes one pill to be able to cause a death. These are just two headlines from last month in Michigan, and they do not come close to encapsulating the pain and the tragedy Michigan families have faced over the years due to drug overdoses. So we have got to do more to combat the fentanyl crisis. This bill does that. This bill actually does that. We need to give the U.S. Customs and Border Protection the tools they need to stop the drug from crossing the border to combat the fentanyl crisis. This bill would invest in 2,400 more in Customs and Border Protection officers-- desperately needed--and new innovative inspection equipment to decrease detection. We know there are all kinds of ways it is coming in, from tires in every part of a vehicle--every imaginable way it is coming in--and there is equipment that can detect that. We need that new innovative equipment at the border to help our agents. Drug Enforcement Agency efforts to disrupt drug trafficking networks in Mexico, in this bill; enhanced lab analysis of fentanyl samples, in this bill; improve technology for autonomous capabilities, air assets, in this bill--in the bill we will be voting on tomorrow. So when we hear colleagues talking about doing something about drug overdoses, about fentanyl, they have a chance tomorrow to vote to do that. But it has been 105 days since Republicans were given the opportunity for a strong bipartisan bill that included fentanyl efforts, and 105 days ago they killed the bill. We know why. We know why. It has been said over and over again: Donald Trump told them to. He called people, and he said: ``We don't want to solve this. We want chaos. That is my middle name.'' Maybe it is his first name, I don't know. But chaos, chaos, chaos: ``We want people to be afraid. We want chaos. We don't care if people are getting hurt or what is happening.'' He actually was quoted as saying: ``Please blame it on me.'' I want you to vote against it. ``Please blame it on me,'' which we are more than happy to do because it was him. It was him. We want to solve the challenges at the border. We know they are serious, and we want to give the Biden administration additional tools to solve them. They want that. In every single budget since President Biden was elected--every single budget--he has asked for more resources to do the things in this bill. And folks have said no, no, no, no, no. This legislation does what needs to be done. And as I said before, it was toughly negotiated in a bipartisan manner, and we appreciate that. Let's be clear. This bill would significantly improve our Nation's security in a number of important ways. It would reform the broken asylum system so that decisions would be made more quickly on who should be allowed to remain in the country and who should be deported. Those allowed to stay would be provided authorization to work so that they could take care of themselves and their families and fill crucial jobs in our economy while waiting for their cases to be resolved. The legislation would create a new emergency authority that would allow the President of the United States to pause the processing of asylum claims of migrants who arrive between ports of entry when cases rise above a certain point. It would expand legal pathways to citizenship and increase access to work authorizations--something that Republicans claim to support. And those immigrants who serve in our military--who serve in our military--would gain quicker access to citizenship--something I think we can all agree they have earned. People sometimes forget that Michigan, my home State, is a border State. This bill would provide up to $100 million in grants to States and local and Tribal law enforcement agencies to secure the northern border, which is extremely important to me and the people I represent. Republicans say they care about solving the challenges at the border. Their actions, unfortunately, show otherwise. We stand ready to pass this legislation. We stand ready to strengthen our border security and to keep our communities safe. We are ready to do it. Let's go. Tomorrow, our Republican colleagues will be given another chance to join us to pass this bipartisan bill, and I urge them to vote yes. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, what a wonderful thought the Senator from Arizona said: Defy expectations, and actually get something done. You know, we have attempted so many times to do immigration reform and border security reform, and somehow it has always gotten stuck, unfortunately, over politics. And this is the moment. I was so excited when Senator Murphy and Senator Sinema and Senator Lankford came together and everyone was focused on actually negotiating a strong, bipartisan bill. Unfortunately, because of politics again, it has not yet happened. On April 2, Donald Trump came to Grand Rapids, MI, lamenting what is happening at the border and using the tragic death of a young woman, who was a domestic violence victim, to politicize what has happened. While he lied and said he met with the woman's family--and the family indicated he did not--he was more willing to exploit her death for his own politics than to support the passage of our strong, bipartisan border bill. As we know, Republicans like to portray themselves as being the party of national security. If you want your family to be safe, then Republicans say you should vote for Republicans. Well, 98 days ago, they had a chance to boost our national security by voting for a strong border security bill written by Republicans and Democrats together, and 98 days ago, they killed the bill. And we all know why. Unfortunately and, honestly, amazingly to me, after all that incredible work to get this done, they end up voting no. They killed the bill because Donald Trump told them to. As he was calling around, he shockingly said just tell them--``Please, blame it on me.'' Well, in fact, we are blaming it on him at his request because he is the one who stepped in because of politics and said: No, I don't want to solve this. I don't want to solve this. I want chaos at the border. I don't want to solve this. This will help the President or will help somebody else other than him. And he convinced Republicans to vote no. Madam President, Democrats want to address the challenges at the border. We know they are real. We know they are serious. We want to do the things that will make a difference. We want to give the Biden administration additional tools to solve them. And that is exactly what this legislation does. I want to, again, say this was legislation--strongly bipartisan-- negotiated by Senator Murphy and Senator Lankford and Senator Sinema and a group of our colleagues coming together on both sides of the aisle in good faith for months--months--of work. And it is clear that this legislation would significantly improve our Nation's security in a number of important ways. It would fix the broken asylum system we keep hearing about. It needs to be fixed. It would stop the flow of deadly fentanyl. And as I know the Presiding Officer knows, this is serious. It is not just at the southern border. It is in New Hampshire; it is in Michigan; it is across the country. This bill is an effective tool providing resources and technology to protect our kids, to protect people from fentanyl overdoses. It gives the President tools to manage the border. It invests in border agents and security. The border security unions, Border Patrol unions, said: Yes, this will make a difference. Please support this bill. And this union supported former President Trump, but they said: We want to fix the border. We support this bill. It is incredibly important that the tools be put in place for the President and the resources be put in place to address the issues. It is also important to know that this importantly expands legal pathways to citizenship and increases access to work authorizations. And those immigrants who serve in our military would gain quicker access to citizenship, something I think we can all agree that they have earned. It is important that this get done. I would just emphasize again, it is not just about the southern border. As a northern border State in Michigan, this bill would provide up to $100 million in grants to my State, to northern States, to local and Tribal law enforcement Agencies to secure our country's northern border. And there is so much more in here that solves a series of problems while treating people with dignity and creating opportunity. We stand ready to pass this legislation. We are committed to border security. This is no joke. This is something that we all should come together about. And we want to keep our communities safe. That is what this monthslong process was all about--the serious negotiations, people working hard to come together on really tough issues. And they did. We did. And just before we were going to vote--just before we were going to vote--Donald Trump appeared and said: Wait, stop, stop. You are not seriously going to solve this, are you? No, no, no. I want the pictures of chaos at the border. I don't want you actually governing and solving the problem. I don't want people coming together, Republicans and Democrats, and actually getting something done. But that is what we were poised to do. And 98 days ago--98 days ago-- Republican colleagues killed the toughest border security bill in decades. We are not done. We are not giving up. We are not giving up. This is so important. We are not giving up. Our message is: It is time to stop the politics. It is time to put the earplugs on when it comes to Donald Trump and focus on what really needs to get done, what is the right thing to do. It is time to fix the problems at the border. And we remain ready, willing, and able to get this done. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, yesterday, I announced the Rural Prosperity and Food Security Act, put together by distinguished colleagues on the Agriculture Committee, including the Presiding Officer. We thank you so much for all of your leadership on so many provisions here in Georgia and our entire country. So thank you for that. This is a serious bill that reflects bipartisan priorities to keep farmers farming, to keep families fed, and to keep rural communities strong. I hope those are values and priorities that we all share together. The foundation of every successful farm bill is built on a broad, bipartisan coalition. That is how we get it done, as, Mr. President, you know. We get it done because we bring everybody together. We don't put forward things that lose votes; we put forward things that gain votes so that we can do what we did in the last 5-year farm bill, 2018, where we had 87 Members of the U.S. Senate come together, which was extraordinary at that time, because we built the coalition. We respected each other, and we did not look for policies that would divide. So it is important that farmers and ranchers, rural communities, foresters, nutrition and hunger advocates, conservationists, bioenergy advocates, local governments, and climate advocates come together. That is a broad coalition, and there are so many more I could list on and on that come together to be able to address a 5-year bill that addresses rural America, our economy, feeding Americans, being there when they need some help, protecting our land and water and air resources that are so important, and investing in a rural quality of life, like where I grew up in Northern Michigan, in Clare. The Rural Prosperity and Food Security Act is a bill that holds the coalition together. It is a bill that I put together with my Democratic colleagues on the committee, but it includes 100 bipartisan bills-- actually, over 100 bipartisan bills--introduced this Congress through the hard work of Republicans and Democrats on the committee as well as off the committee and with the input of a broad farm bill coalition. (Mr. FETTERMAN assumed the Chair.) I would hope, at this point, we would be in a situation where we would be bringing forward a bipartisan bill. We are not there yet, but it is my responsibility as the leader of the committee to put forward what I believe is the vision and the policies that can get us there, and that is what this is talking about. There are many things in here. I will not go through all of them, as there are too many, but I will say this: We are strengthening the important farm safety net by making meaningful investments that focus our tax dollars, our American resources, on American farmers with dirt under their fingernails, not billionaire Wall Street or foreign investors, who, by the way, we ban from receiving commodity payments in this bill. This bill makes support for beginning farmers a priority. We need more people who want to go into farming, either starting from scratch or going home to their family farms. We need them. We need the people being willing to do the critical work. They need to be a priority, and they are a priority in this farm bill. Our bill will provide farmers and ranchers with more choices that provide timely and flexible assistance that meets their needs--lower cost crop insurance, more effective commodity title, more opportunities for affordable credit to operate their farms as input costs go up, and the list goes on and on. We, importantly, permanently authorize the agriculture disaster assistance program, which, unfortunately, is having to be used more and more and more. I want that to be clear, that that is a permanent part of agricultural policy. This bill makes it a priority to help our farmers and ranchers address the emerging risks that we know they all face. We also ensure that farmers are planting to meet market demand, not to receive a government payment. We made major reforms in the 2014 bill to emphasize that and then again in 2018, and it is important to keep it going. Farming has always been one of the riskiest ways to make a living. I have said it is the riskiest business around. Nobody else has to monitor the weather all day and night to figure out what is going on as to whether or not their businesses are going to be OK, and the climate crisis is making it even tougher. Think about the Michigan cherry farmer who loses an entire crop due to an early warming and then a cold snap--and this has happened in Michigan--or think of the wheat farmers whose hard work is leveled as a violent summer storm pummels their fields with hail. Conservation programs are a vital part of our risk management for farmers today. I am proud that they are voluntary, that they are popular, that they are used, that farmers think they make a difference. It is important that we continue to invest and protect those dollars. This bill builds on our historic investment in those popular, voluntary conservation programs by making the title--the conservation title--a permanent investment, a permanent part of the farm bill, a permanent authorization. We invest to make sure we are confronting the climate crisis today and in the future by taking the dollars that we have allocated for climate-smart agriculture and putting it into the farm bill and supporting these important, voluntary, climate-smart efforts. This will put resources into farmers' pockets to continue the practices that they are already doing and that they want to do more of on the farm and at ranches around the country. While the farm bill is the backbone of the farm safety net, it is also the backbone of the family safety net through our nutrition title. I want to thank our subcommittee chair who is presiding now, who chairs our Subcommittee on Nutrition, for his leadership. I thank him very much. The Rural Prosperity and Food Security Act reflects our shared belief, Republicans' and Democrats', that no American parent should have to worry about whether or not they will be able to feed their children. No American senior should have to choose between buying food and paying for their medications. No American servicemembers should experience hunger while serving their country. This bill will help millions of hard-working Americans make ends meet at a time when they really need it--in a time of crisis--by continuing the 5-year update to the SNAP and the Thrifty Food Plan included in the bipartisan 2018 farm bill to ensure that SNAP reflects the realities of how Americans buy food and prepare food. It improves security measures and cracks down on bad actors to strengthen the integrity of nutrition assistance. The bill invests in SNAP employment and training to help people improve their job skills, and it excludes subsidized income earned through employment and training from counting as income for SNAP so that people will participate in these services and can finish their training. In rural development, this is such an important part of the farm bill. This is about jobs; it is about quality of life. We have such an exciting bioeconomy today. In the farm bill a number of years ago, I put in a whole program called Grow It Here, Make It Here, where we focused on biomanufacturing as well as our biofuels and what we could do to add opportunities for farmers and income and jobs. We build on that in this bill, whether it is biofuels, sustainable aviation fuel, biomanufacturing, lifting up biopreferred labels so people know and can feel confident in looking for those labels, American labels. We lift this up. We also strengthen our efforts with farmers and ranchers with clean energy--clean energy efforts to lower costs for citizens in rural America, to bring down their utility costs, but also to help our farmers through the Rural Energy Assistance Program, which we strengthen. For the first time, we put not just authorizations but actually mandatory farm bill resources--money--into the rural development title to lift up really important quality-of-life issues that determine whether or not people can actually stay and live in rural communities-- for instance, childcare; access to mental health and addiction treatment facilities; rural housing, which is such a challenge. There are so many things we need to be doing to create opportunities. I am proud that we have already made rural communities a priority through high-speed internet in rural communities and what we did in the infrastructure bill. We also have made wastewater treatment and other infrastructure issues in rural communities a part of what we have done in other areas. But we need to do more as it relates to the quality of life for families in rural communities, and the farm bill puts forward a vision to do that. The Rural Prosperity and Food Security Act is the product of a lot of work. You know, Senator Boozman and I--my ranking member--started this process 2 years ago at my alma mater, Michigan State University, with our first field hearing to hear from all those impacted. We have both, as well as other colleagues, traveled the country to hear ideas and to hear what is important to do. But we are beyond that now. It is time to get it done. It is time to get it done. You know, I have been around here long enough to have participated in six farm bills. It is the third one I have had the honor to lead. I know what it takes. I am so honored and proud to have--I may be biased, but I believe I have the smartest farm bill team there is. There are talented people who have put this together, but we know how to do it. We know how to do it. I know that the only path forward is to hold together a broad, bipartisan farm bill coalition. When you break the coalition up, it never works. It never works. It fails time after time. In some ways, the discussions and the attacks right now on nutrition make me feel like it is ``Groundhog Day.'' We saw this in 2012 when the House could not pass a bill because of the fight on nutrition. We saw it again in 2018 when they couldn't pass a bill. It was voted down again because of the fight on nutrition. Breaking up the coalition and pitting the farmer safety net against the family safety net will not get us a farm bill. It just won't. I am so grateful that in doing our past farm bills, we have been able to come together and understand that it is about recognizing broadly the needs of farmers and food and jobs and all the other issues that are so important to our rural communities and, frankly, urban communities as well. That is why I am committed to doing that, because that is the way we get a bill. Our farmers, our families, our rural communities deserve the certainty of a 5-year farm bill. There is no reason we can't do this. There is no reason we can't do this if we take the lessons of the past, if we creatively work together to meet the needs that we know need to be addressed as more and more volatility affects our farmers and ranchers across the country. We can do that. We can do that. I am committed to doing everything in my power as chair of the Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry Committee to make that happen. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, I will be brief. I represent the Motor City--Detroit. I represent the men and women who put America on wheels; and we are very, very proud of that, and we continue to do that and to innovate. They are not asking for the repeal of this rule. Our American automobile companies are not asking for and do not support it. The United Auto Workers--the men and women who are out there doing the innovations and building the vehicles of today and tomorrow--are not asking for this. They do not want this. Do you know what they want? They want certainty, economic certainty. They want stability. They have worked with the administration to craft an approach that is rigorous but that works for them to get to the next level. So I am not sure who this is for and what this is all about, but it is certainly not for the automobile industry and the millions of men and women who work for that industry who have created the middle class of this country. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, before my friend from Minnesota leaves the floor, I want to thank her for her comments and say all of us stand with Baltimore. I can't imagine people playing politics with something like this. It is such a tragedy that could happen and has happened to all of us in our States. This is what we are here to do is to work together to try to address and solve problems and help rebuild when that is necessary.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, first, I just want to say for the record that it has been 36 days since Republican colleagues voted down the strongest border security bill in decades. So that is a reality. But what I wanted to speak about was the President's budget. When he was growing up, President Biden's dad used to say this: Don't tell me what you value. Show me your budget, and I will tell you what you value. Well, President Biden's budget just came out, and I will tell you what he values. President Biden values investing in the middle class so that families are able to work hard and get ahead and build a better life for their children. He values ensuring that teachers and firefighters aren't paying more taxes than billionaires. And he values Social Security and Medicare, programs that have lifted up millions of older Americans out of poverty--a whole generation--a great American success story. Meanwhile, we have the Republican nominee, the former President, in a CNBC interview vowing to cut Medicare and Social Security. Show me your budget, and I will tell you what you value. The Biden budget invests in growing our middle class, continuing the policies that have made our economy the strongest in the world. Since President Biden and Vice President Harris took office, the economy has added about 15 million new jobs, the most ever in the first term of a President. The unemployment rate has stayed below 4 percent for 2 years in a row. We haven't seen that in more than 50 years. Wages are up. The stock market is up. New small businesses are up. Meanwhile, the Republican agenda slashes investments in our families while cutting taxes for the wealthy. Republicans like to talk about cutting the deficit. Meanwhile, President Biden is doing it. His budget would reduce the deficit by $3 trillion by making the wealthy pay their fair share and cracking down on tax cheats. The Biden budget lowers costs for families in a number of ways. It invests in affordable childcare so that working families aren't scrambling to find quality care at a price they can afford. It increases affordable housing and helps American families buy their first home and achieve their dream. Meanwhile, it makes higher education more affordable and cuts the burden of student debt, and it continues to lower prescription drug costs, helping people afford the medications they need. And, best of all, it restores the expanded child tax credit, which was enacted as part of the American Rescue Plan. The expanded child tax credit helped cut child poverty in half in 2021. And President Biden's budget brings it back, giving families some breathing room. We also know that families are concerned about our national security. The Biden budget invests in a secure border through technology that detects fentanyl, more Border Patrol officers, more immigration judges, and more asylum officers so decisions can be made quickly on who should be allowed to remain in the country. And, finally, the Biden budget protects and strengthens Social Security and Medicare. These aren't just government programs. They are a promise that, after a lifetime of hard work, you will be able to retire in dignity. Meanwhile, Republicans continue, through their Presidential nominee, to focus on cutting programs that break that promise. Show me your budget, and I will tell you what you value. A thriving middle class, safe communities, security for our seniors, and ensuring that the wealthy pay their fair share--that is what the President values. We have come a long way. It is time to build on our progress. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, first of all, I want to thank Senator Murphy for his extraordinary leadership. He and Senator Lankford and Senator Sinema came together, leading an effort that was amazing-- intense, hard-fought negotiations on something so very, very important. And they got it done. They got it done--a bipartisan border security bill, the toughest in our generation. I want to thank Senator Murphy for that and for his continual advocacy and putting a spotlight on the fact that we can still do this. We have this bill. We have this bill in front of us. The President of the United States, President Biden, has gone to the border to say: Pass the bill, the bipartisan bill. Donald Trump has gone to the border to say: Yay, more chaos. Keep it coming. The truth is--and we hear it all the time; I have heard it my whole time in the Senate--Republicans like to portray themselves as being the party of national security. If you want your family to be safe, you need to vote for Republicans. Well, 22 days ago and counting--we will see how high this number gets--22 days ago, we had a chance to boost our national security by voting for the strongest border security bill in our lifetime; and 22 days ago, they killed it. That is a fact, and we all know why. Donald Trump told them to do it, and if Donald Trump tells Republicans to jump, the only question they ask is, How high, sir? Democrats are committed to solving the challenges at the border. There are multiple issues that need to be addressed and that are addressed in this bill, and we know it is critical that we give President Biden the tools he has been asking for, ever since he came into office, to be able to resolve these issues. Again, that is exactly what this legislation would do. It is bipartisan. It meets all of the tests that people have been asking for for months. And, if it passed, it would significantly improve our Nation's security in a number of important ways. It would reform our broken asylum system so that decisions would be made more quickly on who should be allowed to remain in the country and who should be deported. Those allowed to stay would be provided authorization to work so that they could take care of themselves and their families and fill crucial jobs in our economy while waiting for their cases to be resolved. The legislation would create a new emergency authority that would allow the President of the United States to pause the processing of asylum claims of migrants who arrive between ports of entry when cases rise beyond a certain number. The legislation provides important resources to increase our border security: more border security agents and more equipment that our agents have been asking for over and over again and that the President has asked for over and over again. This is one of the reasons that the border security union strongly supports this as a major step forward that will make a major difference in solving the problems at the border. And, so importantly, this legislation included the FEND OFF Fentanyl Act, which would make our communities safer by helping government Agencies more effectively disrupt the flow of opioids and penalize traffickers. By the way, that is the whole country impacted by that. People in Michigan, families in Michigan, are impacted by that, not just those at the border. Oftentimes, people forget that Michigan is, in fact, a border State. We are a border State. This bill would provide up to $75 million in grants that are critically needed for our State and local communities and Tribal law enforcement Agencies to help secure our northern border. You know, Republicans say they care about our national security, but actions speak otherwise. Growing up, I had heard over and over again from my mom, ``Actions speak louder than words,'' and it has never been more true than on this issue of border security. Democrats stand ready. We have been ready. We are ready. We are ready tomorrow. We are ready next week to pass this critical legislation to improve our border security and keep our communities safe. Now, 22 days have gone by--22 days have gone by-- since the Republicans said no. Let's come together and do the right thing. It is not about just talk; it is about action. The American people deserve action, and we are ready to act. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, unfortunately, due to COVID-19, I was unable to attend the September 30 rollcall vote No. 247 on passage of the bill H.R. 5860, a bill making continuing appropriations for fiscal year 2024 and for other purposes, which passed by a vote of 88-9. Had I been able to attend, I would have voted in support of passage.