Debbie Stabenow

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, it will come as no surprise to anyone in this Chamber that I am extremely proud to be born and raised in Michigan. Our State leads the world in innovation. We are the leaders in making things--furniture, appliances, wind turbines and solar components and so much more, and, of course, we are the home of the automobile and the automotive assembly line and the middle class of America. Our workers put the world on four wheels. They built an economy strong enough that those same workers could afford to buy one or two or more cars and trucks that they made. Yet our Nation faces a stark choice right now, and that is why the bill in front of us tonight is so very important. We can continue to invest in making things in America or we can decide that it is not really worth the trouble anymore. We can continue to lead the world in the research and development of breakthrough technologies or we can allow other countries to surge ahead while we tread water. And we can stand with our workers on the assembly lines as they build the vehicles of the future or we can watch our plants close, ship our jobs overseas, and let our middle class wither away--our choice. But I would argue that we may have no choice. That is no choice at all. We know what we need to do. It is time to stand on the side of American manufacturing, as this bill does. It is time to stand on the side of American ingenuity, as this bill does. And it is time to stand on the side of American workers and our American middle class. It is time to take a stand and invest in our shared future and build an economy that can compete with anyone, anywhere, anytime. That is America. That is what the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act does. One of our first orders of business is to increase our investments in research and development, and we have no time to lose. American R&D spending is near the lowest point in 60 years--lowest point in 60 years. What else happened 60 years ago? Well, the first person flew into space, and he wasn't an American. That fact helped light a fire under American leaders. They understood that we could invest in R&D or let the Soviet Union surge ahead, and we did. Today, we are in a race with China, and they are gaining on us. In 2019, China's investment in R&D grew by about 13 percent. Ours grew 8 percent. And they plan to boost R&D spending by 7 percent each year through 2025. That is why it is so important that we pass the U.S. Innovation and Competition Act. It will invest $120 billion over 5 years in critical-- critical--research, including artificial intelligence, advanced computing, and semiconductors. And it will quadruple the investment for the manufacturing extension partnership and provides $1.2 billion for the Manufacturing USA Program that is especially important to Michigan. We are proud to have two Manufacturing USA initiatives in our State-- Lightweight Innovations for Tomorrow, or LIFT, and Michigan State University's Scale-up Research Facility, or SURF. Both are located in the same facility in Detroit, and it is a very exciting place. LIFT's projects include research into better welding processes for Navy ships and an anti-rollover system for military humvees. SURF is partnering with the Department of Energy and Ford and GM to make sure that America is a leader in advanced vehicle technologies. We are equally proud of our amazing research institutions, including Michigan State University, the University of Michigan, Wayne State, and Michigan Tech. Today's students are tomorrow's engineers. We know that. We are counting on their brain power to build a future in which cars are connected and collisions are a memory. That future is being written today at the American Center for Mobility in Michigan and Mcity at the University of Michigan, where connected and automated vehicles are tested, evaluated, and demonstrated. It is really amazing to see. It is being written by Michigan automakers, who are working towards the day where cars are emission-free--emission-free. I know that President Biden was impressed by Ford's new F-150 Lightning that he test drove in Michigan last week. I think it was hard to get him out of the car. He thought it was so cool. Last month, I toured GM's new Factory Zero, which will soon be manufacturing electric Hummers and Silverado trucks, Chevy Silverado trucks. In Detroit, Stellantis, formerly known as Chrysler, is gearing up to build hybrid electric versions of an iconic American vehicle, the Jeep. It is what we have always done in Michigan. We make things, and we grow things. That is what we do. Unfortunately, making things has gotten more difficult recently. COVID-19 exposed the weaknesses in our supply chain, and a shortage of semiconductors has idled multiple auto plants across the country and many in Michigan. Auto dealers that are normally packed with every make and model under the Sun suddenly have fewer choices. Worse, Michigan workers have been laid off--no chips, no cars, no work. It is not enough to just build cars that are made in America. To remain competitive in the global marketplace, we need to build the component parts that go into the cars and trucks that we build in America--the supply chain. In 1990, 37 percent of global semiconductor manufacturing capacity was here in the United States--37 percent. Today, it is 12 percent. They are definitely going in the wrong direction, and this is very serious. And the importance of these chips keep growing. Other countries have invested in chip manufacturing. It is time we do the same. The U.S. Innovation and Competition Act provides $39 billion in the Commerce Department for incentives that will boost semiconductor manufacturing in the United States and make our supply chain more resilient. It includes $2 billion to incentivize the production of mature semiconductor technologies--the kinds of chips used by our auto companies and home appliances and defense manufacturing. I am pleased that yesterday the Finance Committee passed the Clean Energy for America Act, which will help Michigan and our country launch the next generation of Michigan manufacturing. It includes my bipartisan legislation with Senator Manchin and Senator Daines to help companies invest in new clean energy manufacturing facilities and expand existing plants to build those new technologies, including semiconductors and battery operations. Another way we can boost American manufacturing is to make sure every single American taxpayer dollar possible is spent on American-made products. My bipartisan Make it in America Act with Senator Warren makes it harder for Federal Agencies to use waivers or loopholes to get around ``Buy American'' rules to purchase foreign-made products. I also want to thank Tammy Baldwin and Senator Sherrod Brown for their continued leadership on these ``Buy American'' issues. The Federal Government is an enormous consumer, and we are set to make big infrastructure investments. ``Buy American'' rules means that American dollars flow into local economies when we purchase American- made PPE, American-made iron and steel, and great American electric vehicles. It is time to invest in the research and development that turn American ingenuity into American innovation and U.S. ingenuity into U.S. innovation. It is time to build an American supply chain that can build American products and American jobs in American communities. And it is time to ensure that American tax dollars are supporting those businesses and those workers. I am proud to say Michigan workers built our Nation. It is time for our Nation to return the favor. The bill this evening on the floor is a critical step forward in making sure that happens. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, first, before my friend from Iowa leaves the floor, and he is my friend, I didn't come to debate the Line 5 Pipeline that goes under the Great Lakes of Michigan, but I will say that this is an aging pipeline under a precious resource called the Great Lakes, 20 percent of the world's freshwater. The Governor is really balancing right now what are issues that relate to safety and trying to make sure that we don't have a spill in the Great Lakes that would just devastate not only our economy and way of life but the country's as well.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I rise today to pay special tribute to the veterans throughout Michigan's history who have given their lives while serving our country. Whether they served in the Civil War or the Korean war, in the Middle East or the South Pacific, we owe these heroes so much. Aleda E. Lutz is one of those heroes. She grew up in a large family; she was the youngest of 10 children--and her parents were immigrants from Germany. She graduated from Arthur Hill High School in Saginaw and the Saginaw General Hospital School of Nursing. When World War II broke out, Lutz felt called to serve her Nation. She enlisted in the Army Nurse Corps in 1942 and began working as a general duty nurse at Selfridge Field. When she had the opportunity to become a flight nurse, she signed up. It wasn't easy; it required a lot of training. But Lutz, known as ``Lutzy'' to her friends, was smart, determined, and extraordinarily brave. She made the cut and joined the elite 2 percent of World War II nurses qualified as flight nurses. She was promoted to first lieutenant and transferred to the 802nd Medical Air Evacuation Transport Squadron, which soon deployed to North Africa. Lutz transported more than 3,500 patients from the frontlines while earning six battle stars. She was known for her professional skill and her courage under fire. During her 196th mission, her C-47 plane crashed while carrying 15 wounded soldiers. There were no survivors. Lutz is known to be the first military woman to die in a combat zone during World War II. Lutz is one of the most highly decorated women in American military history. She was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross, the Air Medal with four Oak Leaf Clusters, and the Purple Heart. An 800-patient hospital ship was named in her honor, as was a C-47 cargo plane. And in 1990, the Saginaw veterans hospital, long known by her name, was officially rededicated as the Aleda E. Lutz Department of Veterans Affairs Medical Center. It remains a fitting memorial to honor a nurse who gave her life while serving her country. Not all veterans have had to give as much for their country as Aleda Lutz did, but all of them are willing to. It is what sets them apart. It is what makes them heroes. This Memorial Day, we honor 1LT. Aleda E. Lutz and all of the Michigan veterans who gave their lives in service to our country, and we thank our veterans who are still with us, as well as their families. Their courage, selflessness, and sacrifice bring honor to our State and our Nation.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I rise today alongside my colleagues to urge the Senate to quickly confirm Vanita Gupta as Associate Attorney General. Ms. Gupta is eminently qualified, with an impressive background in public service and broad support from civil rights organizations and law enforcement organizations. It is pretty impressive when you look at everyone who is supporting her because of her competency and her work. She will be effective on day one, and we don't have a good day to lose right now. Right now, Americans are at risk of losing their fundamental rights--our right to vote, our right to be treated fairly in a court of law, and even our right to safely walk down the street and not be targeted based on what we look like, who we are. It is the job of the Department of Justice to protect these rights and so much more. Take voting rights. Across our Nation, this right, called ``sacred'' by our beloved late Congressman John Lewis, is under attack. It is under attack in Michigan, as well as other States, as well as the entire country. Republicans in the Michigan Legislature are trying to push through a package of bills that would take away people's freedom to vote. Our secretary of state has said that in some ways, it is worse than what they passed in Georgia. Let me remind everyone that last November, in the middle of a pandemic, more people in Michigan voted than ever voted in the history of our State. When audits were done, time after time after time, it was clear there was no fraud--no fraud that they found in this election. Mr. President, 5.5 million people in Michigan voted. Michigan counties verified it. Our State certified it. That should be something we should all celebrate. But because they didn't like who folks voted for, they didn't like the results, Michigan Republicans are coming after Michigan voters to take away their freedom to vote. Michigan voters need Vanita Gupta in their corner because it is a corner that she has been in before. During her time at the Department of Justice, she oversaw a number of high-profile voting rights cases, including challenges to voter suppression laws in North Carolina and Texas. She has also been a leader in fighting discrimination. Across the country, we have seen increasing instances of hate crimes, particularly those targeting Asian Americans. According to the group Stop AAPI Hate, there have been about 3,800 incidents of Asian Americans being targeted in the past year. Twenty-five of those incidents happened in Michigan. I know that Asian Americans across our country are living in fear right now, wondering if it is safe to go to the grocery store or if they need to tell their elderly mom or dad not to walk alone outside. We have an important hate crimes bill on the floor of the U.S. Senate right now. It has bipartisan support. It is terrific, and we need to get that passed. But in order to make sure we fully implement that and have the leadership in the Department to do that, we need to make sure Vanita Gupta is confirmed. Under Ms. Gupta, hate crimes and discrimination will be taken seriously at the Department of Justice. We know this because it is what she has done her entire career. Vanita Gupta would be the first civil rights lawyer and the first woman of color to serve as Associate Attorney General. That is important because when agencies' leaders have diverse experiences and backgrounds, agencies are better able to make more informed decisions. They make sense. And when our Nation's leaders look like the diverse communities they serve, our communities are more likely to have confidence in their leadership. Vanita Gupta is the right person at the right time for the Department of Justice. I urge my colleagues to support her nomination and to confirm her together on the floor of the U.S. Senate. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, first, I want to say I want to thank the Senator from Oregon for objecting to the previous motion, and I share his concerns. I rise today to speak about some big choices our Nation has to make. Will we continue to limp along with an economy that works for only a few wealthy people or will we invest in making things in America and in our infrastructure and, most importantly, in our people? Will we continue to allow other countries to outpace us on technology while remaining dependent on critical parts made on the other side of the globe or will we seize a future that is made in America? And will we continue to ignore the climate crisis and leave it for the next generation to deal with and leave an even bigger catastrophe or will we take action right now--right now--to put our Nation on a path to a future of good-paying jobs fueled by clean energy? I have often said that in Michigan we don't have an economy unless someone makes something and somebody grows something. That is what we do in Michigan. We make things and grow things. And I know that my friend, the Presiding Officer from Minnesota, feels the same--making things, growing things. That is how we have an economy. It has been the secret to our success in Michigan and in so many other places around the country. We need to make things, and we need to grow things. Unfortunately, while we have been talking about making things for a long time, the rest of the world has actually been acting. It is estimated that the Chinese Government has invested at least $100 billion to support its electric vehicle industry. That might be why they have hundreds of companies making electric vehicles. You can't build a competitive auto industry without electric vehicles, and you can't build electric vehicles without a whole lot of batteries and a whole lot of other component parts. They could all be made here, but most of them aren't. Right now, none of the major electric vehicle battery providers are American companies. They could be if we helped partner with them to make that happen. And we have seen what happens when our automakers depend on semiconductors made overseas. Over the past few months, a shortage of computer chips no bigger than a Kellogg's cornflake have idled multiple plants and led to layoffs in Michigan and across the country. In fact, the Alliance for Auto Innovation estimates that U.S. automakers will produce a million fewer cars this year because of this shortage of this little chip. It is not enough to say we need to build things in America. We all know that. But we can't build things here without first investing in our capacity and having a national strategy to build things here in America. Thankfully, we have a President of the United States who understands that. He understands the moment we are in and is ready to meet the moment. Now it is time for Congress to step up. Senate Democrats are excited and ready to take action, working with the President of the United States and hopefully working with our colleagues across the aisle, in this moment for America and America's future. It is important to note that it won't be the first time that actions we have taken here have had lasting consequences. More than 100 years ago, Henry Ford and Thomas Edison partnered to build an affordable electric car. That was the first kind of car they wanted to make--an electric car. They even built several prototypes in Dearborn, MI. The challenge, Ford told the New York Times in 1914, was ``to build a storage battery of light weight which would operate for long distances without recharging.'' Sound familiar? That is a challenge most of our automakers are very familiar with. Interestingly, around the same time, in 1916, Congress passed a change to the tax laws that in effect provided oil and gas companies interest-free loans. It was America's first fossil fuel subsidy. Perhaps it is no surprise, then, that given the various issues and struggles and costs, Ford chose to focus on an internal combustion engine. Just thinking about it, more than 100 years later, we are still lighting prehistoric plants and animals on fire to get to the grocery store and to get to work. Now, it is true that my home State of Michigan benefited from these choices. We put the world on wheels. We are extremely proud of our place in history and extremely proud of the wonderful workers, the skill and ability of our workers. But I also understand that we would have been better off today if the issues of carbon pollution had been addressed at the very beginning. The good news is that we have the opportunity now to fulfill Ford and Edison's electric vision. Just last week, I toured GM's new Factory ZERO, which soon will be building electric Hummers and electric Chevy Silverado trucks. These are big vehicles, and they are going to be all electric. It is very exciting. Stellantis has plans to build four new electric hybrid Jeeps in Detroit, and Henry Ford's company is investing more than $22 billion to introduce electric versions of its vehicles, including Mustangs, Ford F-150 trucks, and commercial vans--all very exciting. These changes are what we need right now, but our car companies can't do it without a partnership with us, with the Federal Government. Just as companies around the world have not had to do it alone, we need to make sure we are partnering with them to actualize this vision for the future. You know, the oil companies like to say--whenever we talk about various incentives for wind or solar or electric vehicles or batteries, they always like to say: We shouldn't be picking winners and losers in our country. But I would argue that in 1916, with the first fossil fuel subsidy, our country picked a winner, and they have been subsidized over and over again and winning the energy race ever since. In fact, that subsidy is to the tune of at least $20 billion every year. Even in the tax cuts in 2017, the Republican tax cuts for the wealthiest and most well-connected people in the country, there was even another new foreign oil tax break in there. I would argue it is time to give equal opportunity to competing technology and level the playing field. At the same time, we can create good-paying jobs here at home, revitalize American manufacturing, and put America in the driver's seat of the clean energy future. That, we can do--that is so exciting to do--if we work with our President to get this done. If we are going to build back better, it is time to start building. The first thing we can do is to pass the American Jobs Plan, which invests in American manufacturing, creates an American supply chain for products and technologies, and strengthens ``Buy American'' laws. This plan has been long overdue, I can tell you, and it is just the start of what we need to do. My bipartisan American Jobs in Energy Manufacturing Act, which I introduced with Senator Manchin and Senator Daines, would provide incentives for manufacturers to build and retool existing plants to make advanced energy parts like semiconductors and batteries and retool for electric vehicle facilities. It builds on the successful 48C advanced energy manufacturing tax credit, which I authored in 2009. That helped boost U.S. manufacturing and create good-paying jobs then, and we can do it now. On the Finance Committee, we are also working on legislation that would provide an investment tax credit for building American battery, semiconductor, and solar cell plants and a corresponding tax credit for producing these key components. I am so pleased that President Biden's American Jobs Plan includes electric charging stations as part of our infrastructure investment--it certainly is part of our infrastructure for the future, for today and tomorrow--and consumer incentives to purchase electric vehicles. We also need to make sure that American taxpayer dollars are spent on American products. You know, that sounds simple, but that is actually not what is being done in every case right now, even though we have had laws on the books for decades and decades and decades. My bipartisan Make It in America Act with Senator Braun makes it harder for Federal Agencies to use waivers to get around ``Buy American'' rules to purchase foreign-made products. Right now, there has not been enough accountability and structure to make sure that waivers are not being given so that purchases can be made of foreign cars. That needs to stop. I also want to thank Senator Tammy Baldwin for her leadership on these ``Buy American'' issues as well. The Federal Government is an enormous consumer, and we are set to make big infrastructure investments. ``Buy American'' rules means that American dollars flow into local economies when we purchase American- made PPE and American-made iron and steel and great American-made electric vehicles. These rules also create good jobs, and we will need highly trained workers to fill them. By investing in our workforce, which is an important part of this plan, we will help the 18 million Americans currently on unemployment find new opportunities--and others as well--new opportunities for good jobs and will ensure that our young people are on a path for good-paying jobs, including skilled trades, after high school. I am laser-focused on supporting our community colleges and uplifting and expanding registered apprenticeship programs because these institutions and programs help build our middle class and ensure working people have the skills they need to thrive, not just survive. These are great-paying jobs, professional jobs, licensed, highly skilled jobs, and we need to be encouraging more and more young people to be able to choose these jobs. Henry Ford once said this, one of my favorite quotes: What's right about America is that, although we have a mess of problems, we have great capacity--intellect and resources--to do something about them. There is no doubt that we face big challenges, but Henry Ford was right: We do have great capacity, intellect, and resources to do something about them. Now is the time to do that, to act. People in Michigan have been waiting long enough, waiting way too long, and people across the country have waited far too long for us to act on what we know we can do to make things in America, to remake things in America, to build back better. We can make this an American moment, or we can sit back and wait for the future to happen to us. This is the moment to invest in our workers who build our country's infrastructure, including those things we need today that they didn't need 100 years ago, like high-speed internet and electric charging stations, and the things that we will need to make us successful and global leaders moving forward. We need to rebuild our supply chains in America so we are not being held up because of a really important part that is made only in one country halfway around the world. That is absurd. We can do that. We can do that. We can do that by deciding we are going to invest in America. And we need to use the power of American ingenuity to ensure a livable and prosperous future for everyone. This is the moment to act. I am excited about that. I know that we have this moment right now to be able to jump-start the future, to be able to build our economy back better, to make things in America, and I hope we will seize this moment I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I have 10 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate: Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation The Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Environment and Public Works The Committee on Environment and Public Works is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs The Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 9:45 a.m., to conduct a hearing on nominations. Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs The Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing on nominations. Committee on Indian Affairs The Committee on Indian Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on the Judiciary The Committee on the Judiciary is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing on nominations. Committee on Veterans' Affairs The Committee on Veterans' Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 3 p.m., to conduct a hearing on a nomination. Select Committee on Intelligence The Select Committee on Intelligence is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct an open hearing. Select Committee on Intelligence The Select Committee on Intelligence is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 1 p.m., to conduct an open hearing. Subcommittee on Cybersecurity The Subcommittee on Cybersecurity of the Committee on Armed Services is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 14, 2021, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, first, I have to say to my friend and our lead on the Finance Committee how grateful I am for his leadership. We have started out very strongly on the Finance Committee with really important topics. I so appreciated yesterday focusing on nursing homes and what has happened the day before, focusing on advanced manufacturing and jobs, and your efforts today. It is just issue after issue. It is wonderful to have you in this position.

Ms. STABENOW. And to be your partner in this. And I so appreciate the leadership of the Senator who is currently in the Chair, from New Jersey, as well. I rise today, as well, to speak on behalf of an outstanding nominee to lead the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. If there ever was a time we needed an outstanding leader, it is right now. One of the things I find so interesting is that colleagues on the other side of the aisle say they wish he was a doctor. Well, the previous Health and Human Services Secretary was the former CEO of a drug company. And so, from my perspective, I am much more comfortable having somebody who fought drug companies to lower prescription drug prices than to have had the person in that job before be the person who actually raised prices on people in his former position and tried to block competition. So he is the right person. Xavier Becerra is the right person for this moment, I believe. Our Nation is still fighting to emerge from the worst pandemic in our lifetime. It is hard to believe now that it has been over a year that we have been struggling and families have been struggling with this pandemic. Nearly 540,000 American lives are lost. It is hard for me to even say it and have a concept of what that is right now, the number of people who have lost loved ones and friends and neighbors. Countless more have gotten sick. Many more remain sick months later. The cost to our economy and way of life has been massive. Millions of workers have lost their jobs. Thousands of businesses have closed, too many of them, permanently. Families are struggling to pay their rent or mortgage, keep the heat on--which is really important in a place like Michigan in the winter-- keep the lights on, put food on the table. Schools are working hard to reopen safely. And, in the meantime, families are doing the best they can to make sure their children can keep up. It is true that we are making progress. We are making progress. Things are getting better step by step by step. Thanks to science, we have three very effective vaccines going into the arms of people across our country, and with the American Rescue Plan being signed into law, in fact, help is here. It is here. So now is the time that, as we focus on getting help to where it is needed, Attorney General Becerra is just the leader to do this as the head of Health and Human Services. His experience will be a tremendous asset as he works to address the pandemic and make healthcare more affordable. He led the defense in court of the Affordable Care Act, which he helped to write. It was my pleasure to work with him during that process, to work with him as House Members and then to work with him when we were writing the ACA, both in the Ways and Means Committee, in which he sat in the House, and my sitting on the Finance Committee. He protected the healthcare of millions in his position as attorney general. He has taken on drug companies, as I said before, for their high prices and their role in the opioid epidemic. And he has worked to enforce mental health parity in California, which I think is so, so, so important. So many people are living with mental illness and addiction right now and have been. In January, 41 percent of American adults said they were struggling with anxiety or depression. So things have gotten worse--the pressure on people as a result of what everybody has gone through in the last year. That is up from 11 percent before the pandemic, and more than one in four young people have reported having suicidal thoughts. Meanwhile, communities are seeing more people overdose. Long after the pandemic ends, these behavioral health issues will linger. Attorney General Becerra began his career as a legal aid attorney supporting clients with mental health issues and substance abuse issues. He knows in his heart and soul how important this is. He will bring that same compassion and dedication to HHS as we work to expand access to care, including through certified community behavioral health clinics, on which I am so proud to have partnered with Senator Roy Blunt and so many of our colleagues across the aisle to move forward as the new structure for comprehensive, coordinated care in the community. And it is beginning to make a difference, but we have a lot more to do, and we need somebody at the head of HHS who gets it. That is why I so strongly support Xavier Becerra, among so many other reasons. American families deserve to know that they have someone at the Department of Health and Human Services who has their backs. With Attorney General Becerra, they will know they have someone who has their back. He is the leader we need to help us end this pandemic, to get people the care they need, to strengthen our healthcare system, and to get our country back on track. So I look forward to voting for this excellent nominee and putting him to work on behalf of the American people. I urge my colleagues to join us in supporting this excellent nominee. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I rise today in support of provisions in this bill that support socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers. One-fifth of all rural Americans--10.5 million people--are people of color. For Black, Native American, Hispanic and Latinx, and Asian American farm families, their experience in the agricultural economy is markedly different than their White counterparts. This has been particularly true when it comes to the interactions between farmers of color and the U.S. Department of Agriculture. This history of longstanding systemic discrimination against farmers of color is well documented. Congress has long recognized this discrimination against farmers of color by USDA and, through various mechanisms, has sought to remedy and alleviate systemic barriers that prevented socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers from fully participating in the American farm economy. However, those efforts have fallen short, and Congress is now providing additional assistance. Various factors have contributed to the historic loss of farmland owned and operated by farmers of color. According to the Economic Research Service, a century ago, Black farmers owned more than 15 million acres of agricultural land and operated almost 1 million farms. A century later, data from the 2017 Census of Agriculture indicated that Black farmers own fewer than 2.9 million acres, less than a fifth of what they owned in 1920. A Tufts University analysis estimated the value of that lost farmland at more than $120 billion in lost opportunities. According to a 2019 article in the Atlantic, ``The Great Land Robbery,'' in the recovery from the Great Depression, the New Deal Farm Security Administration at the U.S. Department of Agriculture denied loans to poor Black farmers that were available to their White neighbors. In 1830, the Indian Removal Act formalized Native American removal as a federally sanctioned practice, removing tens of thousands of original inhabitants from their traditional lands within existing State borders to land west of the Mississippi River. The removal disrupted land ownership and tenure and reoriented traditional farm production techniques. The Homestead Act, enacted in 1862, allowed settlers to claim 160 acres of surveyed government land. Records in the National Archive show that land had been inhabited by Native Americans, but Native Americans were not eligible to participate in the program. The California Alien Land Laws of 1913 and 1920 denied Asian immigrants the opportunity to purchase farmland or enter into long-term lease contracts until a 1952 court decision held the law to be unconstitutional. During World War II, tens of thousands of first and second generation Japanese American families were forced off their farms and into internment camps. For perspective, an estimated half of Japanese Americans living in California at the time were involved in agriculture according to a February 12, 2021, article in ``Civil Eats.'' Hispanic farmers have faced a particularly difficult time with discrimination at the U.S. Department of Agriculture because demographic information about Hispanic farmers wasn't even collected separately by the Census of Agriculture until 1974. According to USDA, the Census of Agriculture started collecting demographic information about minority farmers in 1900 and published the first record of minority farmers in 1920 but neglected to include Hispanic farmers. This lack of historical documentation has resulted in many Hispanic farmers being left out of critical farm programs and has made it difficult to resolve issues of discrimination and civil rights. A 2001 article in the Natural Resources Journal entitled ``Livestock Racism and Traditional Culture in Northern New Mexico'' noted additional struggles Hispanic farmers and ranchers have had with grazing issues and Federal land management, including USDA programs. American institutions both public and private have thoroughly documented this discrimination. Numerous reports issued since the Civil Rights Era in the 1960s have shown a consistent pattern of discrimination, in particular by USDA, against Black, Indigenous, and other farmers of color. Much of the following history was laid out by House Agriculture Committee Chairman David Scott during his floor statement in support of the American Rescue Plan provisions on February 26, 2021. A 1965 report by the United States Commission on Civil Rights found that Federal, state, and local officials discriminated against Black farmers in agricultural programs and that this discrimination actively contributed to the decline in the Black ownership of farmland. In 1968, a follow up report from the United States Commission on Civil Rights found that Black farmers continued to face discrimination when seeking farm loans and other forms of assistance. In 1970, the United States Commission on Civil Rights again found that discrimination continued in USDA program administration. The 1970 report indicated that prior to 1968, no Black farmer had ever been elected to any former Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Service committee at the county level in the South. In 1970, two out of more than 4,100 committee members in the South were Black farmers, even though there were 58 counties in the South, where Black farmers comprised a majority of the farm operator population. It is hard to view as coincidence then that half a million Black-owned farms in the U.S. failed between 1950 and 1975. In 1982, the United States Commission on Civil Rights issued another report on the rapid decline of Black-operated farms. The report noted that between 1970 and 1980, the Black farm population declined 65 percent, compared to a 22 percent decline in the white farm population. The report also documented numerous discrimination complaints filed against USDA field offices regarding the administration of farm loan programs and noted that for many of these complaints, USDA's Office of Equal Opportunity investigated and found equal opportunity violations at those field offices. The report concluded that racial discrimination was continuing within the USDA, at USDA headquarters, and in the network of field offices that implement USDA programs. Instead of responding to recommendations of the report, President Ronald Reagan and Agriculture Secretary John Block closed the Office in 1983, and it would remain closed for another 13 years until reopened under President Bill Clinton and Secretary Dan Glickman in 1996. A 1995 U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) report found that socially disadvantaged producers were significantly underrepresented on the county and community committees of the former Agricultural Stabilization and Conservation Service. Specifically, the report found that while minority producers accounted for nearly 5 percent of the producers eligible to vote for committee members, minority producers only represented 2.1 percent of county committee members in the United States. In 1997, the USDA formed a Civil Rights Action Team to hold nationwide listening sessions to hear from socially disadvantaged and minority farmers. A report published after the listening sessions documented Black, Hispanic, Asian- American, and American Indian farmers who told stories of USDA hurting minority farmers more than helping them. Minority farmers described how their discrimination complaints were caught in the backlog of appeals or if successfully appealed, were given findings of discrimination that were not enforced. The report acknowledged that discrimination in USDA program delivery continued to exist to a large degree unabated. Also in 1997, the USDA Office of the Inspector General (OIG) issued a report to the USDA Secretary that noted ``a climate of disorder within the civil rights staff at the Farm Service Agency.'' It was difficult for the OIG to even determine the number and status of civil rights complaints at the agency and department because of that climate. A 1998 OIG report noted the OIG had issued 44 recent recommendations to USDA to improve its civil rights complaints and improve relations with minority farmers and stated that several of those recommendations had yet to be implemented. In 1998, the USDA National Commission on Small Farms further described and documented the longstanding discrimination of USDA towards socially disadvantaged producers. And, it observed that ``discrimination has been a contributing factor in the decline of Black farmers over the last several decades.'' The Commission's report also notes the ``history of under-allocation of resources to institutions that have served minority farmers,'' the ``disgraceful'' ``failure to elect minority farmers to positions on Farm Service Agency County Committees,'' and more. During the period between 1997 and 2000, Black farmers, Native American farmers, and Hispanic farmers filed lawsuits alleging USDA discriminated against them on the basis of race in processing their farm program applications and that USDA failed to investigate their complaints of discrimination. In 2001, a report by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights documented the continued discriminatory lending practices against minority farmers. The Commission found that Black farmers waited four times longer than white farmers for USDA farm loans. The Commission recommended that USDA resolve the backlog of civil rights complaints and document and alleviate discriminatory lending practices. However, USDA continued to struggle with resolving its backlog of civil rights complaints. In a 2005 audit the OIG stated in a report, ``it took 12 days longer to complete minority applications, delinquencies were higher for minority borrowers than non-minority borrowers, and minority borrowers were reluctant to enter into Farm Service Agency offices to apply for loans.'' In 2008, GAO reported that USDA's difficulties in resolving discrimination complaints persisted and that the USDA had not achieved its goal of preventing future backlogs of discrimination complaints. The 2010 Jackson Lewis report provided over 200 recommendations to USDA on civil rights issues, including recommendations related to civil rights issues in USDA's farm lending program and minority farmer access to other USDA programs. Recent studies and reports continue to document the challenges and barriers faced by farmers of color due to race or ethnic discrimination or the legacy of such discrimination. A September 20, 2017, study in the Agriculture and Human Values journal described the challenges faced by Latinx farmers due to failure of agricultural agencies to engage in appropriate outreach or account for language barriers. Most recently in 2019, a GAO report observed that despite specific preference, socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers had proportionately fewer Farm Service Agency direct and guaranteed loans than non-socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers. This report found that farmers and ranchers of color continued to face more difficulties in obtaining farm loans and highlighted the historic, systemic discrimination against such farmers. The record of discriminatory conduct at USDA, as well as the library of studies and reports chronicling that discrimination is indeed long and details many of the barriers between farmers of color and the Department that prevent these farm families from accessing the same programs and experiencing the same success as their White counterparts. To address long and well-documented history of systemic discrimination, successive Congresses have worked in a bicameral and bipartisan manner over the years to authorize and oversee implementation of programs at USDA. During the agriculture credit crisis in the 1980s, Congress addressed this well-documented systemic discrimination at USDA and began to target assistance at the U.S. Department of Agriculture to ``socially disadvantaged farmers or ranchers,'' a farmer or rancher who has been subjected to racial or ethnic prejudice because of their identity as a member of a socially disadvantaged group without regard to their individual qualities. Congress provided support that targeted and prioritizes USDA resources to ensure farmers of color have the same opportunities as White farmers. Today, this support has grown to include a broad range of set-asides, special programs, and incentives for socially disadvantaged farmers. In 1987, Congress passed the Agricultural Credit Act of 1987. Section 617 of this bill required the USDA to establish annual target participation rates, on a countywide basis, that would ensure that members of socially disadvantaged groups receive direct or guaranteed farm ownership loans. Congress amended this requirement in 1996 to ensure that USDA's implementation was consistent with the holding of the Supreme Court in Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Federico Pena, Secretary of Transportation, 515 U.S. 200 (1995), which held that race- based actions by the government is within constitutional constraints when it is necessary to further a compelling interest such as the ``unhappy persistence of both the practice and lingering effects of racial discrimination against minority groups.'' In the 1990 farm bill, Congress took additional steps to recognize socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers and created a landmark new program, the 2501 Socially Disadvantaged Farmer and Rancher Outreach program, which is designed specifically to improve outreach and technical assistance to farmers of color. In section 741 of the Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 1999 (7 U.S.C. 2279 note), Congress took the extraordinary step of suspending the application of the then-2-year statute of limitations regarding Equal Credit Opportunity Claims. This allowed claimants in discrimination suits against USDA, including Black farmers in Pigford v. Glickman and Native American farmers in Keepseagle v. Veneman, to cite at times decades-old instances of discrimination to qualify for payments under the respective settlements. In the 2002 farm bill, Congress created the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, with statutory authority to ensure compliance of all civil rights laws and incorporation of civil rights activities into the strategic planning of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. A sense of Congress in the 2008 farm bill stated that claims and class actions brought against USDA by socially disadvantaged farmers or ranchers, including Native American, Hispanic, and female farmers or ranchers, on racial, ethnic, or gender discrimination in farm program participation should be quickly and fairly resolved. Congress reacted to USDA's discriminatory history and provided $100 million to help settle the Pigford discrimination claims and established a moratorium on acceleration and foreclosure proceedings by USDA against any farmer or rancher who filed a discrimination claim. To further support Pigford, Congress provided an additional $1.15 billion in funding in the Claims Resolution Act of 2010 to settle the additional claims in the Pigford II class action lawsuit. The 2014 farm bill created a permanent Office of Tribal Relations under the Secretary of Agriculture. Because of the continuing and systemic nature of these concerns, the 2018 farm bill permanently funded the section 2501 Socially Disadvantaged Farmer and Rancher Outreach Program and provided new support to address longstanding heirs property and farmland ownership issues. Additionally, because Congress recognized that discrimination is both pervasive and ongoing, the 2018 farm bill also required the production of several reports by GAO on how both latent and overt discrimination manifest in agriculture programs, including a report specifically on bias-related to loan credit issues for farmers of color within the socially disadvantaged designation to inform Congress for future legislation. As important as Congress's actions have been, the remedies are still not enough as there is still ongoing and pervasive discrimination leaving socially disadvantaged farmers significantly behind. Settlements resulting from the Pigford and Keepseagle lawsuits, along with Garcia v. Vilsack that focused on discrimination against Hispanic and Latinx farmers, have not provided the relief necessary for these farmers of color to participate fully in the American agricultural economy. For example, the Los Angeles Times reported in 2012 that payments made to Black farmers under the Pigford settlements were significantly eroded by State taxes, as well as tax debt related to forgiven USDA farm loans. In Keepseagle only a very small percentage of potential claimants even applied. This was largely due to the older age of many potential claimants and because they were difficult to contact. Claims adjudication simply was not effective and did not adequately remedy the discrimination. Specifically in the area of farm lending, as recently as 2 years ago, two GAO reports showed that socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers have more difficulty getting loans and credit from USDA. These loans can help beginning farmers break into the business and help existing farmers continue running their operations. One of the GAO reports focused on the specific barriers of Tribal farmers accessing credit and the other GAO report highlights the systemic discrimination that has hindered farmers of color for generations continue today. Similarly, a 2019 report from the National Young Farmers Coalition on the structural challenges facing farmers in California shows that while White respondents reported that they had no gaps in access to resources like business entity choice, credit lending, land access and lease development, marketing, policy advocacy, and regulatory navigation; non-White respondents reported significantly impaired access to those same resources, and Native American respondents reported receiving none of the listed resources. The Farm Bill Law Enterprise reported that 99.4 percent of USDA's Market Facilitation Program payments went to White farmers. Similarly, the Environmental Working Group reported that nonminority farmers received nearly 97 percent of the $9.2 billion provided through USDA's first Coronavirus Food Assistance Program in 2020. The diminished relationships between socially disadvantaged farmers and USDA as a result of both latent barriers and historic discrimination limits access of socially disadvantaged farmers to USDA's program, making it more difficult or impossible for socially disadvantaged farmers to participate in USDA programs. The statistics continue to bear this out: 73 percent of Black farmers, when surveyed by the Federation of Southern Cooperatives/Land Assistance Fund, an association of Black farmers and landowners, were not even aware of the agricultural aid provisions of the coronavirus rescue programs at USDA. Congress recognizes the longstanding systemic discrimination against farmers of color by USDA. Despite multiple congressional efforts to address this discrimination, these efforts, taken mostly on a case-by case basis, have still not remedied the discrimination. Congress is now continuing to address this longstanding, widespread, and well- documented discrimination against socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers, including systemic barriers preventing socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers from fully participating in the American farm economy, in recognition that our mostly case-by-case efforts thus far have not done enough. Because of discrimination in USDA's programs, particularly loan programs, at USDA, socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers are less likely to have the same access to adequate loan servicing and face other barriers in USDA programs, as their White counterparts. As a result, their loans are more likely to be in default or in a precarious situation. Sections 1005 and 1006 of the American Rescue Plan contain narrowly tailored provisions to address the discrimination in credit and other programs at USDA, the effects of which have been magnified by the pandemic, as well as programmatic changes to support socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers. The sections provide funding for payments on existing USDA direct and guaranteed loans held by socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers. In addition, this legislation is providing tools and funding for programs and systemic reforms at USDA to undo the systemic racism that has prevented socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers from getting access to critical agricultural credit. The public recognition of longstanding discrimination against socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers and the accompanying broad support for this work along the food and agriculture supply chain is overwhelming and represents every corner of American food and farming. More than 600 farm, food, and rural organizations, businesses, equity advocates, and legal scholars have sent letters, documents and issued statements of support. Notably, each of these letters includes both acknowledgment that these ongoing barriers exist, and a great many cite staggering examples of the disadvantages many farmers of color experience, as well as why the provisions contained in sections 1005 and 1006 of the American Rescue Plan are an appropriate remedy for these important producers. While earlier versions of this legislation included specific references to the longstanding discrimination within the Department of Agriculture, as noted in Chairman Scott's February 26, 2021, statement for the record, the manager's amendment in the House Rules Committee was purely to ensure that these sections would meet the requirements of section 313 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 for consideration in the U.S. Senate. Congress includes these measures to address the longstanding and widespread systemic discrimination within the USDA, particularly within the loan programs, against socially disadvantaged farmers and ranchers.

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, to my good friend--we work together on so many things in agriculture--let me first say we all saw the devastation caused by the storm across the Midwest last year. That is why we have a strong crop insurance program in our bipartisan farm bill that quickly responds when disasters strike. Iowa producers have already received nearly $600 million in crop insurance indemnities for damages in 2020. If crop insurance can't meet the need, the other opportunity is to consider something in appropriations. It should not be here. I urge a ``no'' vote because it would take away, in this amendment, critical funds to repair our broken food supply chain; support our farmers, our food banks, our frontline workers, and our families in need. We know the supply chain is broken. This provision is going to help fix that, and I would urge a ``no'' vote. Don't take money away from here, which is so critically needed for farmers and ranchers. Thank you. Vote on Amendment No. 902

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, I am very pleased today to rise to support the nomination of our former Secretary of Agriculture, Tom Vilsack. We are very lucky that he is willing to serve again. He is certainly no stranger to all of us, and we are very fortunate that he is willing to once again be part of public service. In serving as Agriculture Secretary during all 8 years of the Obama administration, Secretary Vilsack presided over the USDA with decisive, effective leadership. It was a pleasure to work with him. The Agriculture Committee held a bipartisan hearing earlier this month, and mere hours later, we voted to advance his nomination without any objection. His deep knowledge of agriculture and rural America is needed now more than ever, for our farmers, our families, and our rural communities have so many challenges right now. The COVID-19 crisis is continuing to disrupt our food supply chain for farmers, food processors, and essential workers. Tens of millions of families still don't have enough to eat and are lining up at food banks in order to put food on the table. The climate crisis is posing an extremely grave threat to the long-term viability of our economy and our food supply. Farmers of color, who have long faced civil rights abuses and systemic racism, continue to experience economic disparities. On top of all of this, there is a lot of work to be done to rebuild the USDA workforce so that the Department can fulfill its very important mission. American farmers, families, and rural communities need strong, effective leadership now more than ever. When it comes to strengthening our food and farm economy, I am very confident that soon-to-be- confirmed Secretary Tom Vilsack will be more than up to the task. He has a proven track record and will embrace new ideas in a new era at the Department. I know he is committed to addressing the COVID-19 pandemic, and I know he is committed to focusing on feeding our families in need. We have more than 50 million Americans today who are in a hunger crisis, themselves and their families. I know he cares deeply and is committed to making sure they are able to feed their families. I know he is very focused on tackling the climate crisis and has done a lot of work, since leaving as the Secretary of Agriculture a few years ago, focusing on voluntary, producer-led, farmer-friendly efforts that can make a real difference and allow agriculture to lead in addressing the climate crisis. I also know he is very focused and committed on addressing the racial discrimination that we have seen systemically over the years in agriculture and addressing those issues in a very fair and equitable way. I look forward to partnering with him on these issues. Senator Boozman and I enjoyed our first hearing, which was his confirmation hearing. I look forward to partnering with Senator Boozman and our entire committee to be able to move forward on a whole range of issues that are important for all of us, for everybody in our country. To do that, we need a great partner and an effective partner in the Secretary of the Department of Agriculture, and I know with great confidence that this person is Tom Vilsack. I yield the floor

Ms. STABENOW. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the remaining time be yielded back.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Madam President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I rise today to speak about the terrible events of January 6, the impeachment vote, and the need to hold people accountable for their actions. While the U.S. Senate did not achieve the two-thirds vote necessary to convict former President Donald Trump, this will go down in history as the largest bipartisan vote ever to hold a President accountable for high crimes and misdemeanors under our Constitution. Former President Donald Trump spent months pushing a big lie--that the November election was stolen from him. He inspired, encouraged, and incited a deadly insurrection at the U.S. Capitol in order to stop the certification of the electoral college vote, and then he did nothing to stop the violence, which caused massive injury and loss of life. I wish to convey my personal and deep gratitude to all of the Capitol Police officers who courageously put their lives on the line to protect all of us that day, and I join with my colleagues in grieving the loss of life and injuries that so many suffered as a result of this violent insurrection. This wasn't just an attack on a building. It was an attack on all of the people who work there. It was an attack on our form of government. It was an attack on our Constitution. It was an attack on ``We the People.'' This bipartisan vote sent an important message: In America, no President is above the law. And inciting violence against our government is illegal and dangerous. Now, as a nation, we must move forward. We must do everything we can to bring down the temperature of our debates, find common ground on issues we care about, and reduce the divide in our families and communities. And we must continue to strive for accountability and justice. Our democracy demands no less.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I have 9 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate: Committee on Armed Services The Committee on Armed Services is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, February 23, 2021, at 9:30 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs The Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, February 23, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Energy and Natural Resources The Committee on Energy and Natural Resources is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, February 23, 2021, at 9:30 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Finance The Committee on Finance is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, February 23, 2021, at 9:30 a.m., to conduct a hearing on a nomination. Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions The Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, February 23, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing on a nomination. Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs The Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, February 23, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on the Judiciary The Committee on the Judiciary is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, February 23, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing on a nomination. Committee on Rules and Administration The Committee on Rules and Administration is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, February 23, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Select Committee on Intelligence The Select Committee on Intelligence is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, February 23, 2021, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, the Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry has adopted rules governing its procedures for the 117th Congress. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 2, of the Standing Rules of the Senate, on behalf of myself and Senator Boozman, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the Committee rules be printed in the Record.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, it is wonderful to see you in the Chair.

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, one thing you can say about Americans, we know how to meet the moment. When the world was upended by a Great Depression and a quarter of our people were out of work, we took bold action. A brandnew President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and large majorities in Congress ushered in a New Deal that put folks back to work, stabilized our economy, and invested in America's future. When freedom abroad was threatened by fascism, we again took bold action as a country. We used American ingenuity to build an arsenal of democracy, which, by the middle of 1944, was churning out B-24 bombers every 60 minutes at Ford's Willow Run plant in Michigan. Now is the time again to take bold action on behalf of the American people. We are now a year into a pandemic that has claimed the lives of nearly 450,000 Americans--450,000 Americans--parents and grandparents and friends and neighbors and cousins and coworkers and community leaders. Almost 15,000 lives have already been lost in Michigan--dear souls lost to us. And it is not just lives that have been lost. Businesses have closed, workers have been laid off, folks have been without paychecks for months and months. Parents are struggling to keep food on the table and the heat on while troubleshooting the spotty internet their children depend on to keep their classes going on Zoom. And grandmas and grandpas are missing out on seeing their families grow up. Babies born last March are already learning to walk and talk, and too many have not had a chance to be with them in person. Americans know how to meet the moment, and it is time for us to do it again. It is time to pass a rescue plan bold enough to stamp out this pandemic, get families the immediate help they need to weather the economic crisis, and get our children safely back in school. That is just what our American Rescue Plan will do, and we need to get it done as soon as possible. American families have waited long enough. There are a lot of good things happening right now. A home COVID-19 test was just approved. Soon we will have three effective vaccines available. We know that we can't get back to normal, though, or revive our battered economy unless we get vaccine off shelves and into American arms. That is why our plan will increase the number of people being vaccinated, boost our testing capacity, and ensure that our healthcare professionals and other frontline workers have adequate protective equipment. The plan will also provide additional funding for rural health infrastructure through the agriculture portion of our bill, which I am so pleased to lead. Our rural hospitals are struggling to survive right now like places where I grew up in Northern Michigan. This funding will help them keep their doors open, purchase necessary supplies, vaccinate more people, and treat more patients via telehealth, which has become so important. In the meantime, we know that American families need help to survive during this pandemic. They need help. They need to know we have got their backs. They have got to know that, in all of this, somebody has got their back. The American Rescue Plan will give working families direct checks, extend crucial unemployment programs, boost the child tax credit and earned-income tax credit, which will lift half of American children out of poverty this year. Can you imagine? We have an opportunity here in Congress, working with our wonderful new President and Vice President, to pass a policy that will lift half the children in poverty out of poverty--not 10 years from now, not 5 years from now--this year. What an exciting prospect. And we need to get it done. This means struggling families will, with all of this help, be able to cover the rent or the mortgage, pay their bills, keep food on the table. And keeping food on the table is especially crucial in a time when so many of our neighbors are going hungry. In fact, we know that 50 million Americans across the country--moms and dads and children--right now are facing hunger every day. We are better than this as a country. We have all heard stories about seniors waiting hours in lines for a box of food or parents skipping meals so their children can have a little more to eat. The agriculture and nutrition funding in this American Rescue Plan will tackle hunger head-on by extending pandemic EBT for the duration of the pandemic. What does that mean? This is about children. This is about feeding children--children who otherwise may get fed at school but aren' able to do that to be able to have the resources they need from moms and dads to feed them while they are not in school, as well as in the summer. It will also provide more fruits and vegetables for moms and babies and make sure that families who are eligible for help are getting it. People who need help in this country need to get that help. They need to know we have their back. We know that two-thirds of SNAP benefits--the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program--two-thirds of it goes to families with children. By extending the bump-up in SNAP funding through the end of September, we can make sure families aren't running out of food and going hungry at the end of the month. That is especially important for children because it is hard to learn--it is hard to learn how to read and write, and it is hard to focus when your stomach is rumbling, when you have got a headache because you haven't eaten. Our children need to be fed, and they need to be back in class as well. We can't get our economy moving again if parents can't return to work, and parents can't return to work if they are worried that their children aren't safe at school or one of the parents or the only parent has to be home with the children. What do they do? So all of this fits together, and this American Rescue Plan will provide the support needed to safely reopen the majority of K-12 schools within President Biden's first 100 days. How important is that? What a great goal for us to have, and we can do that. We are just days away from working together and being able to get that done, and it will serve all students, no matter how, no matter where they learn. And for our farmers, speaking as the incoming chair of the Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry Committee, our farmers who have been directly affected by the ups and downs of the pandemic, the plan addresses the break in the food supply chain, and it enables us to buy and donate their products to food banks. You know, we had so many selling to restaurants and big enterprises, the food supply chain stopped. They have excess food. I know dairy farmers in Michigan; it breaks their hearts to think of the idea of dumping milk when we need that. So the efforts that are in this bill will help them be able to move from a bulk supply chain to be able to get gallon jugs, put the milk into the hands of families, and stop the wasting of precious, valuable food that our families need. This is going to help farmers' bottom lines, and it feeds families in need. Our agriculture provisions also provide critical funding for PPE for farmworkers and workers who labor every day in food processing plants so we have the food that we need--protective equipment that they need and that they deserve. The plan also targets help for farmers of color who have been hit especially hard by the pandemic, on top of the historical challenges and discrimination they have faced in accessing land and capital. The plan provides critical debt relief to help them weather the storm and keep their operations going until the next growing season. Vaccinating Americans, providing economic help for families, getting our children back to school safely, those are the three main goals of this plan. All of these goals have one thing in common: It is about investing in people. It is about putting people first--the American people first. Over our Nation's history, the policies that have truly been lifting people out of poverty and moved them forward have invested in people, from our land grant universities to social security and Medicare and Medicaid, to the Civil Rights Act, to the Children's Health Insurance Program, to increasing the minimum wage. And these are all policies, I am proud to say, created and supported by Democrats. Investing in our people helps American families, and it helps our economy too. We have seen these Democratic policies create more jobs when you look at the numbers. When we look at the numbers, under which policies and which Presidents have we seen more good-paying jobs? And over and over again it is Democratic Presidents because of the way that we invest. It is what we do, how we invest, to create opportunity to give everybody a fair shot to succeed, to invest in people and opportunity. Those things have created better economies and more jobs. So, broadly, we are committed to making sure everyone shares in the prosperity of our country, and these policies create the conditions necessary to help people dream big dreams and actually achieve them. It is a new year. It is a new Congress. It is time to act. It is time to end this pandemic, give families the economic support they need, and get our children safely back to school. This is the moment. This is the moment we need to think big. We need to be bold. We need to lean in on policies that we know work--because they have worked before. Americans know how to meet the moment, and our moment is now. I yield the floor.

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. STABENOW

Mr. STABENOW. Mr. President, I want to take one other moment just to also speak and thank everybody that is involved at this point in getting us to where we are on this very important survival package. I have never felt this was a COVID stimulus. It is about helping people survive over the next several months, whether that is making sure they have a roof over their head and food on the table, can pay the bills, keep the heat on. In places like North Dakota and places like Ohio, it is going to get pretty cold this winter. Our small businesses, our farmers, our schools that need help to be able to succeed, all the support we need to provide for vaccine distribution and healthcare, and all of the other areas--this has been a tough negotiation. I do want to say, on a couple of points where I have been deeply involved, I want to thank the Presiding Officer for his support and help on our nutrition and agriculture pieces. We have come together in a very important step. It is going to allow more people to get help to feed their families over the next several months--no small thing. We have a hunger crisis in our country. We have people who have donated to the food bank, worked for the food bank, and are now sitting for hours in cars, waiting to drive up and get a box of food, in the United States of America. And so what we are doing as part of this package is going to be significant to help people be able to purchase food in the grocery store, as well as to get help in other ways--to help our seniors with Meals on Wheels, to help our children who aren't able to eat in school right now, and our college students who don't have the opportunity to be on campus and get support. So we have very significant food access and nutrition, very positive efforts in this legislation. And for our farmers, as well, across the country, there is significant support, as well as help in our food chain and supply chain areas, where we have all been concerned as we have watched those involved in the supply chain lose their markets in restaurants and so on but not have the support and the capacity to take that milk or take those other commodities and be able to move them over and package them differently for consumers to go to the food bank. We make some headway in supporting that, as well, in this legislation. So I want to thank my colleagues. This is really the last negotiation that Senator Roberts and I have led, as he retires this year. And it has been, as I have said before, a great pleasure to work with him and to be able to achieve this effort--bipartisan effort. The one thank-you I just want to give is in a whole other area that has been a passion of mine that I have been proud to lead with a colleague from Missouri, Senator Roy Blunt. We have very significant support, as well, for behavioral health services, mental health, substance abuse services that are desperately needed and have been amplified, and the need has been expanded even more because of what has happened with the coronavirus. And there is important support in this legislation, as well, and I am grateful to be involved in pushing that forward as well. So there is more to talk about. I know we are a little ways away from that final vote, but I am hopeful that the coalition that was formed-- that all of us working together that brought this together and negotiated, and my colleagues who initiated this bipartisan effort-- will find that this is a coalition we want to keep going for next year, because there is so much more that we need to do together, and the American people expect us to get things done. And this, I hope, is the first step of many to celebrate ways that we are solving problems and helping people and moving the country forward. Thank you, Mr. President.

Ms. STABENOW

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, it is always wonderful to work with my friend and colleague from Ohio, and certainly we share a tremendous partnership and passion about our Great Lakes. For us in Michigan, we are a peninsula. We are surrounded by the Great Lakes, and we really believe it is about our way of life. My friend has talked about the fishing industry and the boating industry. There are 40 million people who get their drinking water from the Great Lakes Basin. We have more lighthouses all around Michigan, actually, than any other shoreline has in the country. We say we have the ocean without the salt, and it is very much in our DNA for us in Michigan. As the Senator from Ohio indicated, the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative focuses on a number of things that deal with water quality, stopping the spread of Asian carp and other invasive species, and restoring the shoreline from any future contaminations. I have to say, as a personal point of pride, in 2010, I authored the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative as a member of the Senate Committee on the Budget, and since that time, we have funded 5,449 different projects throughout the entire region of the Great Lakes, including 880 projects in Michigan. And we have seen tangible results. As Senator Portman has indicated, this is a partnership, public- private. It is with local communities. It is with State governments. It is the Federal Government. We, in Michigan, have passed four areas of concern that have been labeled because of the seriousness of what was happening to the water and the water quality. They have now been removed from those areas of concern, where the communities worked together using Great Lakes Restoration funding and working with the communities, and they have been delisted, which is a good thing. That means things have improved. You can fish again. You can swim again. You can enjoy the water again. And so we are seeing tremendous, tangible results from what we have been able to do together. And it is also important to note that for every $1 we put into investment through this important program, it produces $3 in economic return. So it is fiscally responsible. It is responsible stewardship for all of us in protecting the fresh waters of our country. What we are doing in this legislation, basically, would allow us, over the next 5 years, to raise the authorization level back up to where it started in 2010. It has been up and down, and up and down, and up and down, and this would allow us to be able, within the next 5 years, to get that authorization back up to where it was. So we do have the support of the body. Mr. President, as if in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Environment and Public Works be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 4031 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.