Adam Schiff

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlemen from Texas and Massachusetts for their amendment, which I am proud to support. The trafficking of wildlife by terrorist organizations is an important issue, not only because it threatens to wipe out elephants, rhinos, and tigers, but also because it could threaten our national security. The World Wildlife Fund estimates that the amount of money generated by wildlife trafficking trade reaches into the hundreds of millions of dollars, and much of this goes to fund terrorists, including The Lord's Resistance Army, al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram. That is money going into the coffers of those who every day seek to harm us and others. We must put our intelligence professionals to the task. We must understand from beginning to end how terrorists acquire, transfer, and profit from wildlife trafficking. This is the first step to putting an end to it. Again, I want to thank my colleagues for offering this amendment. I urge support. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition, even though I am not opposed.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition even though I am not opposed.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank the gentleman from South Carolina for his important amendment. There is a limit to how effective a defensive cyber strategy can be because, while we have to defend everything at all times, our adversaries get to attack everywhere and need to be successful only once, so we need to create a more effective deterrent, which this amendment will help further. It would require that the Office of the Director of National Intelligence report to Congress on how we measure cyber attacks so that we can know how best to respond once we are attacked or to communicate in advance how we would respond if we were attacked. Measuring the scale and effects of cyber attacks is no easy task, especially as we must factor in second and third order effects. I want to thank Mr. Wilson for his amendment. I am proud to support it. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I claim the time in opposition, even though I am not opposed.

Mr. SCHIFF. I thank my colleague from New York (Mr. Crowley) for yielding and for his work on this amendment. I am very happy to support it. Diversity and language skills are critical to national security. Together, they allow the intelligence community to reach its potential and expand its reach, its access, as well as its understanding. This amendment would further both goals by providing better language- learning opportunities to students of Hispanic-Serving Institutions. I am very proud to support this amendment and urge my colleagues to do the same. Again, I thank my friend from New York (Mr. Crowley) as well as my other colleagues who worked with him on this amendment. I urge passage.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman and would like to respond to my colleague's points. First of all, the effect of this is not to end funding immediately. The effect of this would end funding in 9 months if we fail to take up and pass an authorization. Certainly, 10 months into the war and 9 months from now ought to be ample time for the Congress to do its constitutional duty. Second, my colleague makes the point that he doesn't agree with the President's strategy. We may take issue with the President's strategy, and we all have our opinions about how this war ought to be waged, but one thing is clear: it is not going to impact the strategy if Congress does its job or not. That impacts our institution; that doesn't impact the Presidency. It is our institutional interest in having a voice in the war-making authority that is at stake here. Finally, the gentleman asked: What kind of a message are we sending with an amendment like this? I would say the message we are sending is that we value our Constitution; we respect the requirements of our Constitution. Our Constitution says that Congress--not the Executive, but Congress--shall have the power to declare war. My colleague says this is merely a symbolic act. I suppose that is true if you think that the constitutional clause that gives the Congress the power to declare war is only symbolic, but I think it is far more than symbolic and key to the balance of power. I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SCHIFF. I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Visclosky), my colleague.

Mr. SCHIFF. May I inquire how much time I have remaining?

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, 10 months ago, we entered into the war against ISIS. During the course of that war, we have put our pilots and other servicemembers at considerable risk, and we have suffered casualties. We have expended hundreds of millions, if not billions, of dollars, and, as yet, there is no end in sight to this conflict. In the beginning of the conflict and our participation in it, the administration took the position that it didn't need an authorization from Congress although it desired one. The administration relied on the authorities that were passed in 2001 and 2002. The authority in 2001, passed in the hours after 9/11, authorized the use of force against those responsible for 9/11. That is al Qaeda. He also relied on the authorization passed in 2002, which authorized the use of force against Iraq. In fact, neither of those authorities is on point. The use of force that we are employing now against ISIL is being used against an organization that didn't exist on 9/11 and, in fact, is often at war with the organization that was responsible for 9/11. That is al Qaeda. Nonetheless, the administration has asserted that it can rely on these authorities, and it asked Congress to pass a new authorization because it felt that was the preferential course. At the time and before the midterm elections, the leadership in the House of Representatives took the position that a lame duck Congress should not be voting on a new war and that a vote must wait until after the elections. So the Congress abdicated its constitutional responsibility to have a debate and a war declaration, and, instead, we awaited the elections. The elections came and the elections went, and those of us who raised the cry that it was time for Congress to do its job were met with a new response: we couldn't vote on an authorization now because the administration had not sent us one, even though there is nothing in the Constitution that provides that Congress shall declare war only when asked by the Executive or only when asked politely by the Executive. Nonetheless, we sat, once again, derelict until the administration sent us a draft authorization. Then there was a new explanation for inaction. We couldn't act on this new authorization because we didn't like the terms of it. This was irrespective of the fact that the Congress has all the power it needs to change that draft or operate under a completely new draft authorization, and still we did nothing. Then the explanation was given we couldn't act on a war authorization because we had to have a vote on the negotiations with Iran, even though those negotiations were not yet complete. So we had a vote on the negotiations with Iran, in fact, a vote to later have a vote. Now we are here once again with a series of shifting rationales for why we don't have a debate on this war ongoing now for 10 months. This must come to an end. The amendment that I have offered this evening would provide that no funds shall be expended for the war against ISIS after a certain date in March of next year unless Congress authorizes a war against ISIS. If this is worth fighting--and I believe it is; I believe this ought to be authorized--it is worth having Congress do its job. If we are going to ask our servicemembers to risk their lives, we ought to have the courage ourselves to make a vote on this war. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I just want to make one final point. This amendment had bipartisan support last year. It came within just three or four votes of passage. Because of the unique situation facing the Burbank Airport, I would urge unique consideration of correcting the injustice when Bob Hope was not grandfathered as it should have been. Mr. Chairman, I urge support of the amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I rise today to urge my colleagues to support the amendment that I am offering along with my southern California colleague, Mr. Sherman. The amendment would allow the Burbank Bob Hope Airport to implement a nighttime curfew between 10 p.m. and 7 a.m. and restore local control to the community that has been denied to them for decades. Thousands of residents of southern California's San Fernando Valley who live under the flight paths or near the terminals at the Bob Hope Airport endure the house-shaking noise of air traffic during the day and suffer the jarring interruption of their sleep that is caused by a roaring jet taking off or landing. I want to also distinguish this measure. I know my colleagues have heard some other curfew measures today, and without detracting from them, I want to point out that the facts of this one are quite different. This is, I think, a unique case in the case of Burbank airport. When Congress passed the 1990 Airport Noise and Control Act, ANCA, it intended to permit airports to implement noise restrictions if they met certain requirements. At that time, Congress exempted several airports from the law's requirements for FAA approval of new noise rules if they had preexisting noise rules in effect to address local concerns. So airports were grandfathered in when ANCA was passed; but because of a mistake, Bob Hope Airport, which had a curfew in place, did not get grandfathered in. The Bob Hope Airport in Burbank was one of the first airports in the country, in fact, to impose a curfew and has a long history of curfews but, unfortunately, was not given the protection of the grandfather provision of ANCA that several other similar airports received. This amendment would correct this inequity and put Bob Hope on the same footing as several other airports across the country that had curfews before ANCA's passage. It doesn't set a precedent in terms of other airports, and this would be uniquely confined to the situation involving Bob Hope. By correcting the omission of not allowing Bob Hope Airport to implement on a permanent and mandatory basis curfew which it had, in effect, informally in the 1980s, we would return local control to the community that has sought it for years. It is also important for my colleagues to understand the impact this will have on aviation in southern California. There will be no impact on commercial flights--zero. Almost all commercial airlines already voluntarily abide by the voluntary curfew at Bob Hope, and the impact on general aviation will be limited to two nighttime landings. The impact, however, will be significant for people trying to get sleep that are disrupted by those small number of flights. Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support this. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from southern California (Mr. Sherman), my colleague.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the memory of Mary Lois Minton Nevins, of Pasadena, California, a well-known and respected community leader who passed away on Monday, May 25, 2015. Mary Lois Minton was born on December 6, 1924 in Long Island, New York. Her father, Henry Miller Minton, was a lieutenant colonel in the Army Air Corps during World War II and was stationed at the Santa Ana Army Airbase in California; consequently, the Minton family moved to Newport Beach, California. Ms. Minton was a graduate of Westover School and Vassar, where she studied chemistry. In 1946, Mary Lois married Richard Nevins and moved to Pasadena, where they raised their children, Richard, William, and Henry. As a young mother and wife, Mary Lois, along with her husband, became extremely active in Democratic Party politics, volunteering for the California Young Democrats, the Altadena-Pasadena Young Democrats, the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Club and the California Democratic Council, and working on countless local, state and national campaigns. Ms. Nevins was also incredibly passionate about issues surrounding early childhood education and disadvantaged youth. In 1964, she pursued a teaching credential from Los Angeles State College, and after student teaching in 1965 at Markham Junior High School and Jordan High School in Los Angeles, she joined the Episcopal Home for Children (now known as Hillsides) where she taught at-risk children for nearly two decades. During her career at Hillsides, she founded the Tutor-Friend Volunteer program that brought together Hillsides students with local college and high school students. In 1990, Mary Lois joined the board of Pacific Oaks College, an institution known for its excellent early childhood education programs, where she served as chair, leader and mediator until 1997. A pioneer in promoting the two-generation learning concept, Ms. Nevins was a key leader and generous supporter of the Mothers' Club Family Learning Center in Pasadena, a non-profit that provides high- quality education to the area's needy parents and children. She served as President of the Board from 1988 to 1992. Preceded in death by her husband, Richard Nevins, a former member of the California State Board of Equalization, Mary Lois is survived by her sons, Richard, William and Henry; her grandchildren, Richard, Sarah, Katharine, Casey, Austin, and Wynn; her siblings, Hatheway Hasler, Helen Farley, and Dwight Minton; and many other family members. Remembered in her community as a generous, compassionate and strong woman, Mary Lois will be greatly missed. I ask all members to join me in remembering one of Pasadena's most beloved citizens, Mary Lois Nevins.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to memorialize and record a courageous story of survival of the Armenian Genocide. The Armenian Genocide, perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire from 1915 to 1923, resulted in the death of 1.5 million Armenian men, women, and children. As the U.S. Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, Henry Morgenthau documented at the time, it was a campaign of ``race extermination.'' The campaign to annihilate the Armenian people failed, as illustrated by the proud Armenian nation and prosperous diaspora. It is difficult if not impossible to find an Armenian family not touched by the genocide, and while there are some survivors still with us, it is imperative that we record their stories. Through the Armenian Genocide Congressional Record Project, I hope to document the harrowing stories of the survivors in an effort to preserve their accounts and to help educate the Members of Congress now and in the future of the necessity of recognizing the Armenian Genocide. Below is one of those stories: From Arshalous Darbinyan, an Armenian Woman, on Behalf of Her Father, Babken Vardani Darbinyan, and Grandparents. Arshalous Markari Darbinyan and Vardan Sarkisi Darbinyan Arshalous Markari Darbinyan was happily married to Vardan Sarkisi Darbinyan. The Darbinyans were one of the wealthy families of Van. They were well respected community intellectual leaders. In the spring of 1915, at the time of deportation and forced relocation Arshalous Darbinyan was an expectant mother. Andranik Zorava (a very close friend of the family) personally appointed one of his assistants to deliver a carriage to the Darbinyan residence. They left everything behind, the house and most of their belongings. In a chaotic rush they were forced to even bury their gold and most of the jewelry in their garden, and left behind the pharmacy they owned. The handmade carpets and rugs, and furniture were stuffed in the wine cellar, as they naively believed that once everything settled they would return home. Unfortunately, when they were halfway there in the middle of the road the carriage flipped over. Arshalous was injured the most. She lost her baby. Also, she received several injuries on her face. Her husband, though in pain himself did his best to help cope with the situation. They suffered emotionally and physically, went through hardships, eyewitnessed the genocide and were lucky enough to survive. They were separated from their siblings, and the family was scattered around the world. Some of them ended up in Fresno, CA and the rest settled in Armenia.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, on April 24, the 100th anniversary of the Armenian genocide, runners and cyclists set out from Los Angeles on the Race for Recognition. I had the great pleasure of riding the first 28 miles of their journey with them. On May 7, they completed their 3,000- mile ride across the United States. They undertook their ride to raise awareness of the Armenian genocide and genocides all around the world and to commemorate and remember the victims. It is my honor to read a portion of the petition that they carried with them across the Nation and to enter the entirety into the Congressional Record. It provides: On this 100th anniversary of the Armenian genocide, LA2DC organizing committee members wish to recognize and honor the contributions of the following people and organization: The American people, for setting the standard in the world for philanthropy, social activism, human rights and prevention of crimes against humanity--in their first nationwide relief campaign from 1915 to 1930, Americans donated the equivalent of $2.7 billion to help save over 1 million Christian Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians, and other minorities during the first mass atrocity of the 20th century, when these minorities were targeted for extermination and deportation by the Ottoman Empire; Ambassador Henry Morgenthau, who, as the United States Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, alerted the United States Government and the rest of the world to the ``destruction of the Armenian race''; The Near East Foundation, for providing relief to 1 million refugees and 132,000 orphan survivors of the atrocities perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire; The American Red Cross, for providing relief to survivors of genocides and mass atrocities for the past 100 years, starting with its first international assistance program in 1915 that provided relief to survivors of the Armenian genocide; The Museum of Tolerance, for educating and enlightening more than 250,000 visitors per year since 1993 and challenging them to understand the Holocaust and genocides in both historic and contemporary contexts; Raphael Lemkin, for inventing the term ``genocide'' to describe atrocities that target groups for annihilation, and for working tirelessly to gain approval of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide by the United Nations in 1948; USC's Shoah Foundation and its founder, Mr. Steven Spielberg, for collecting nearly 52,000 eyewitness testimonies of the Holocaust, the Armenian genocide, and other genocide survivors; Facing History and Ourselves, for educating over 10,000 teachers and, through them, hundreds of thousands of students on the history of prejudice and racism and the role they play in the events that lead to genocide; The International Committee of the Red Cross and the United Nations's Children's Fund, for starting a vast relief operation in 1979 for the people of Cambodia, threatened by famine and disease in the aftermath of the Cambodian genocide, which claimed millions of lives; United States Army Europe and United States Air Force Europe, for delivering humanitarian aid in 1995 and 1996 to the survivors of the Bosnian genocide, during which an estimate 100,000 Bosniaks were systematically targeted and killed; Senator William Proxmire, for delivering a speech every day the U.S. Senate was in session in support of the ratification of Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. After 20 years and 3,211 speeches, the United States Senate ratified the convention on February 11, 1986; President Ronald Reagan, for signing the Genocide Convention Implementation Act of 1987 into law; The International Rescue Committee, for providing relief to Rwandan genocide survivors, when an estimated 800,000 mostly Tutsi minorities were massacred; Not On Our Watch and George Clooney, for using his public profile to raise awareness of the genocide in Darfur, where 300,000 civilians were targeted and murdered and 2 million displaced; U.N. Ambassador Samantha Power, for her groundbreaking book published in 2003, ``A Problem from Hell,'' which recounts the history of genocide and offers a framework for policymakers that can help detect and prevent genocides; The Armenian National Committee of America, for advocating for the recognition of the Armenian genocide and raising awareness of genocides as crimes against humanity. Mr. Speaker, these riders carried this important message of truth and gratitude with them across our great Nation. It is an honor to do my small part to make sure they are heard. Mr. Speaker, on April 24th, the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, runners and cyclists set out from Los Angeles on a ``Race for Recognition.'' I had the great pleasure of riding the first 28 miles of their journey with them. And on May 7th, they completed their 3,000 mile ride across the United States. They undertook their ride to raise awareness of the Armenian Genocide, and Genocides around the world, and to commemorate and remember the victims. It is my honor to read a portion of the petition that they carried with them across the nation, and to enter the entirety into the Congressional Record. On this 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, LA2DC organizing committee members wish to recognize and honor the contributions of the following people and organizations: In the past 100 years, over 100 millions lives have been lost in genocides and mass atrocities; During the same period, heroic American citizens, politicians, diplomats, faith based organizations, and non-government organizations have made it a part of their mission to raise awareness of genocides, help prevent genocides, and provide relief to survivors of genocides; Some of these citizens, relief organizations, diplomats, and politicians put their lives and treasure at risk by working in conflict zones to alert the world of impending genocides and genocides in progress, rescue genocide survivors, and provide relief. On this 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, and through this petition, LA2DC organizing committee members wish to recognize and honor the contributions of the following people and organizations for their work in raising awareness of genocides, providing relief to genocide survivors, and working to prevent genocides; The American People--for setting the standard in the world for philanthropy, social activism, human rights, justice, and prevention of crimes against humanity. In their first act of large scale, nationwide, organization and execution of a relief campaign, from 1915 to 1930, Americans donated more than $117 million--the equivalent of $2.7 billion in 2015 dollars--to relief organizations that saved over 1 million Christian Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians, and other minorities during the first mass atrocity of the 20th century, when these minorities were targeted for extermination and deportation by the Ottoman Empire. Over the past 100 years, Americans continue to be in the front lines of helping to prevent genocides, and providing relief and hope to survivors of atrocities. Ambassador Henry Morgenthau--who as United States Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, alerted the United States government of ``Destruction of the Armenian Race . . .'' and called on Americans to get organized to help the survivors. The Near East Foundation (formerly known as Near East Relief or NER)--for providing relief to 1 million refugees and 132,000 orphan survivors of the atrocities perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire from 1915-1923. During this period, NER raised the equivalent of $2.7 billion in 2015 dollars, and mobilized over 1,000 volunteers to help build 400 orphanages, food and clothing distribution centers, clinics and hospitals, and vocational training schools for the survivors. The American Red Cross--for providing relief to survivors of genocides and mass atrocities for the past 100 years, starting with its first international assistance program in 1915 that provided relief to the survivors of the Armenian Genocide. The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum--for leading national and international efforts to promote human dignity, confront hatred, and prevent the next genocide. The Museum of Tolerance--for educating and enlightening more than 250,000 visitors per year since 1993, and challenging them to understand the Holocaust and genocides in both historic and contemporary contexts and confront all forms of prejudice and discrimination in our world today. Raphael Lemkin--for inventing the term ``genocide'' to describe the atrocities that target groups for annihilation, and for working tirelessly to gain approval of Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide by United Nations in 1948. University of Southern California's Shoah Foundation and its founder, Mr. Steven Spielberg--for painstakingly collecting nearly 52,000 eyewitness testimonies of the Holocaust, the Armenian Genocide, and other genocide survivors, and using their first hand accounts to teach the world about the horrors of genocides and the importance of preventing them. Facing History and Ourselves--for educating over ten thousand teachers in the United States and worldwide, and through them, hundreds of thousands of students, on the history of prejudice and racism, and the role they play in the events that lead to genocide. Since 1976, Facing History has been engaged in genocide prevention work by promoting global citizenship and heightened awareness of genocides. The International Committee of The Red Cross and United Nations Children's Fund for starting a vast relief operation in 1979 for the people of Cambodia threatened by famine and disease in the aftermath of the Cambodian Genocide, which claimed millions of lives. United State Army Europe and United States Air Force Europe--for delivering humanitarian aid in 1995 and 1996 to the survivors of the Bosnian Genocide, during which an estimated 100,000 Bosniaks were systematically targeted and killed. Senator William Proxmire--for following through his commitment to deliver a speech every day the United States Senate was in session in support of the ratification of United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. After 20 years and 3,211 speeches, the United States Senate ratified the convention on February 11, 1986. President Ronald Reagan--for signing the Genocide Implementation Act of 1987 into law, making genocide a Federal offense, and declaring, ``This legislation still represents a strong and clear statement by the United States that it will punish acts of genocide with the force of law and the righteousness of justice.'' The International Rescue Committee--for providing emergency supplies and restoring infrastructure following the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, where an estimated 800,000 mostly Tutsi minorities were massacred. Not On Our Watch, and Messrs. George Clooney, Don Cheadle, Matt Damon, Brad Pitt, David Pressman, and Jerry Weintraub for using their public profiles to bring attention to atrocities around the world, and raising awareness of the genocide in Darfur, where 300,000 civilians were targeted and murdered, and 2 million displaced. United States Institute of Peace Genocide Prevention Task Force, and Co-Chairs Honorable Madeleine K. Albright and Honorable William S. Cohen--for developing a genocide prevention blueprint entitled, ``Preventing Genocide: A Blueprint for U.S. Policymakers'', which affirmed that genocides are preventable, and issued 34 specific actionable recommendations that United States can implement to help detect and prevent genocides. Ambassador Samantha Power, the United States Ambassador to the United Nations--for her groundbreaking research documented in her book published in 2003, ``A Problem from Hell'', which recounts the history of genocide and offers a framework for policy makers that can help detect and prevent genocides. Congressman Adam Schiff--for being the leading voice in the United States Congress advocating for recognition of past genocides as an important step towards detecting and preventing future genocides and atrocities. The Armenian National Committee of America--for advocating for the recognition of the Armenian Genocides and raising awareness of genocides as crimes against humanity. Countless other Americans and organizations who have made it their mission to help prevent the next genocide and promote peaceful resolution of conflicts.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the time, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. First, let me say thank you to Chairman Goodlatte and Ranking Member Conyers as well as to my colleague, Chairman Nunes. We have worked this issue together for a long time, and I am very proud of the bipartisan legislation that we have produced. I also want to thank the administration that worked with us so long and hard, and the work done in the last Congress by former HPSCI Chairman Mike Rogers and former HPSCI Ranking Member Dutch Ruppersberger. I rise today in strong support of H.R. 2048. This Nation was founded on the revolutionary principle that liberty need not be sacrificed to security, that public safety can and must coexist with individual liberty. Our Founders set out to create a lasting Union and a great Nation, one in which the people would be free to govern themselves, to express themselves, to worship for themselves, while also being secure in their homes, their papers, and their persons. Nearly two-and-a-half centuries later, it is easy to forget that these freedoms were enshrined in the Constitution amidst great peril. Americans had only recently fought a war for independence and would be confronted by powerful and often hostile forces in the future, including the powerful empires of Britain, France, and Spain. Here were truly existential threats, and still the Founders said, We can be secure and we can be free. They were right; we can and we must. So today, at another moment of national danger, we are challenged to reaffirm our commitment to these twin imperatives--security and liberty--and to prove again that we can find the right balance for our times. The USA FREEDOM Act strikes that delicate but vitally important balance. On the side of freedom, it ends bulk collection, not just of telephone metadata under section 215, but of any bulk collection under any other authority. It creates a specific procedure for telephone metadata that allows the government, upon court approval, to query the data that the telephone companies already keep, something I have long advocated. It increases transparency by requiring a declassification review of all significant FISA court opinions and by requiring the government to provide the public with detailed information about how they use these national security authorities. And it provides for a panel of experts to advocate for privacy and civil liberties before the FISA court, also something that I have advocated for quite sometime. At the same time, the USA FREEDOM Act of 2015 preserves important capabilities and makes further national security enhancements by closing loopholes that make it difficult for the government to track foreign terrorists and spies as they enter or leave the country, clarifying the application of FISA to those who facilitate the international proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and increasing the maximum penalties for those who provide material support for terrorism. This is a strong bill and should advance with such an overwhelming majority that it compels the Senate to act. But this is not a one-and-done legislative fix or the end of our work. Rather, it is a reaffirmation of our commitment to constantly recalibrate our laws to make sure that privacy and security are coexisting and mutually reinforcing. While the public may have begun its debate on these programs 2 years ago, many of us--myself included-- have been working these issues long before, and we will continue to work them long afterwards. That is our responsibility and the great obligation the Founders bequeathed to us. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Ruppersberger).

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, once again I want to thank my colleagues for their good work. I also want to acknowledge Mr. Sensenbrenner for his strong advocacy on this measure. With that, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Himes).

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, last week, with great fanfare and enthusiasm, the Bike Away the Atomic Bomb ride set off from in front of the Capitol. That project, coordinated by Kazakhstan's ATOM Project along with Bike for Peace and Mayors for Peace, sent riders from DC to New York to call for a Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty at the UN Nonproliferation Treaty Review Conference that began April 27. They were seen off by the ATOM project's Honorary Ambassador, the artist and painter Karipbek Kuyukov, who was born--without arms--roughly 60 miles from the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site in eastern Kazakhstan. It was the beginning of a 200-mile ride, but also a leg in a long, admirable journey Kazakhstan has taken since its independence. In an increasingly dangerous world, the Republic of Kazakhstan has taken the lead in eliminating nuclear weapons while supporting the safe, secure, and peaceful use of nuclear energy. When the Soviet Union collapsed in December 1991, a newly-independent Kazakhstan inherited 1,410 nuclear warheads as well as the Semipalatinsk nuclear weapon test site. By 1995--just four short years later--the young country had destroyed or removed all their nuclear weapons and joined the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear weapons state; by the year 2000, it had destroyed its nuclear testing infrastructure at Semipalatinsk. Kazakhstan is one of only a handful of countries that has taken these dramatic steps to make the world safer. Of those few, it is in a unique position to understand the devastating effects of nuclear weapons. For forty years, Kazakhstan was a test site for nuclear weapons. The fall-out from these hundreds of tests, including over 100 above ground, has left the Kazakh people with a terrible legacy of untimely deaths and birth defects that continue to this day. As Americans, we are lucky to only be able to grasp the threat of nuclear weapons abstractly and intellectually; for the Kazakhs that threat has been all too real. In response to this terrible historical burden, Kazakhstan has taken the lead promoting nuclear non-proliferation. It has promoted a Central Asian Nuclear Weapons Free Zone and is now leading a global movement against nuclear weapons testing while offering to host the world's first ``nuclear fuel bank'' in cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency. It has worked to keep Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, and hosted the P5+1 talks in Almaty. And while taking advantage of its natural and technological resources to develop civilian nuclear power as an additional energy source, for both itself and other countries, Kazakhstan sought to make civilian nuclear power production more safe and secure by agreeing to adopt the Nuclear Security Guidelines at 2014 Nuclear Security Summit. Members, myself included, regularly take to the floor to call attention to the problems in another country. Whether we censure other nations for their belligerence, condemn them for their treatment of their own populations, or express concern over their challenges in the face of internal crises, we too often speak out on the depressing news that somewhere in the world, something has gone terribly wrong. It gives me enormous pleasure, as a co-chair of the House's Nuclear Security Working Group, to call our attention today to a nation where something that has gone very, very right, and to commend the Republic of Kazakhstan for the role it continues to play in creating a safer, more secure future for itself and for the globe.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to submit these additional names of Armenians who lost their lives in the Armenian Genocide from 1915 to 1923. We will never forget their names and their stories and we will continue to speak the truth in the face of denial. Rev. Fr. Ghevont Der Sdepanian, Rev. Fr. Vahan Der Sdepanian, Rev. Fr. Hagop Der Seropian, Rev. Fr. Khatchadour Der Seropian, Rev. Fr. Bedros Der Simonian, Rev. Fr. Shmavon Der Simonian, Rev. Fr. Kevork Der Tavitian, Rev. Fr. Vrtanes Der Torossian, Rev. Fr. Bimen Der Vartanian, Rev. Fr. Kakig Der Vartanian, Rev. Fr. Vartan Der Vartanian, Archpriest Yeghia Der Yeghiayan, Rev. Fr. Karnig Der Yezegielian, Rev. Fr. Zakaria Der Zakarian, Rev. Fr. Zakaria Der Zakarian, Rev. Fr. Yeprem Der- Alexanian, Rev. Fr. Bedros Der-Aprahamian, Rev. Fr. Hovhannes Der- Aprahamian, Rev. Fr. Hovhannes Der-Asdvadzadourian, Rev. Fr. Kapriel Der-Atamian, Rev. Fr. Avedis Der-Avedissian, Rev. Fr. Ghevont Der- Avedissian, Rev. Fr. Hagop Der-Avedissian, Rev. Fr. Knel Der-Azarian, Rev. Fr. Iravapar Derbabian, Rev. Fr. Atam Derderian, Rev. Fr. Garabed Derderian, Rev. Fr. Haroutiun Derderian, Rev. Fr. Hovhannes Derderian, Rev. Fr. Kalousd Derderian, Rev. Fr. Kevork Derderian, Rev. Fr. Khatchadour Derderian, Rev. Fr. Vahan Derderian, Rev. Fr. Vartan Derderian, Rev. Fr. Avedis Der- Kalousdian, Rev. Fr. Kalousd Der-Kalousdian, Rev. Fr. Khoren Der- Kalousdian, Rev. Fr. Megerditch Der-Kalousdian, Rev. Fr. Vartan Der- Kalousdian, Rev. Fr. Serovpe Der-Kasbarian, Rev. Fr. Khoren Dermenjian, Rev. Fr. Souren Deroyan, Rev. Fr. Boghos Der-Parseghian, Rev. Fr. Hemayag Der-Parseghian, Rev. Fr. Parsegh Der-Parseghian, Rev. Fr. Karekin Der-Partoghimeossian, V. Rev. Fr. Vrtanes Devgants, Rev. Fr. Sdepan Deyirmenjian, Rev. Fr. Ghevont Dilegian, Rev. Fr. Hetoum Diradourian, Rev. Fr. Garabed Dishlian, Rev. Fr. Ghevont Djanikian, Rev. Fr. Khosrov Djeghikian, Rev. Fr. Movses Djenezian, Rev. Fr. Arsen Djeranian, Rev. Fr. Nerses Dobrashian, Rev. Fr. Donabed , Rev. Fr. Armenag Donatossian, Archpriest Madteos Donigian, Rev. Fr. Hovhannes Donoyan, Rev. Fr. Krikor Dosdourian, Rev. Fr. Souren Durgerian, Rev. Fr. Kiud Dzadourian, Rev. Fr. Kourken Dzaghighian, Rev. Fr. Yevkineos Dzaghigian, Rev. Fr. Teopile Dzerougian, V. Rev. Fr. Hovhannes Dzerouni, Rev. Fr. Movses Dzotsigian, Rev. Fr. Torkom Ehramjian, Rev. Fr. Sahag Elbegian, Rev. Fr. Adovm Elmasdian, Rev. Fr. Apkar Englian, Rev. Fr. Norayr Eozelian, Rev. Fr. Samuel Ermoyan, Rev. Fr. Geghemes Etyemezian, Rev. Fr. Mampre Fakhirian, Rev. Fr. Arsen Ferhadian, Rev. Fr. Tornig Gaboudigian, V. Rev. Fr. Madteos Gadarian, V. Rev. Fr. Arisdages Gadegjian, Rev. Fr. Krikor Gananian, Archpriest Fr. Yezegiel Garabedian, Rev. Fr. Alexianos Garabedian, Rev. Fr. Garabed Garabedian, Rev. Fr. Haroutiun Garabedian, Rev. Fr. Krikor Garabedian, Rev. Fr. Mamigon Garabedian, Rev. Fr. Yeghiazar Garabedian, Rev. Fr. Yeghishe Garabedian, V. Rev. Fr. Boghos Garabedian, V. Rev. Fr. Yeghishe Garabedian, Rev. Fr. Soukias Gargarian, Rev. Fr. Soponia Garinian, Rev. Fr. Mardiros Gedigian, Rev. Fr. Sdepan Gedjadian, Rev. Fr. Ghevont Gemijian, Rev. Fr. Movses Geogjian, Rev. Fr. Madteos Gergerian, Rev. Fr. Mikael Ghamparian, Rev. Fr. Yeghia Gharibshahian, Rev. Fr. Kourken Ghazarian, Rev. Fr. Krikor Ghazarian, Rev. Fr. Movses Ghazarian, V. Rev. Fr. Bedros Ghazarian, Rev. Fr. Arisdages Ghougassian, Rev. Fr. Garabed Ghougassian, Rev. Fr. Khosrov Ghougassian, Rev. Fr. Avedis Giragossian, Rev. Fr. Magar Giragossian, Rev. Fr. Partoughimeos Gobalian, Rev. Fr. Madteos Gogoyan, Rev. Fr. Gorun , Rev. Fr. Movses Gulgezian, Rev. Fr. Apel Gureghian, Rev. Fr. Sebouh Gureghian, Rev. Fr. Avak Hagopian, Rev. Fr. Garabed Hagopian, Rev. Fr. Garabed Hagopian, Rev. Fr. Krikor Hagopian, V. Rev. Fr. Boghos Hagopian, V. Rev. Fr. Hagop Hagopian, V. Rev. Fr. Taniel Hagopian, V. Rev. Fr. Vartan Hagopian, Rev. Fr. Sahag Hairabedian, V. Rev. Fr. Hamazasb, Rev. Fr. Khoren Hampartsoumian, Rev. Fr. Krikor Hampartsoumian, Rev. Fr. Adom Haroutiunian, Rev. Fr. Arisdages Haroutiunian, Rev. Fr. Arsen Haroutiunian, Rev. Fr. Avedis Haroutiunian, Rev. Fr. Guregh Haroutiunian, Rev. Fr. Khatchadour Haroutiunian, Rev. Fr. Taniel Haroutiunian, V. Rev. Fr. Arsen Haroutiunian, V. Rev. Fr. Anania Hazarabedian, Rev. Fr. Zaven Hazarian, V. Rev. Fr. Garabed Hazarshahian, Rev. Fr. Krikor Hekimian, Rev. Fr. Roupen Hekimian, Rev. Fr. Sempad Helhelian, Rev. Fr. Garabed Hendeyan, Rev. Fr. Kourken Hovagimian, Rev. Fr. Ghevont Hovhannessian, Rev. Fr. Hamazasb Hovhannessian, Rev. Fr. Megerditch Hovhannessian, Rev. Fr. Vahan Hovhannessian, Rev. Fr. Hovhannes Hovhannessian, Rev. Fr. Hovhannes Hovhannessian, Rev. Fr. Margos Hovhannessian, Rev. Fr. Sdepan Hovhannessian, Rev. Fr. Yeprem Hovhannessian, V. Rev. Fr. Melkiseteg Hovivian, Rev. Fr. Pakrad Isakian, Rev. Fr. Garabed Jamgotchian, Rev. Fr. Ghevont Jamgotchian, Rev. Fr. Krikor Kalayjian, Rev. Fr. Yevakr Kalayjian, V. Rev. Fr. Souren Kalemian, V. Rev. Fr. Ardavazt Kalenderian, Archpriest Fr. Megerditch Kaleonjian, Rev. Fr. Haroutiun Kalousdian, Bishop Yeznig Kalpakjian, Rev. Fr. Arisdages Kaprielian, Rev. Fr. Krikor Karagueozian, Rev. Fr. Vahram Karaguiavourian, Rev. Fr. Garabed Karakashian, Rev. Fr. Yervant Karamanougian, Rev. Fr. Agepsimos Kasbarian, Rev. Fr. Mampre Kasbarian, Rev. Fr. Mesrob Kasbarian, Rev. Fr. Moushegh Kasbarian, Rev. Fr. Parnapas Kasbarian, V. Rev. Fr. Megerditch Kasbarian, Archpriest Fr. Bedros Kassian, Rev. Fr. Housig Kavafian, Rev. Fr. Bedros Kebabjian, Rev. Fr. Parnag Kehiayan, Rev. Fr. Hovagim Keomurjian, Rev. Fr. Madatia Keondukian, Rev. Fr. Hagop Keoroghlian, Rev. Fr. Ghevont Keremian, Rev. Fr. Bedros Keshishian, Rev. Fr. Dadjad Keshishian, Rev. Fr. Ghevont Keshishian, Rev. Fr. Ghougas Keshishian, Rev. Fr. Hagop Keshishian, Rev. Fr. Hovhannes Keshishian, Rev. Fr. Bedros Kevorkian, Rev. Fr. Haroutiun Kevorkian, Rev. Fr. Maghakia Kevorkian, Rev. Fr. Mekhitar Kevorkian, Rev. Fr. Movses Kevorkian, Rev. Fr. Zakaria Kevorkian, Rev. Fr. Zarmayr Kevorkian, Rev. Fr. Haroutiun Keyhiayan, Rev. Fr. Garabed Khanjian, Bishop Nerses Kharakhanian, Rev. Fr. Pakrad Kharpoutlian, Rev. Fr. Khatchadour , Rev. Fr. Arshag Khatchadourian, Rev. Fr. Hagop Khatchadourian, Rev. Fr. Khatchadour Khatchadourian, Rev. Fr. Oksendios Khatchadourian, Rev. Fr. Yeghishe Khatchadourian, V. Rev. Fr. Yeremia Khatchadourian, Rev. Fr. Hovhannes Khatchaoudrian, Rev. Fr. Dzamitos Khatchigian, Rev. Fr. Nerses Khatchoyan, Rev. Fr. Parnapas Khojian, Rev. Fr. Haroutiun Khojoyan, V. Rev. Fr. Sdepan Khorkhorounian, Rev. Fr. Yeprem Kibritjian, Rev. Fr. Khosrof Kirkorian, Rev. Fr. Hiusikos Kojadeolian, Rev. Fr. Yebipan Kojayan, Rev. Fr. Vahan Koltoukian, Rev. Fr. Stepan Kopoushian, Rev. Fr. Kakig Kossian, Rev. Fr. Yeghishe Koulaksezian, Rev. Fr. Hagop Koushoghlian, Rev. Fr. Armenag Kouyoumjian, Rev. Fr. Hagop Kouyoumjian, Rev. Fr. Hovsep Krikorian, Rev. Fr. Sarkis Krikorian, V. Rev. Fr. Bedros Krikorian, Rev. Fr. Hagop Kulkanjian, Rev. Fr. Adom Kurkjian, Rev. Fr. Housig Kurkjian.