Adam Schiff

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chairman, as my colleague from California (Ms. Harman) points out, FISA has been amended 12 times, and, moreover, we have proposed to amend FISA to modernize it at present, and Mr. Flake and I propose to amend it as well. The argument of my colleague seems to be that FISA needs to be amended, it hasn't been amended yet; so we should allow the President to simply ignore it. That, I submit, is not constitutional and not desirable. Madam Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to my colleague from Arizona (Mr. Flake).

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I was in my Congressional District and unable to be present for votes on May 7, 2007. Had I been present, I would have voted ``aye'' on each of rollcalls Nos. 302, 303, and 304.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. It is a sad commentary on the number of journalists that have been murdered in Russia, that in an hour we will not have time to discuss all of them. There are several journalists we may not be able to fully describe this evening who are featured on our chart. I do want to let those know who are listening and watching know that the full biographies and facts that we are outlining tonight can be obtained from the Committee to Protect Journalists and Reporters Without Borders. Much of the material we are using tonight is drawn from their sources, and we are deeply grateful for their work and assistance. The next journalist we will highlight tonight is Dmitry Shvets. Dmitry's picture appears here in the middle of the chart. On April 18, 2003, the 37 year-old deputy director general of the independent television station TV-21 Northwestern Broadcasting in the northern Russian City of Murmansk, was shot dead outside of the station's offices. An unknown assailant shot Dmitry several times at approximately 5:00 in the afternoon in front of witnesses and escaped in a getaway car that was waiting nearby. Dmitry died instantly. Dmitry was well known in Murmansk, not only for running the television station, but also for his political activism and a number of commercial interests. Although he had not worked as a journalist in many years, Dmitry remained in a managerial position and on the station's board of directors. According to press reports in the Moscow-based Center for Journalism in Extreme Situations, he influenced the station's editorial policy and TV-21's reporting. The Murmansk media covered Dmitry's murder widely and actively speculated about the possible motive. Dmitry's colleague said the TV-21 had received several threats for its critical reporting on several influential politicians, include Andrei Gorshkov, a candidate in the city's mayoral race. Several weeks before Dmitry's murder, Gorshkov had threatened TV-21's journalists several times after they broadcast a tough interview with him. TV-21 news editor Svetlana Bokova told the Committee to Protect Journalists that at the time of his death, Dmitry was using his contacts at the police and prosecutor's office to investigate the mayoral candidate's links to organized crime. Police investigated various motives behind the murder, including Dmitry's political, commercial and journalistic activities at TV-21. Dmitry's colleagues maintain that he was killed in retaliation for TV- 21's critical reporting on local politics. Sadly, Dmitry's murder has yet to be solved. I now yield to the gentleman from Indiana.

Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for your generosity and commitment. I know my colleague probably feels as I do that there is many a morning I get up and read the newspaper, seeing my own name in it, and not feel that this is the day I want to champion a free press. That does happen from time to time. But notwithstanding those occasional morning papers, we almost always recognize the importance of the institution. That is why we are here tonight. When we have gotten together in the past, it is to highlight journalists who have been imprisoned or murdered or killers who have gone with impunity around the world. But because of the magnitude of the problem in Russia, because of the prevalence and the pernicious nature of what is going on in Russia, we felt that we needed to spotlight one country tonight and devote the entire hour to Russia. Let me start by highlighting some of the 13 journalists in Russia who have been killed contract-style since President Putin was elected president in 2000. This list of journalists was compiled by the caucus to protect journalists. These 13 journalists are all believed to have been deliberately killed due to their work as journalists. Their names and the dates they were killed and the media outlets they worked for are listed on some of the graphics that we have here tonight, and these are the faces of the 13 slain journalists. It is one thing when we talk about the numbers of journalists that have been murdered this year and the number that were murdered last year or the number killed in Russia alone over the last several years. Those are only numbers; but when we look at this chart and we look at these journalists and we realize that these were each promising lives, these were each important lives, these were real people doing a courageous job who are no longer among us, we can understand the enormity of the crime that is going on. The first of the journalists on the committee's list and the second most recent journalist in Russia to be murdered, probably the most well-known internationally is Anna Politkovskaya. Her portrait is behind me. Anna was found shot to death in her Moscow home on October 7 of last year in a murder that garnered worldwide condemnation. Her death sparked protests from governments around the world, the European Union, and civil society groups concerned with freedom of the press. Anna was a courageous and world-renowned writer for the paper Novaya Gazeta. For many years she had campaigned against the war in Chechnya, corruption, and shrinking freedoms throughout the Russian Federation. Anna was a fearless journalist committed to reporting the truth about the conflict in Chechnya, which she called ``a small corner of hell.'' In 7 years covering the second Chechen war, Anna's reporting repeatedly drew the wrath of Russian authorities. For simply reporting the truth about the conflict, she was threatened, jailed, forced into exile, and even poisoned. Even that was not enough to silence her. In an interview with the Committee to Protect Journalists, Politkovskaya noted the government's obstruction and harassment of journalists trying to cover the Chechen conflict. She pointed out the difficulty of covering the 2004 hostage crisis in the North Ossetian town of Beslan that left 334 civilians dead. She said, ``There is so much more to write about Beslan, but it gets more and more difficult when all the journalists who write are forced to leave.'' Apparently the authorities were not content with simply forcing Politkovskaya to leave. She was poisoned on her way to cover the Beslan crisis. After drinking tea on a flight to the region, she became seriously ill and was hospitalized, but the toxin was never identified because the medical staff was instructed to destroy her blood tests. Politkovskaya was threatened and attacked numerous times in retaliation for her work. In February 2001, security agents detained her in the Vedeno district in Chechnya, accusing her of entering Chechnya without accreditation. She was kept in a pit for three days without food or water, while a military officer threatened to shoot her. Seven months later, she received death threats from a military officer accused of crimes against civilians. She was forced to flee to Vienna after the officer sent an e-mail to Novaya Gazeta promising that he would seek revenge. When Politkovskaya covertly visited Chechnya in 2002 to investigate new allegations of human rights abuses, security officers arrested her, kept her overnight at a military base, and threatened her. In October of that year, Politkovskaya served as a mediator between armed Chechen fighters and Russian forces during a hostage standoff in a central Moscow theater. Two days into the crisis, with the Kremlin restricting media coverage, Russian forces gassed the theater and 129 hostages died. Politkovskaya delivered some of the most compelling accounts of that tragedy. Just prior to her murder, Anna was working on an article, accompanied by photos, about torture in Chechnya. It was due to be published days after she was killed. Her article, however, never arrived at the newspaper. In her last book, Russia Under Putin, which was published this year in France, she not only criticized atrocities in Chechnya but also corruption and human rights violations in Russia. Anna was internationally acclaimed for her courage and her professionalism, and now you can see why. She was named by the Committee to Protect Journalists as one of the world's top press freedom figures of the past 25 years in the fall 2006 edition of its magazine, Dangerous Assignments. Anna may have been killed, but her memory continues to live on. Today, Anna was named this year's winner of the prestigious 2007 UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize. This is the first time the honor has been awarded posthumously in its 10-year history. While the Russian Government claims that many leads have been examined, so far the investigation has stalled, and no charges have been filed, a sadly familiar tale when a journalist is murdered in Russia. This is the face of a woman of great courage, who gave her life so that the truth could come out and be told, and tonight we honor her memory and we point to her example. I will turn now to Mr. Pence to highlight our next journalist.

Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman very much, and particularly since the gentleman conducted a special order hour before this one, I am amazed that his voice has held up this long. I thank the gentleman for all your work, and appreciate you joining me tonight. The next journalist that I will highlight this evening is Eduard Markevich, and Eduard's picture appears in the upper left-hand corner. Mr. Markevich was the 29-year-old editor and publisher of Novy Reft, the local newspaper in the town of Reftinsky, Sverdlovsk Region. He was found dead, shot in the back. Novy Reft often criticized local officials, and Eduard's colleagues told the ITAR-TASS news service that he had received threatening telephone calls prior to the attack. This was not the first attack on Eduard, the Region-Inform news agency reported. In 1998, two unknown assailants broke into his apartment and severely beat him in front of his pregnant wife. They were never caught. In 1999, Eduard was illegally detained for 10 days after local prosecutor's office charged him with defamation over a Novy Reft article questioning the propriety of a lucrative government contract that gave a former deputy prosecutor the exclusive right to represent the Reftinsky administration in court. In May 2001, federal prosecutor general Vladimir Ustinov reprimanded the local prosecutor for violating Eduard's constitutional rights. Police investigated, or launched an investigation into Eduard's murder. Now 6 years after the journalist's death. Authorities have made no progress, the Moscow-based Center for Journalism in Extreme Situations has reported. There is continually no progress made. His wife continues to publish the Novy Reft, and, this evening, Eduard is in our thoughts and in our memories. The next journalist I will highlight this evening, is Adam Tepsurgayev. Adam's picture appears just here to my right. Adam was a 24-year-old Chechen cameraman. He was shot dead at a neighbor's house in the village of Alkhan-Kala. His brother, Ali, was wounded in the leg during the attack. A Russian government spokesman blamed Chechen guerillas for the murder. The gunman reportedly spoke Chechen, but local residents said the guerillas had no reason to kill a cameraman. During the first Chechen war in 1994-1996 Adam worked as a driver and fixer for foreign journalists. Later he started shooting footage from the front lines of the conflict between Russian troops and separatists guerillas. Reuters' Moscow bureau chief, Martin Nesirky, described him as an ``irregular contributor.'' While most of Reuter's footage from Chechyna in 2000 was credited to Adam, including shots of Chechen field commander Shamil Basayev, having his foot amputated, he had not worked for Reuters in the 6 months before he died. His murder, too, is yet to be solved, and there are no details about any investigation. The next journalist I will highlight this evening is Valery Ivanov. Valery's picture appears here. On April 29, 2002, Mr. Ivanov, editor of the newspaper, Tolyatinskoye Obozreniye, in the southern Russian city of Togliatti, was shot dead outside his home at approximately 11 at night. He was 32 years old and was shot eight times in the head at point blank range while entering his car, a colleague at the newspaper said. Eye witnesses saw a 25- to 30-year-old man walk up to Valery's car and shoot him, according to local press reports and the Committee to Protect Journalists sources. The killer used a pistol with a silencer and fled the scene on foot. Valery's colleagues believe the killing was connected to his work. The newspaper he worked for is well known for its reports on local organized crime, drug trafficking and official corruption. Valery also served as a deputy in the local legislative assembly. Local police opened a criminal investigation into the murder, and many considered several possible motives, though it is believed by many that he was killed in retaliation for his writing. Five years later, no one has been brought to justice for Valery's murder. The next journalist we will highlight this evening is Sergey Ivanov. There is little known about the death of Sergey Ivanov. His picture appears here. Around 10 p.m. on October 3, 2000, unknown gunmen killed Sergey in front of his apartment building in Togliatti, a town in Samara Province. He was the director of the largest independent television company in Togliatti. Sergey was shot five times in the head and chest. Lada-TV, which the 30-year-old Sergey had headed since 1993, was a significant player in the local political scene. Investigators have considered a possible or commercial programming dispute as the motivation for the murder. However, the murder still remains unsolved. Without a complete investigation, we may never know the circumstances of his death. The next journalist murdered in Russia we will highlight this evening is Iskandar Khatloni. Mr. Khatloni's picture appears to the far right on this chart, to my far right, that is. On September 21, 2000, Iskandar, who was a reporter for the Tajik- language service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, was attacked late at night at his Moscow apartment by an unknown, axe-wielding assailant. The door of his apartment was not damaged, indicating that there was no forced entry and that the journalist might have known his attacker. The 46-year-old Iskandar was struck twice in the head, according to Radio Free Europe's Moscow bureau. He then stumbled into the street and collapsed and was later found by a passerby. The journalist died later that night in Moscow's Botkin Hospital. Local police opened a murder investigation, but had made little progress by year's end. Iskandar had worked since 1996 as a Moscow-based journalist for the Tajik service of the U.S.-funded RFE/RL, which broadcasts daily news programming to Tajikistan. A Radio Free Europe spokeswoman said at the time of his death, Iskandar had been working on stories about the Russian military's human rights abuses in Chechyna. Earlier in the year, a senior official in Russia's Media Ministry charged that Radio Free Europe was ``hostile to our state.'' His death, along with all the other journalists killed in Russia since 2000, remains unsolved. The next journalist we will highlight this evening is Sergey Novikov. On the night of July 26, 2000, Sergey Novikov, the 36-year-old owner of the only independent radio station in Smolensk, was shot and killed on the stairwell of his apartment building. The killer shot him four times and escaped through the back door. Sergey had received death threats earlier in the year after announcing his intent to run for provincial governorship. He was one of the most successful businessmen in the region, serving on the board of directors of a local glass-making factory. Sergey's employees believed his murder was politically motivated. His radio station, Radio Vesna, was a frequent critic of the government of Smolensk Province. Three days before his death, Sergey had taken part in a television panel that had discussed the alleged corruption of the provincial deputy government. To this day, his killer remains at large and the police have not determined a motive for his death. My time will soon run out. There is one final reporter that I wish to highlight on this chart tonight, Igor Domnikov. On July 16, 2000, Igor, a 42-year-old reporter and special projects editor for the twice-weekly Moscow paper, Novaya Gazeta, died after being attacked 2 months earlier in the entryway of his apartment building in southeastern Moscow. According to numerous sources, the reporter was attacked by an unidentified assailant who hit him repeatedly on the head with a heavy object, presumably a hammer, and left him lying unconscious in a pool of blood, where a neighbor found him. Igor was taken to the hospital with injuries to the skull and brain. After surgery and 2 months in a coma, the journalist died on July 16. From the very beginning, Igor's colleagues and the police were certain the attack was related to his professional activity or that of the newspaper. It was also believed for a while that the assailant mistook Igor, who covered social and cultural issues, for a Novaya Gazeta investigative reporter named Oleg Sultanov, who lives in the same building. Sultanov claimed to have received threats from the Federal Security Service in January for his reporting on corruption in the Russian oil industry. According to the paper's editorial staff, the Interior Ministry was actively investigating the brutal attack and promised Igor's colleagues to finish the investigation by the end of the summer if the latter agreed not to interfere or disclose any details of the case to the public. However, in early fall of that year the police downgraded the case's high priority status and archived it, as allowed by law for cases unresolved within 3 months. Igor's colleagues were not informed about the downgrade. As they explained, archiving does not mean outright closure of the investigation; the case may be reopened if new information emerges. But this did not appear likely and has yet to happen almost 7 years later. Those are the journalists we have time to highlight this evening. They are just a window into the attack on press freedom going on in Russia, and they stand as a shining example of the courage and dedication of some of the men and women around the world devoted to freedom of the press. Tonight we honor their memory and we call on the Putin government to investigate their deaths and hold those responsible accountable

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman. The next casualty in Russia's war on journalism that we will highlight tonight is Paul Klebnikov whose photo appears here. Paul, editor of Forbes Russia and an investigative reporter, was gunned down as he left his Moscow office late at night on July 9, 2004. Authorities in Moscow described the case as a contract murder and said that he may have been killed because of his work. Paul, a U.S. journalist of Russian descent, was 41 years old when he was shot at least nine times from a passing car. I had the opportunity to speak with his widow a year ago today when Representative Pence and I launched this caucus, and I expressed my deep sorrow to her and their three young children about this tragic occurrence. Paul had just started as the editor of Forbes Russia, which had launched three months prior to his death. He had risen through the ranks of Forbes over the prior 15 years with the magazine, starting as a reporter covering Russian economic reform and the rise of the country's new business elite. As a son of Russian emigrants with a long military tradition across the political stratosphere, Paul developed a significant expertise in Russian and Eastern European politics and economics, which he used to report on the murky world in post-Soviet Russia where politics and business meet. Over the course of his career, Paul conducted hundreds of interviews with top Russian officials and business leaders and had interviewed nearly all of Russia's most famous businessmen, its oligarchs. His research into the activities of these leaders led to his first book. Further research into organized crime in Chechnya led to his second book. In 2003, he published a groundbreaking article on corruption among Iran's theocratic rulers. When given the opportunity to launch Forbes Russia, Paul considered it a great opportunity to bring the best of Western values to a Nation struggling through a difficult political, economic and social transition. He wrote that Russia, despite setbacks, was entering an era where lawful, innovative, free enterprise capitalism could emerge. In Forbes Russia's inaugural edition of April 2004, Paul published an investigative piece that led to criticism from the Kremlin. The following May issue included a list of Russia's 100 richest people, noting that Moscow had more billionaires than any other city. Both articles incited the subjects of the pieces, and Paul's tradition of creating enemies through his reporting continued. That history followed him to the night of his murder when Paul, after leaving work, was shot multiple times and killed. In his dying words, he said he couldn't imagine who wanted him dead. A special crimes unit was assigned to investigate Paul's murder. On September 28, 2004, Moscow police said they arrested two Chechen men suspected in the murder. But the suspects denied involvement, and police backed off their initial assertion. Less than two months later, on November 18, 2004, Moscow police and the Belarusian security service arrested three other Chechens considered suspects in the murder. Authorities provided only limited information about the evidence they used to link the new suspects to the crime. Some analysts reacted to the arrests with skepticism. After the September arrests were reported, Oleg Panfilov, director of the Moscow- based press freedom group Center for Journalism in Extreme Situations, told an interviewer that authorities were pursuing a ``farfetched Chechen trail.'' Today, Paul's case remains another unsolved murder in Russia. Paul may have believed Russia was entering a new era, but today we can still see that with independent reporting stifled and investigative journalists living in fear of contract killings, post-Soviet Russia still must close a vast gap to begin to have a free and unbiased press. I yield to my colleague from Indiana (Mr. Pence).

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, today is World Press Freedom Day, a day that the international community has set aside to honor the work and sacrifice of journalists around the world. World Press Freedom Day was first designated by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization in 1991 as an occasion to pay tribute to journalists and to reflect upon the role of the media in general in advancing fundamental human rights as codified in international law, regional conventions and national constitutions. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which is the foundation of the postwar human rights movement, states the principle broadly in article 19. ``Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression. This right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.'' It may not be as eloquent as our first amendment, but its effect is the same. For Americans, this day should spur us to consider the role that journalists play in our society and to ponder what our Nation would be like if this cornerstone of our liberty were to be curtailed. Although most Americans take the concept of a free press for granted, I believe that an unfettered press is vital to America's national security and to our democracy here at home. A year ago today, my colleague from Indiana, Mr. Spence, and Senators Chris Dodd and Richard Lugar joined me in launching a new bipartisan, bicameral caucus aimed at advancing press freedom around the world. The Congressional Caucus for Freedom of the Press creates a forum where the United States Congress can work to combat and condemn media censorship and the persecution of journalists around the world. The launch of this new caucus sends a strong message that Congress will defend democratic values and human rights wherever they are threatened. In launching the caucus, we were encouraged by the wide range of organizations and individuals, such as Reporters Without Borders, Freedom House, the Committee to Protect Journalists, Musa Klebnikov, the widow of Paul Klebnikov, the editor of Forbes Russia, who was shot to death outside of his offices 2 years ago, and the legendary Walter Cronkite, all of whom enthusiastically endorsed our effort. Freedom of the press is so central to our democracy that the Framers enshrined it in the first amendment of our Constitution. At the time, there was little in the way of journalist ethics, and newspapers were filled with scurrilous allegations leveled at public figures. Even so, our Founders understood its importance to advancing the new Nation's experiment in democracy. In the Virginia Report of 1799-1800, touching the alien and sedition laws, James Madison wrote that, ``Some degree of abuse is inseparable from the proper use of everything, and in no instance is this more true than in that of the press. It has accordingly been decided by the practice of the States that it is better to leave a few of its noxious branches to their luxuriant growth than by pruning them away to injure the vigor of those yielding the proper fruits. And can the wisdom of this policy be doubted by any who reflect that to the press alone, checkered as it is with abuses, the world is indebted for all the triumphs which have been gained by reason and humanity over error and oppression, who reflect to the same beneficent source. The United States owes much of the lights which conducted them to the rank of a free and independent nation and which have improved their political system into a shape so auspicious to their happiness.'' Throughout much of our history, Madison's argument has guided our national attitude toward the media. Journalists have jealously guarded their rights, and American courts have, in the main, carved out broad protection for the press. In the United States, the press operates almost as a fourth branch of government, the fourth estate, independent of the other three and positioned as an agent of the American people. From the pioneering work of journalists during the Civil War, to the muckrakers who were committed to exposing social, economic and political ills of industrial life in the early 20th century, to the publication of the Pentagon Papers by The New York Times in 1971, to the work of Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein in uncovering the Watergate scandal a year later, journalists have performed a crucial role as the watchdogs of our freedom. But in order for freedom of the press to do its work properly, it must be unfettered, and journalists must be able to do their work without fear of retribution. Information is power, which is precisely why governments, many of them, attempt to control the press to suppress opposition and to preempt dissent. Far too often, reporters and editors who seek to demand reform, accountability and greater transparency find that their livelihoods and even their very lives are in danger. The censorship, intimidation, imprisonment and murder of these journalists violate not only their personal liberty, but also the rights of those who are denied access to these ideas and information. The United States, as the world's oldest democracy and the greatest champion of free expression, has a special obligation to defend the rights of journalists wherever and whenever they are threatened. A free press is one of the most powerful forces for advancing democracy, human rights and economic development. So our commitment to these larger objectives requires active engagement in the protection and the promotion of this freedom. These are difficult and dangerous days for reporters around the world. According to the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists, 56 journalists were killed in the line of duty in 2006, most of whom were murdered to silence or punish them. The toll was 9 more than the 47 journalists killed in 2005, just the year before, and well above average for the last 2 decades of reporting. Another 30 reporters were killed, but law enforcement authorities cannot confirm that their deaths were the result of their work. Outright murder is not the only tool that the authorities use to silence reporters. As of December 1, 2006, 134 journalists were imprisoned around the world as a consequence of their work. Of these, more than 100 were held by only five countries: China, Cuba, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Burma. These countries which imprison journalists for straying beyond the bounds of official censorship are not the most dangerous for journalists, however. Since 1992, more journalists have been killed in Iraq, Algeria, Russia, Colombia and the Philippines than anywhere else. We are all familiar with the dangers inherent in covering war and insurgencies, and many of those killed in Iraq, Algeria and Colombia have died covering conflicts in these countries. In the Philippines, the murder of journalists has been part of a larger campaign against perceived left-wing activists. But it is Russia, where more than 20 journalists have been murdered in 6 years since Vladimir Putin succeeded Boris Yeltsin, that we wish to address this evening. All alone among the top five countries where journalists are murdered, the deaths of journalists in Russia seem to be part of a concerted effort to silence the few remaining journalists who refuse to tow the Kremlin line. China, Cuba and others have been rightly condemned for imprisoning journalists who raised the ire of their governments. Moscow seems to have taken a different tack. Instead of censoring jailing journalists it doesn't like, the Kremlin seems to look the other way when they turn up dead. There is no direct evidence tying the Putin government to the murder of journalists in Russia, but there is a wealth of circumstantial evidence pointing to at least acquiescence in the death of journalists. The number of journalists killed, the circumstances of their deaths, the stories they were working on, and perhaps most telling, the fact that not one of the crimes has been successfully prosecuted involving the murder of these journalists in Russia, is indicative of a deliberate decision not to dig too deeply into these murders. Others hint at something darker. In an editorial the Washington Post recently stated, ``The instances of violence against journalists in Mr. Putin's Russia and of the brutal elimination of his critics both at home and abroad have become so common that it is impossible to explain them all as coincidences.'' The evolution of Russian journalism from its dismal Soviet past to its current role as the Kremlin's sycophant is distressing. During the latter part of the 1980s, Mikhail Gorbachev loosened many of the Soviet era's restrictions on the press and the Soviet media became an important player in Gorbachev's policy of Glasnost. Under Gorbachev, journalists began to explore the full range of issues that had remained hidden for so long by the Soviet Government, the Afghan war, the gulags, the miserable performance of the Soviet economy and the endemic corruption of Soviet society were laid bare. There is little doubt that the Soviet media's revelations were a catalyst in the disintegration of the Soviet Union. In the immediate post-Soviet era, the Russian press foundered as the economy collapsed, but the first Chechen war, which lasted from 1994 to 1996, revitalized Russian journalism. Television was especially powerful, and its coverage of the war turned millions of Russians against the conflict. In many respects, this period was the high watermark for an independent press in Russia. But even as NTV and other television outlets helped to shape domestic opposition to the Chechen war, Russian journalism was shedding its independence. As Michael Specter wrote in the New Yorker about this period in Russia, ``The moral tone of the journalist's world began to shift from idealistic to mercenary. The practice of writing biased news articles for money became routine, even at the best papers. Restaurant owners, businessmen and public officials knew that, for the right price, it would bring them favorable coverage almost anywhere.'' This distortion of the journalistic creed of objectivity and neutrality was exacerbated in 1996 when President Yeltsin, whose support and opinion polls had fallen into the low single digits, faced off against Communist Gennady Zyuganov in the Russian presidential election. Knowing that without third-party intervention Yeltsin was doomed and that Zyuganov would reimpose control over the media, Russia's media elite intervened. Over the course of the campaign, NTV and other media outlets collectively swayed Russian public opinion and Yeltsin ended up winning. But the damage was done. As a former anchor for NTV told the New Yorker's Michael Specter, the election ``put a poisoned seed into the soil, and even if we did not see why, the authorities understood at once mass media could very easily be manipulated to achieve any goal. Whether the Kremlin needed to raise the rating of a president or bring down an opponent or conduct an operation to destroy a businessman, the media could do the job.'' Once the Kremlin understood it could use journalists as instruments of its will and saw that journalists would go along, everything that happened in the Putin era was, sadly, quite logical. The ascension of Vladimir Putin to the Russian presidency cemented the link between Russia's rulers and the press. Even without government censorship, the press has become a passive booster of the president's efforts to centralize authority and to restore Russia to its former status as a great power. To that end, the Russian media has ignored the corruption and cronyism that has become institutionalized in Russia since the Yeltsin period, and has largely been uncritical of the prosecution of the second Chechnyan war which has raged for nearly 8 years. But even as the vast majority of their colleagues censor themselves and follow the Kremlin line, a few brave journalists have dared to investigate, to question, and criticize. Journalistic independence in Russia is dangerous. And in a few minutes we will introduce you to some of the journalists whose brave voices have been stilled. When my colleague arrives back on the floor, Mike Pence, I will introduce him. He has been a leading voice in the House on human rights and serves as the other co-chair of our Congressional Caucus For Freedom of the Press. But this evening I will start in highlighting the Russian journalists who have lost their lives by talking about Ivan Safronov, who died in early March of this year after falling from a fifth floor stairwell window in his apartment building in Moscow. He was a correspondent at Kommersant, and is the most recent journalist in Russia to die under a cloud of suspicion. Russian officials quickly called his death a suicide. However, according to colleagues of his at Kommersant, he had a very happy family life and had no motive to commit suicide. It was not until Kommersant and some other news media suggested foul play that the authorities agreed to investigate the circumstances of Mr. Safronov's death. According to his editors, Mr. Safronov, a military affairs writer, was working on a story about Russian plans to sell weapons to Iran and Syria via Belarus. Mr. Safronov had been a colonel in the Russia Space Forces prior to reporting for Kommersant. He frequently angered authorities with his critical reporting and was repeatedly questioned by Federal authorities which suspected him of divulging state secrets. One such report that Mr. Safronov filed that angered officials revealed the third consecutive launch failure of a new Bulava intercontinental ballistic missile. This had been a pet project of President Putin's which was supposed to show the world Russia's nuclear strength. Strangely enough, no charges were ever brought up against Mr. Safronov. He was well aware that he was reporting on a sensitive issue and was very careful in his work always to have a way to prove he was not divulging state secrets. He was known for making meticulous notes and conducting thorough research so he could always prove he got his information from known sources. It would seem that sadly Mr. Safronov's reporting was too good and the only way to silence him was by eliminating him. Mr. Safronov is not on either of the lists of journalists that we have tonight to highlight because his death is so recent. But his tragic death is another example of the lack of progress being made to protect journalists in Russia. Before I begin highlighting 13 of the journalists on the committee to protect journalists of the most recently murdered journalists in Russia, I would like to introduce my colleague from Indiana, Mike Pence, who is one of the co-chairs of the caucus and does a superb job advocating for the rights of the media.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to pay special recognition to John Van de Kamp upon being named recipient of the Jim Pfeiffer Award for the year 2007. John Van de Kamp's long and distinguished commitment to public service began following his graduation from Stanford Law School. Mr. Van de Kamp's career started in Los Angeles where he worked in the U.S. Attorney's Office from 1960 to 1967. After briefly serving as U.S. Attorney for the Central District of California, he relocated to Washington, DC. and became the Director of the Executive Office of U.S. Attorneys. In 1971, Mr. Van de Kamp returned to Los Angeles to become the Central District's first Federal Public Defender. John was appointed Los Angeles County District Attorney in 1976, and subsequently elected to the position. In 1982, he was elected California's Attorney General, where he served for 2 terms. Mr. Van de Kamp later joined the Law firm of Dewey Ballantine LLP, where he is currently of counsel. In 1999 Mr. Van de Kamp was appointed by National Association of Attorneys to The Strategic Contribution Fund Allocation Committee to recommend distribution of the $8 billion of tobacco settlement proceeds. He served on the Board of the State Bar of California, was elected as the 80th President of the State Bar of California, and served nearly 30 years as an L.A. County Delegate to the Conference of Delegates. John's strong commitment to community service can also be seen in his dedication to nonprofit organizations. His board affiliations include The Planning and Conservation League, Norton Simon Museum, and the Los Angeles Conservation Corps. Mr. Van de Kamp has served on the ABA's Special Committee on Criminal Justice in a Free Society, ABA's Task Force on the Federalization of Criminal Law, and the ABA's Commission on Effective Criminal Sanctions. He is Chair of the Community Campaign for Schools for the Pasadena Education Foundation, the RAND's Advisory Committee on Infrastructure, Security and the Environment, City of Pasadena's Task Force on Good Government, and the Chair of the Commission on Fair Administration of Justice. John Van de Kamp lives in Pasadena with his wife Andrea. They have one daughter, Diana. I ask all Members of Congress to join with me today in honoring an outstanding individual of California's 29th District, John Van de Kamp. The entire community joins me in thanking John for his success and continued efforts toward making the 29th District a more enjoyable place in which to work and live.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to pay special recognition to the Glendale Adventist Academy upon the celebration of its One Hundredth Anniversary. The Glendale Adventist Academy was founded in 1907 to provide quality Christian education to young men and women. The school's mission is to provide a Christ-centered learning environment, a progressive and challenging curriculum, and a focus on ethics and values to instill a strong sense civic responsibility in their local and global communities. The Glendale Adventist Academy challenges its students with a rigorous balance of college preparatory courses, Christian education, arts, athletics, and a strong focus on community service. With over ninety percent of graduating seniors proceeding to higher education, this unique curriculum has aided over 5,000 alumni who have excelled in fields including medicine, law, business and education. Throughout one hundred years of service, the Glendale Adventist Academy has emphasized the importance of community outreach. The school actively engages in food and clothing drives, raising charitable funds, and participating in mission trips. The school highly encourages students to participate in spiritual activities such as special religious and vesper programs. For one hundred years the Glendale Adventist Academy has fulfilled its commitment to education and community service through the strong guidance of its faculty. All teachers hold a Bachelor's Degree, many have their Masters, and all hold Seventh-day Adventist certification in their subject. The Glendale Adventist Academy is fully accredited by both the Western Association of Schools and Colleges and the Seventh- day Adventist North American Division Commission on Accreditation. I ask all Members to join me today in honoring Glendale Adventist Academy upon the celebration of its One Hundredth Anniversary. The entire community joins me in thanking the Glendale Adventist Academy for the outstanding educational opportunities that it has provided for the youth of California's 29th Congressional District.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, tonight I plan to speak on the anniversary of the Armenian genocide; but before I do, I want to join my colleagues in expressing my sincere condolence at the passing of Juanita Millender-McDonald, someone who in my very first days of Congress impressed me as a courageous, intelligent, dedicated public servant who, every time I went to her for help on an issue in her committee or outside her committee, was generous with her time and her energy, always ready to help, always of good cheer, and someone that I think enjoyed the unanimous and bipartisan respect of everyone in this body. Her memory will be cherished; her presence will be deeply missed. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow marks the 92nd anniversary of the start of the Armenian genocide. In January, I introduced a resolution in the House, along with my colleagues, Mr. Pallone, Mr. Knollenberg and Mr. Radanovich, that would recognize the Armenian genocide. This resolution should be passed. Ghazaros Kademian is one reason why. Ghazaros Kademian was just 6 years old when his family was forced into exile by Ottoman Turks bent on annihilating the Armenian people. His father was murdered by Turk gendarmes, and the rest of his family was forced to flee on foot to Kirkuk, where his mother died from cold and hunger. He was separated from his siblings and orphaned. Mr. Kademian's story is terrible, but is not remarkable. Over a million and a half Armenians were murdered in the first genocide of the last century as the Ottoman Empire used the cloak of war to wipe out a people it considered alien or disloyal. This mammoth crime was well known at the time. Newspapers of the day were filled with stories about the murder of the Armenians. ``Appeal to Turkey to Stop Massacres'' headlined the New York Times on April 28, 1915, just as the killing began. By October 7 of that year, the Times reported that 800,000 Armenians had been slain in cold blood in Asia Minor. In mid-December of 1915, the Times spoke of a million Armenians killed or in exile. Thousands of pages of evidence documenting the atrocities rest in our own National Archives. Prominent citizens of the day, including America's ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, Henry Morgenthau, and Britain's Lord Bryce, reported on the massacres in great detail. Morgenthau was appalled at what he would later call sadistic orgies of rape, torture, and murder. ``When the Turkish authorities gave the orders for these deportations, they were merely giving the death warrant to a whole race. They understood this well and made no particular attempt to conceal the fact.'' Even those who most ardently advocated sweeping the murder of a million and a half people under the rug of history have conceded that the vast majority of historians accept the Armenian genocide as historic fact. And how could they not? For it was the Government of Turkey that in early 1919 held a number of well-publicized trials of some of the young Turk leaders and executed the Keimal Bey, governor of Diarbekir, specifically for his role as one of the Ottoman Empire's most savage persecutors of the Armenian people. The trials were as widely covered in the American press as was the genocide itself. So if the facts are not in dispute, why are so many nations complicit in modern Turkey's strenuous efforts to deny the genocide ever took place? First, opponents argue that recognizing the unpleasant facts of the genocide and of the mass murder risk alienating an important alliance with Turkey. There is no question that Turkey is bitterly opposed to recognition and is threatening our military and commercial relationship, including access to the Incirlik air base, but Turkey has made similar threats to other nations in the past only to retreat from them and the European Union's insistence that Ankara recognize the crimes of its Ottoman's forebears before Turkey is admitted to the EU has not dimmed Turkish enthusiasm for joining the EU. If Turkish relations with the U.S. do suffer, it is far more likely that the genocide recognition will be a pretext. The Bush administration has done such a poor job managing our relations with Turkey over the last 6 years that we have already seen the limits of the U.S.-Turkish alliance tested and found lacking. During the run-up to the war in Iraq, Turkey denied us permission to bring in ground forces from its soil, allowing the Saddam Fedeyeen to melt away and form the basis of a now persistent insurgency. Oddly enough, critics of recognition decry it as pandering to the victims, but are only too happy to pander to the sensibilities of an inconsistent ally, and one that has shown no qualms about accusing the U.S. of genocide in Iraq. Second, opponents take issue with the timing of the resolution and argue that Turkey is making progress with recognizing the dark chapters of its history. This claim lost all credibility when Orhan Pamuk, Turkey's Nobel Prize winning author, was brought up on charges of ``insulting Turkishness'' for alluding to the genocide, and Turkish Armenian publisher Hrant Dink was gunned down outside his office in Istanbul earlier this year. Tomorrow marks the 92nd Anniversary of start of the Armenian Genocide. In January, I introduced a resolution in the House that would recognize the Armenian Genocide. It should be passed. Ghazaros Kademian is one reason why. Ghazaros Kademian was just 6 years old when his family was forced into exile by Ottoman Turks bent on annihilating the Armenian people. His father was murdered by Turk gendarmes and the rest of the family was forced to flee on foot to Kirkuk, where his mother died from cold and hunger. He was separated from his siblings and orphaned. Mr. Kademian's story is terrible, but not remarkable. Over a million and a half Armenians were murdered in the first genocide of the last century as the Ottoman Empire used the cloak of war to wipe out a people it considered alien and disloyal. This mammoth crime was well known at the time; newspapers of the day were filled with stories about the murder of Armenians. ``Appeal to Turkey to stop massacres'' headlined the New York Times on April 28, 1915, just as the killing began. By October 7 of that year, the Times reported that 800,000 Armenians had been slain in cold blood in Asia Minor. In mid-December of 1915, the Times spoke of a million Armenians killed or in exile. Thousands of pages of evidence documenting the atrocities rest in our own National Archives. Prominent citizens of the day, including America's Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, Henry Morgenthau, and Britain's Lord Bryce reported on the massacres in great detail. Morgenthau was appalled at what he would later call the sadistic orgies of rape, torture, and murder. ``When the Turkish authorities gave the orders for these deportations, they were merely giving the death warrant to a whole race; they understood this well, and . . . made no particular attempt to conceal the fact.'' Even those who have most ardently advocated sweeping the murder of a million and a half people under the rug of history have conceded that the vast majority of historians accept the Armenian Genocide as historical fact. And how could they not--for it was the Government of Turkey that, in early 1919, held a number of well-publicized trials of some of the Young Turk leaders and executed Keimal Bey, the governor of Diarbekir, specifically for his role as one of the Ottoman Empire's most savage persecutors of the Armenian people. The trials, by the way, were as widely covered in the American press as was the genocide itself. So if the facts are not in dispute, why are so many nations complicit in modern Turkey's strenuous efforts to deny the genocide ever took place? First, opponents argue that recognizing the unpleasant fact of mass murder risks alienating our important alliance with Turkey. There is no question that Turkey is bitterly opposed to recognition, and is threatening our military and commercial relationship, including access to the Incirlik air base. But Turkey has made similar threats to other nations in the past only to retreat from them and the European Union's insistence that Ankara recognize the crimes of its Ottoman forebears before Turkey is admitted to the EU has not dimmed Turkish enthusiasm for joining the EU. If Turkish relations with the U.S. do suffer, it is far more likely that the genocide recognition will be a pretext; the Bush Administration has done such a poor job managing our relations with Turkey over the last six years that we have already seen the limits of the U.S. Turkish alliance tested and found lacking. During the run-up to the war in Iraq, Turkey denied us permission to bring in ground forces from its soil, allowing the Saddam Fedeyeen to melt away and form the basis of a now persistent insurgency. Oddly enough, critics of recognition decry it as pandering to the victims, but are only too happy to pander to the sensibilities of an inconstant ally, and one that has shown no qualms about accusing the U.S. of genocide in Iraq. Second, opponents take issue with the timing of the resolution and argue that Turkey is making progress with recognizing the dark chapters of its history. This claim lost all credibility when Orhan Pamuk, Turkey's Nobel Prize winning author was brought up on charges for ``insulting Turkishness'' for alluding to the genocide, and Turkish Armenian publisher Hrant Dink was gunned down outside his office in Istanbul earlier this year. Yet some opponents go even further, such as a former Ambassador to Turkey who argued that the time may never be right for America to comment ``on another's history or morality.'' Such a ludicrous policy would condemn Congress to silence on a host of human rights abuses around the world. After more than ninety years and with only a few survivors left, if the time is not right now to recognize the Armenian Genocide, when will it be? But the most pernicious argument against recognition is the claim that speaking the truth would harm relations with Turkey ``for no good reason.'' How can we claim the moral authority to decry the genocide in Darfur, as we must, if we are unwilling to deplore other genocides when it would inconvenience an ally? Elie Wiesel has described the denial of genocide as the final stage of genocide--a double killing. If you don't think he's right, talk to Ghazaros Kademian. But you had better hurry.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Dr. James Kossler. Dr. Kossler has served the community for more than 40 years in education. During this time, he devoted 19 years to Pasadena City College (PCC), 12 of which he served as President. Dr. Kossler has dedicated himself to the promotion of student success and educational achievement. Raised in Lynwood, California, Dr. Kossler received his bachelor's degree in philosophy and english from Saint John's College, California, and later earned a baccalaureate in theology and cannon law from Gregorian University, Rome, Italy. He then obtained his Master of Science degree in school management, and his Doctor of Education degree in institutional management from Pepperdine University. Dr. Kossler taught at numerous high schools in the Los Angeles area and also held positions at East Los Angeles College, the University of Southern California, Pepperdine University, and Long Beach City College before serving as Vice President of PCC in 1988. Since then, he has served as a member of the Chancellor's Task Force on the Community College Budget, the State Commission on Athletics, and the Community College League's Commission on Legislation and Finance. Along with his involvement in education, Dr. Kossler is also an active member in the Rotary Club of Pasadena, the Pasadena Senior Center, and the YWCA. In October 1995, the Pasadena Area Community College District Board of Trustees appointed Dr. Kossler as the 10th President of PCC. Throughout his 12-year tenure as President, he advocated a vision that PCC would be a learning-centered institution that focused on improving the performance standards for students. Dr. Kossler aspired to increase the success of students in the completion of courses, number of degrees and certificates awarded, and the number of students transferring to 4- year institutions. I ask all Members to join with me in congratulating Dr. James Kossler for his dedicated service and commitment to the promotion of education. I am sure that each person positively affected by Dr. Kossler's service will also join me in wishing him much joy in the years to come and thank him for his time, his energy, and his efforts.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to pay special recognition to La Salle High School as it celebrates its 50th anniversary. La Salle High School was created in 1956 at the request of the archbishop of Los Angeles, who wanted a Catholic boys high school to serve the northern and eastern sections of the San Gabriel Valley. The school was created to fulfill the mission of its founder, Saint John Baptist de La Salle, ``to give a human and Christian education to the young, especially the poor, according to the ministry which the Church has entrusted to the Christian Brothers.'' La Salle High School opened its doors in September of 1956 to 117 ninth grade students from 14 nearby communities. Throughout its 50-year service, the growing La Salle High School has been committed to an ethnically diverse student body. Minorities now account for 45 percent of the student body, providing students with a culturally rich learning environment, and in 1989 the decision was made to begin enrolling women. In 1991, the first coeducational classes were offered at La Salle High School to freshman, sophomore, and junior classes. La Salle High School challenges its students with a rigorous balance of college preparatory courses, religious education, and extracurricular enrichment activities. The school's diverse and inclusive student body has continually upheld the school's strong commitment to academic excellence. Since 1960, over 5,000 students have graduated from La Salle High School, and nearly 100 percent of the graduating class have gone on to attend public and private institutions of higher education across the Nation. In 2004, La Salle received a full 6-year accreditation from both the Western Association of Schools and Colleges and the Western Catholic Education Association. For 50 years La Salle High School has fulfilled its commitment of service and education under the strong guidance of its faculty. With a philosophy focused on the uniqueness of the individual as a person with religious, intellectual, emotional, social, and physical potential, the faculty at La Salle High School has long provided its students with a solid educational, social, and spiritual foundation. I ask all Members to join me today in honoring La Salle High School upon the celebration of its 50th anniversary. The entire community joins me in thanking La Salle High School for the outstanding educational opportunities that it has provided for the youth of California's 29th Congressional District.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, on the eightieth anniversary of Cesar Chavez' birth, it is appropriate to reflect on the impact his life and work has had on our Nation. As the founder of the United Farm Workers, Chavez was able to bring about great and positive change for many of the Nation's most vulnerable workers, notwithstanding the seemingly insurmountable obstacles confronting him. He was a remarkable man, who not only fought for the basic human rights of a too often neglected segment of our country, but he went on to inspire a whole new generation of activists who would later carry on his path-breaking work. Cesar Chavez understood the poverty and disenfranchisement of his fellow farm workers, having grown up working in the fields to support his own family. He fought for fair wages, medical coverage, pension benefits and humane living conditions for farm laborers around the country. And this legacy carries us forward today. During my time in the California State Senate I supported legislation to designate a State holiday in honor of this remarkable leader. California is currently one of only eight States in the Nation that officially celebrate Cesar Chavez' accomplishments with a holiday, and it has proven an excellent opportunity to educate adults and children about his important effect on social justice and civil rights. That is why I support the effort to create a national holiday to honor Cesar Chavez and share his achievements with the entire Nation. Cesar Chavez had a motto, si se puede (it can be done). This message continues to embody Chavez's legacy by inspiring Americans to demand social justice and civil rights. I call upon our community and our country to join me in honoring the contributions and services of a true American hero.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Mrs. Lilian Kawaratani, of Monterey Park, California. Each year in March, in recognition of Women's History Month, we pay special tribute to the contributions and sacrifices made by our nation's women. Lilian was born in Honolulu, Hawaii where she was raised. She enrolled at the University of Hawaii. After completing the Fifth Year Program for Teachers, Lilian left Hawaii for New York where she attended Columbia University Teachers College and received her M.A. in Education. In 1980, Mrs. Kawaratani received her Adult Education Designated Subjects Credential from the University of California State College. Mrs. Kawaratani began her career teaching at Barber's Point Elementary School in Hawaii. Upon graduation from Columbia Teacher's College, Lilian moved to Monterey Park and began teaching at Euclid Ave. Elementary School in East Los Angeles. After taking time off to raise her children, Lilian returned to teaching for the Alhambra School District's Adult Education ESL program until she retired in 1999. Lilian has demonstrated a strong commitment to community service. Lilian was a Board Member and Coordinator for the United Methodist Pre- School's Mother Helpers Program. She has held various positions for the PTA, served on the GATE Advisory Board, and volunteered as a Brownie and Girl Scout Leader. Mrs. Kawaratani has also held various offices at the California Council of Adult Education, where in 1988 she was awarded the CALCO Award for Excellence in Teaching. Lilian also serves as the Membership Chair for the Friends of Monterey Park Library Board. Most notably, Lilian is admired for her volunteer work with the Monterey Park Library's LAMP (Literacy for All of Monterey Park) Citizenship Classes. Following her retirement, Lilian was invited to help teach Citizenship Classes for the library for two hours per week. Lilian's passion for teaching was made apparent as she spent up to eight hours a day at the library and often met one-on-one with adult learners to further prepare them for their citizenship tests and interviews. Her efforts have directly helped 50 to 100 students annually become proud new American citizens. As Lilian enters her eighth year of teaching for LAMP, she has seen over 700 students attain U.S. Citizenship and has devoted thousands of hours of service. In addition to her many professional and personal accomplishments, Mrs. Kawaratani is a wife and mother of four children and enjoys spending time with her grandchildren. Mrs. Kawaratani's devotion to her career and her long-time commitment to the prosperity of our community serves as a true inspiration to us all. I ask all Members of Congress to join me today in honoring an extraordinary woman of California's 29th Congressional District, Lilian Kawaratani.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the Western Diocese of the Armenian Church of North America upon the celebration of its 80th Anniversary. The Diocese of the Armenian Church was established on July 2, 1898 under the direction of Khrimian Hayrig, placing all Armenian Churches in the United States and Canada under the jurisdiction of the Diocesan Headquarters in Worcester, Massachusetts. On November 28, 1927, the Western Diocese of the Armenian Church was officially established by an Encyclical issued from the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin by His Holiness Kevork V. Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians. The creation of the Western Diocese was a response to a continued and vigorous growth of the Armenian community in California and the vast distance separating the Armenian Churches in the West from the Headquarters in the East. From its creation, the Western Diocese of the Armenian Church progressed and expanded to serve the Armenian population throughout California. In 1928, the newly established Western Diocese consisted of five parishes. By 1953, the number of parishes had expanded to eight, and an additional three were added by 1957--the year that the Diocesan Headquarters relocated to Hollywood. The Diocesan Headquarters remained in Hollywood until the 1994 Northridge Earthquake. Later that year, the Diocesan Assembly decided to purchase a new Headquarters. On May 16, 1997 the Western Diocese moved to its new Headquarters in Burbank. Today, the Western Diocese is the proud owner of a multi-purpose complex where it is currently headquartered and will be the future site for the Mother Cathedral. In addition to providing places of worship, the Western Diocese has made a strong commitment to community service. In 1963, the Diocese began to provide youth throughout the community with the opportunity to participate in a Summer Camp. In 1967 the Diocese purchased the Alta Sierra Camp providing year-round camping facilities for children, families, and organizations. The Western Diocese also publishes the bi- monthly periodical, ``The Mother Church,'' reaching 28,000 people worldwide. I consider it a great privilege to recognize the Western Diocese of the Armenian Church of North America for its eighty years of service to the Armenian community and I ask all Members of Congress to join me in congratulating the Western Diocese for its remarkable achievements.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to pay special recognition to Mayfield Junior School and Mayfield Senior School as they celebrate their 75th Anniversary of Holy Child education in Pasadena, California. In 1931, the Mayfield School was founded by the Sisters of the Holy Child Jesus. Under the philosophy and tradition of Cornelia Connelly, the Mayfield Schools are committed to educating the whole child, by providing a learning environment balancing academic excellence with the arts, athletics, community service, and spiritual growth. The Mayfield Schools embrace seven goals developed by the Society of Holy Child Jesus founder Cornelia Connelly. These goals seek to provide an intellectually challenging and creative program of study that fosters academic excellence and to create a learning environment based on trust and reverence for the dignity and uniqueness of each person. The Mayfield Schools have long been committed to community involvement and voluntary service. Upholding their motto of Actions not Words, both students and alumni have dedicated themselves to community enrichment and demonstrated the principals of compassion, integrity and leadership--characteristic of a Mayfield education. Under the guidance of devoted teachers and faculty, the students of the Mayfield Schools have achieved great success. Over the past 75 years, more than 2,000 young men and women have graduated from Mayfield Junior School and more that 2,800 women from Mayfield Senior School. I ask all Members to join me today in honoring the Mayfield Junior School and Mayfield Senior School upon the celebration of their 75th Anniversary. The entire community joins me in thanking the Mayfield Schools for their outstanding educational opportunities for the youth of California's 29th District.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Ms. Sarah Tramel, of Altadena, California. Each year in March, in recognition of Women's History Month, we pay special tribute to the contributions and sacrifices made by our Nation's women. Sarah was born in Johnson City, Tennessee, and relocated to Altadena, California in 1981. She earned her bachelor of arts degree in urban studies from California State University, Los Angeles. She worked for the Los Angeles Unified School District for 24 years until she retired, in 2003, from her position as telecommunication manager. Sarah was instrumental in the opening of the Los Angeles City Child Care Center and the Pasadena Coalition for Better Schools. She also represents William Blair High School on the Pasadena Unified School District Superintendent's Advisory Board and is a Merit Badge Counselor for the Boy Scouts of America, Troop 40. Currently, Sarah is the president of the Pasadena City College Parent Teacher Student Association. Pasadena City College is proud to be the only community college in the country with a Parent Teacher Student Association. This group is responsible for several tasks including hosting the Honors at Entrance Scholarship Program, supporting the Pasadena City College Child Development Center, and recognizing exceptional service to Pasadena City College. Ms. Tramel is also the first vice-president of Women in Action, a group whose purpose is to work toward stimulating citizen participation, to increase community awareness, and to make minority representation in government a reality. She is an alumnus of the Gamma Phi Delta Sorority and has served at the local, regional, and national levels. She is a member of the Altadena United Methodist Church and volunteers on the Staff-Parish Relations Committee and the Finance Committee. Most importantly, Sarah is noted for her ability to ``look after the unders of this world: the under-represented, the under-served, the under-privileged, the under-educated, and more.'' Ms. Tramel's devotion to her career and her long-time commitment to the prosperity of our community serves as a true inspiration to us all. I ask all Members of Congress to join me today in honoring an extraordinary woman of California's 29th Congressional District.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Ms. Patricia ``Trish'' Callaghan, of Alhambra, California. Each year in March, in recognition of Women's History Month, we pay special tribute to the contributions and sacrifices made by our Nation's women. Trish was born in San Francisco, California, and was raised in the San Gabriel Valley. She earned her undergraduate degree from San Diego State University and went on to receive her postgraduate degree from the University of California, Los Angeles. Ms. Callaghan is widely admired for her long career with the Garvey Unified School District. As an educator, her goal was to make learning a joyful experience that would ``come alive'' for over a thousand middle school students. Trish set high standards for all her students and created a stimulating, challenging and meaningful learning environment that met the student's diverse needs. While working as a full-time teacher, Trish participated in special committees and projects at both the school and district levels. She was a member of the Educational Technology Advisory Committee and the Curriculum Planning Committee. Trish was responsible for drafting grants and recruiting funds that supported the school-site technology program. Trish also authored the applications for the California Distinguished School Award in 2006 and the Title I Achieving School in 2004. Despite her busy career as an educator, Trish has done an excellent job of following her family's motto of ``giving back to the community.'' She has been volunteering for Huntington Hospital for the past 21 years and she is currently a board member of the Fall Food and Wine Committee. Ms. Callaghan has also done extensive work with the Junior League of Pasadena where she was involved in a variety of community projects. Through the Junior League, she was able to assist in the production of a foster family recruitment video and worked on the Pediatric Play Therapy project. Now that she is retired, Trish intends to spend more time with family and friends, and continue her volunteer work. Trish is looking forward to working as a docent at the Japanese Garden in the Huntington Library, where she will give tours to 4th-12th grade students. Ms. Callaghan's devotion to her career and her long-term commitment to the prosperity of our community serves as a true inspiration to us all. I ask all members of Congress to join me today in honoring an extraordinary woman of California's 29th Congressional District, Patricia ``Trish'' Callaghan.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Dr. Peggy Tsiang Cherng. Each year in March, in recognition of Women's History Month, we pay special tribute to the contributions and sacrifices made by our Nation's women. Born to Chinese parents, Dr. Cherng was raised in Burma and Hong Kong. She attended Baker University in Kansas before transferring to Oregon State University, where she earned her bachelor of science degree in applied mathematics. Dr. Cherng then received her master's degree in computer science and a doctorate in electrical engineering from the University of Missouri. Following graduation, Dr. Cherng married and settled in southern California, where she became a member of the technical team at McDonnell Douglas. Later, she worked at Comtal-3M, where her highly technical background allowed her to quickly move up the corporate ladder to become software development manager. During this time, her father and husband decided to open a restaurant they named Panda Inn-- which featured gourmet Mandarin and Szechuan cuisine--in Pasadena, California. While at Comtal-3M, the Panda Inn business grew steadily and in 1982, Dr. Cherng decided to join the family business. As executive vice- president, Dr. Cherng's leadership and skills played a vital role in creating the vision, mission, and value statements for the Panda Restaurant Group, and established a solid foundation for future corporate growth. In 1997, Dr. Cherng served as president and in 1998, she also took on the role of CEO until 2004. During the time she held both roles, the company flourished and more than doubled in size from about 250 locations to nearly 650. In 2004, Dr. Cherng took the position of co-chair and CEO, and now focuses primarily on her co-chair responsibilities. Dr. Cherng is a firm believer in giving back to the community. The Panda Restaurant Group has supported the community and charitable causes such as United Way, City of Hope, Children's Hospital Los Angeles and Children's Miracle Network. In 1999, Dr. Cherng launched a company-wide community involvement initiative called Panda Cares, which gives back to the community and provides assistance for the care and education of children. Panda Cares has committed nearly $3 million to non-profit organizations nationwide. Dr. Cherng is active in a number of organizations including the National Restaurant Association, the board of directors of the Methodist Hospital of Southern California, East West Bancorp, Inc., the board of visitors for the UCLA Anderson School of Management, and the board of trustees for Children's Hospital Los Angeles. Dr. Cherng's devotion to her career and her long-time commitment to the prosperity of our community serves as a true inspiration to us all. I ask all members of Congress to join me today in honoring an extraordinary woman of California's 29th Congressional District, Dr. Peggy Tsiang Cherng.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Ms. Margaret York, of Pasadena, CA. Each year in March, in recognition of Women's History Month, we pay special tribute to the contributions and sacrifices made by our Nation's women. Margaret was born in Canton, OH, and has resided in Pasadena, CA, for over 25 years. She received a bachelor's degree from the University of Redlands and holds a master's degree in public administration from the University of Southern California. Ms. York is also a proud graduate of the Federal Bureau of Investigation National Academy. Ms. York is widely admired for her long career with Los Angeles law enforcement. She began her career as a police ``woman'' and eventually became the first female deputy chief of the Los Angeles Police Department. In December 2003, Ms. York became chief of the Los Angeles County Police, the fourth largest police agency in Los Angeles County and one of the largest in the State of California. With her keen leadership ability serving as her strongest asset, Chief York is responsible for 600 sworn police officers, 130 civilian employees, and for nearly 800 private security officers. Their mission is to provide a safe and secure environment for patrons, visitors, and employees of Los Angeles County facilities. Ms. York lives by the motto ``Dedicated to the Community We Serve.'' Indeed, it is because of her unwavering dedication to the community that she volunteers her limited free time to various community organizations. Ms. York is a member and former vice chair of the Metropolitan Board of the Salvation Army and is a founding member of the Army of Angels. She is also a founding member and vice chair of the Police Historical Society. Ms. York is a member of the LA5 Rotary Club, board member of Women Against Gun Violence, and a trustee of the YWCA of Greater Los Angeles. In addition to the plethora of professional accomplishments, Ms. York is the proud wife of Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Lance Ito, a mother of three children, and a grandmother to seven grandchildren. Ms. York's devotion to her career and her long-time commitment to the prosperity of our community serve as a true inspiration to us all. I ask all Members of Congress to join me today in honoring an extraordinary woman of California's 29th Congressional District, Margaret York.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Ms. Margarita Campos, of Burbank, California. Each year in March, in recognition of Women's History Month, we pay special tribute to the contributions and sacrifices made by our Nation's women. Born to Cuban parents, Margarita has been a resident of Burbank, California for over forty years. Margarita received her Associate of Arts degree in Liberal Arts from Los Angeles Mission College and earned her Bachelor of Arts Degree in Business Law from the University of West Los Angeles. Since 2001, Margarita has been the elected Burbank City Clerk and is responsible for maintaining all official city records including: keeping a complete and accurate record of all City Council, Redevelopment Agency, and related proceedings, maintaining the Burbank City Charter and Municipal Code, and conducting all municipal elections. Prior to her term as City Clerk, Margarita served as the City of Burbank Community Assistance Coordinator and the Secretary to the Mayor. Margarita is involved with various professional organizations. She is a member of the International Institute of Municipal Clerks, the Association of Records Managers, and the City Clerks Association of California. In her spare time, Margarita dedicates herself to volunteering with organizations that directly benefit the Burbank community. She is a member of the League of Women Voters, a nonpartisan political organization that advocates for the improvement of government systems and aspires to impact public policies through citizen education and advocacy. Margarita served as the First Vice-President for the Zonta Club of the Burbank Area, a world-wide organization comprised of a diverse membership working together to advance the global status of women through service and advocacy. Margarita enjoys spending time with her family. She is a loving wife to husband Vince and proud mother to two children, Natasha and Vince. Ms. Campos' devotion to her career and her long-time commitment to the prosperity of our community serves as a true inspiration to us all. I ask all Members of Congress to join me today in honoring an extraordinary woman of California's 29th Congressional District.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today in honor of Ms. Jasik ``Jasmen'' Jarahian. Each year in March, in recognition of Women's History Month, we pay special tribute to the contributions and sacrifices made by our Nation's women. Born in Iran, Jasmen received her master's degree in accounting and held various positions with the York Shire Insurance Company in Tehran, Iran. In 1984, Jasmen moved to the United States and settled in Glendale, California. She joined Group Services and Tax Management Company, owned by her brother. Since 1991, Mrs. Jarahian has been the general accountant/controller for the Armenian Relief Society of the Western United States of America (ARS). Mrs. Jarahian oversees a variety of funds, orphan sponsorships, and the coordinating of assistance. Her efforts have helped the Armenian Relief Society provide philanthropic assistance to isolated villages in Armenia and Artsakh (Karabagh). For almost 100 years, the Armenian Relief Society has ``brought women together to laugh or cry, cook or eat, learn or teach, always serving, always striving for something larger than ourselves.'' Mrs. Jarahian's work in our community is an ideal illustration of that mission. In addition to her work with the Armenian Relief Society, Mrs. Jarahian is an active member of Homenetmen (Armenian General Athletic Union). She is a founding member of the Davtian-Meyramian Educational Foundation, a non-profit organization that organizes after-school programs that promote education and multiculturalism for children in elementary and middle school. Mrs. Jarahian also does volunteer work with the Armenian Bone Marrow Donor Registry Project, a group whose mission it is to recruit and provide matched unrelated donors for bone marrow or stem cell transplantation for patients that are suffering from leukemia or other blood related illnesses. She was named ``Mother of the Year'' by the North Hollywood ARS Meghri Chapter and was deemed an ``Honorary Artsakh Citizen'' by the Dzaghgatsogh Village. Jasmen became an honorary citizen after several years of leading efforts to renovate Dzaghgatsogh Village, including the museum, the local hall, and school. Jasmen spends her free time mentoring women and enjoys inspiring others to volunteer. Mrs. Jarahian's devotion to her career and her long-time commitment to the prosperity of our community serves as a true inspiration to us all. I ask all Members of Congress to join me today in honoring an extraordinary woman of California's 29th Congressional District, Jasik ``Jasmen'' Jarahian.

Mr. SCHIFF

Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor Ms. Diane Acosta, of San Gabriel, California. Each year in March, in recognition of Women's History Month, we pay special tribute to the contributions and sacrifices made by our Nation's women. Diane was born in Los Angeles, California, and grew up in the San Gabriel Valley. She attended Rosemead High School and then went on to receive a bachelor's degree in social work from California State University Los Angeles. Ms. Acosta began her career as general partner for a marketing consulting company where her clients included a regional shopping center, various hospitals, small and large businesses, and non-profit organizations. She currently is the development director for San Gabriel Union Church and Christian School where she is responsible for community outreach, fundraising, volunteer coordination, and special event planning. She has been with the church and school for the last 5 years. Her involvement with the San Gabriel Union Church has provided Diane with a new medium for reaching out to those facing hardship. She is a member of the Deacon Ministry, a group that strives to meet the emergency physical, financial, health, and emotional needs of the church's congregation. Diane is also a member of the Outreach Ministry Teams, a group that develops new ways for the church to become a more effective community partner. Most notably, Diane is admired for her dedication to the community she feels lucky to call home. She is a board member for both the San Gabriel and Temple City Chambers of Commerce and she is the president of the San Gabriel Community Coordinating Council. She is also a board member of the San Gabriel Community Foundation, a member of the San Gabriel Education Foundation, and has held leadership positions with local Parent Teacher Associations. In addition to her many professional and personal accomplishments, Ms. Acosta is a wife and mother of three children. She enjoys watching her kids play sports, going on vacation, and spending time with good friends. Ms. Acosta's devotion to her career and her long-time commitment to the prosperity of our community serves as a true inspiration to us all. I ask all Members of Congress to join me today in honoring an extraordinary woman of California's 29th Congressional District, Diane Acosta.