Terri Sewell

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Madam Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. I thank the chairman for his agreeing to the Jackson Lee-Sewell amendment. Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Madam Chairman, I am offering this amendment on behalf of myself and as the designee of the gentlewoman from Texas, Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee. I wish to thank the chair and the ranking member of the Rules Committee for making this amendment in order. I want to thank the Transportation and Infrastructure chairman, Bill Shuster, as well as the ranking member, Peter DeFazio, for their efforts to bring the Surface Transportation Reauthorization and Reform Act to the floor. I thank them for this opportunity to explain the Jackson Lee-Sewell amendment, which makes a good bill even better by ensuring that the national goals of strengthening our Nation's transportation and infrastructure is aided by innovation. The Jackson Lee-Sewell amendment improves this good bill by ensuring that the goals of improving transportation efficiency and safety take into consideration the topic of rest stop and other parking and the topic of public safety. This amendment seeks a public safety report to be provided to the House and the Senate Transportation Committees on the security of locations that are intended to encourage the public use of alternative transportation as well as personal transportation parking areas. More than 1 in 10 property crimes occurs in parking lots or in garages, and this study will provide an opportunity for Congress to do more to enhance the safety of parking areas that are used by the most vulnerable in our communities: students, women, seniors, the disabled, and other vulnerable members of the public. The Jackson Lee-Sewell amendment will make surface transportation travel safer. More importantly, it will increase safety for the traveling public, especially for women, seniors, students, disabled persons, and children. Madam Chairman, I ask my colleagues to support the Jackson Lee-Sewell amendment. I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Madam Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of voting rights for all Americans. I was proud to stand alongside my fellow colleagues this morning to launch the Restore the Vote legislative strategy. This national effort will help mobilize support for H.R. 2867, the Voting Rights Advancement Act of 2015, a bill that I sponsored with Representatives Judy Chu and Linda Sanchez in order to restore critical Federal oversight to jurisdictions which have a recent history of voter discrimination. Since elections are held on Tuesdays, every Tuesday that Congress is in session, we will declare it to be ``Restoration Tuesday.'' Members of Congress will wear a ``Restore the Vote'' ribbon pin and will speak on the House floor about the importance of restoring and protecting voting rights for all Americans. Today is the first Restoration Tuesday, and I am honored to speak on behalf of H.R. 2867, the Voting Rights Advancement Act. Two years ago, Mr. Speaker, the Supreme Court in the Shelby case struck down the Federal preclearance. The Supreme Court issued a challenge to Congress to develop a modern-day coverage formula that looks at current discriminatory acts by States and political jurisdiction. The Voting Rights Advancement Act answers that challenge. The bill restores and advances the Voting Rights Act of 1965 by looking at recent voter discrimination practices since 1990. An entire State can be covered by preclearance if 15 or more voting violations occur in a State in the most recent 25-year period. This updated coverage formula ensures that 13 States, including my home State of Alabama, are required to obtain preclearance for changes in voting practices and laws. The 13 States that will be covered under this new formula include Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Arkansas, Arizona, Texas, New York, California, and Virginia. The bill also provides greater transparency in Federal elections by ensuring that voters get notice of changes in locations and of changes in voting practices. Put simply, the Voting Rights Advancement Act offers more voter protection to more people in more States. Mr. Speaker, old battles have become new again. Since the Shelby decision, 33 States across this Nation have issued photo I.D. laws that have made it harder for vulnerable communities to vote, like our senior citizens, our young people, and the disabled. As a daughter of Selma, I am painfully aware that the injustices suffered on the Edmund Pettus Bridge 50 years ago have not been fully vindicated. Just recently, my constituents were dealt a very devastating blow when Alabama closed 31 DMVs--that's right, driver's license offices--a State that had recently adopted one of the Nation's harsher photo I.D. laws. This decision is completely unacceptable. These closures render it almost impossible for so many of my constituents to get the most popular form of photo I.D., which is a driver's license. This DMV closure decision is just one example of modern-day barriers to voting. While we no longer have to count marbles in a jar or recite the names of all of the counties, there are still laws and decisions that make it harder for people to vote. ``Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere,'' Martin Luther King once said. On March 7, 2015, I welcomed President and Mrs. Obama as well as President Bush and Mrs. Bush, along with 100 Members of the House and the Senate, to my hometown of Selma, Alabama, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the voting rights march from Selma to Montgomery. Mr. Speaker, it was a ``kumbaya'' moment when Republicans and Democrats gathered together in recognition of how far our Nation had come in living up to its ideals of justice and equality for all. The 50th commemoration of the marches from Selma to Montgomery must be so much more than just one day of reflection, Mr. Speaker. A single moment filled with colorful language and wonderful speeches is nice, and walking hand in hand across the Edmund Pettus Bridge is nice; but gone should be the days of ``feel good'' moments that, in and of themselves, lead to no clear path to action. The Voting Rights Advancement Act is that action.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I thank our leader of the CBC, Congressman Butterfield, so much for his exemplary leadership and the courage that he exemplifies every day in fighting for the causes that we all hold so dear. I want to thank Congresswoman Jackson Lee for those wonderful words. Sheila Jackson Lee has not only been an amazing Member of Congress, but she has been a great mentor to me. I want to thank her for all she does for so many of us and the mentoring she continues to provide the younger generation. What can I say to Charlie Rangel? To even have him know my name is an honor. I know that, but for the remarkable lives of the three people that we celebrate their lives and their legacies today, I would not be in this auspicious Chamber, and but for his leadership and his courage, I would not know how to behave in this Chamber. I thank him for doing such a great job and continuing to serve the great people of Harlem and New York, but also the great people of America--black, white, green, yellow, all of us. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join with my CBC colleagues in paying tribute to the life and legacy of three great giants in American history: Representative Louis Stokes, Amelia Boynton Robinson, and Julian Bond. Our Nation collectively mourns the loss of each of these trailblazing figures who departed from us way too soon this summer. Their journeys paved the way for myself and so many others serving in this august body. While our hearts are heavy today, we honor them for their historic and notable contributions to this Nation. Congressman Louis Stokes was the first African American to represent the State of Ohio in Congress, where he served for more than 30 years. He rose to prominence by breaking numerous barriers as the first in so many areas. This included being named the first African American to serve as chairman of the prestigious House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. As an African American who now sits on that committee, I am deeply honored to follow in Louis Stokes' footsteps. During his tenure on the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, he stepped into the national spotlight as a vocal critic of the Reagan administration's foreign policy. He spoke boldly on issues of national security and created a legacy of being a fierce advocate for the homeland. In honoring his memory, we must also commit ourselves collectively to continue the fight to promote diversity within the intelligence community. We must also be committed to supporting policies that promote our national security in the face of growing threats. It was Congressman Lou Stokes who taught us that our Nation deserves nothing less. Today we also honor an American treasure and one of my personal heroes, the courageous Mrs. Amelia Boynton Robinson. Mrs. Robinson passed away on August 26, 2015, at the age of 110--yes, 110, Mr. Speaker. Mrs. Amelia Boynton Robinson was a key figure in the voting rights movement in Selma, Alabama. She is often remembered for her critical role in Bloody Sunday. On that solemn day on the Edmund Pettus Bridge, Robinson was savagely beaten. A photo taken of her shortly after she was attacked and posted in The New York Times became a powerful symbol of the injustices suffered by those who were attempting simply to vote. Yet this tireless, fearless foot soldier continued her work as a leader on the front lines of securing the right to vote for all Americans. Amelia is best known as the matriarch of the voting rights movement, and it was her courage, along with John Lewis and so many other known and unknown foot soldiers which led to the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Amelia was such an integral part of the process that the contents of the bill, the voting rights bill, were drafted on her kitchen table in Selma, Alabama, in 1965. Ms. Boynton not only trailblazed as a voting rights advocate, she put her money where her mouth was and she, herself, ran for Congress. On May 5, 1964, Amelia Boynton broke yet another barrier, when she became the first woman in the State of Alabama and the first African American woman in the State of Alabama to run for Congress. In 1964, she garnered 10.7 percent of the vote during a time when very few Blacks were registered to vote. Actually, only 1 percent of the registered voters were African Americans at that time. Her historic run further solidified her impact on the movement for human rights and voting rights in Alabama and in this Nation. Without her courageous campaign for the Seventh Congressional District of Alabama in 1964, I know that my election to this seat in 2010, some 50 years later, would not have been possible. Her sacrifices paved the way for me to walk the Halls of Congress, and I will carry my love and admiration for her in my heart each and every day, for I get to do what she could not, and that is vote on behalf of the members of the Seventh Congressional District of Alabama. For that, I am eternally grateful. In fact, one of my most memorable moments in this Chamber is the night that she served as my special guest at the State of the Union on January 20, 2015, this past year. I am grateful for the memories of her greeting President Obama that night. I am so blessed to not only have called her my constituent, but a beloved mentor and friend. As she is remembered, and she reminds us every day by her life, there is still much work to be done. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I would also like to remember the shining legacy of yet another giant figure in the fight for civil and human rights: Mr. Julian Bond. This courageous voice held several titles over the course of his impactful life, but he is most remembered for his service as the NAACP chairman and the cofounder of the Southern Poverty Law Center. He was also one of the original leaders of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, SNCC, while he was a student at Morehouse College. He later served in the Georgia General Assembly for more than 20 years. He was first elected to the Georgia House of Representatives in 1965. However, because of his longstanding legacy of fighting White supremacy, White statehouse members tried unsuccessfully to block him from taking his seat. This brave spirit was undeterred. He spearheaded efforts to draft landmark legislation that spoke to the need of Blacks in the State of Georgia. In addition to his time as an eloquent speaker, he was a celebrated writer, poet, television commentator, community advocate, as well as a communication specialist. He did so much for the Southern Poverty Law Center to set it on its course and so much for the lives of so many. All three of these wonderful giants tell a story, a story of how ordinary people can do extraordinary things. Working collectively, we as a nation can achieve amazing heights, even if we don't think so. As Congressman Rangel's story best exemplified, if we just take one step, hopefully the Lord will give us the strength to take many, many more towards that fight for justice and equality. In closing, I am reminded of what Amelia Boynton would often say when I and others would come up to her and say: ``We stand on your shoulders. We stand on your shoulders.'' Well, Ms. Amelia Boynton was so infamously known for saying, after hearing it over and over again: ``Get off my shoulders. There is plenty of work to be done.'' ``Do your own work,'' is what she said. And so I say to my colleagues gathered here tonight, my colleagues in this wonderful body called the House of Representatives: We have plenty of work to do. We have plenty of work to do. And while we walk in the footsteps of giants such as Amelia Boynton and Louis Stokes and Julian Bond, let us never forget that they, too, had to take a first step. And as we follow in their footsteps, let us all take many steps towards providing justice and liberty for all Americans, especially those that are most vulnerable.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to the extraordinary life and legacy of an American treasure and one of my personal heroes, the courageous Mrs. Amelia Platts Boynton Robinson. Amelia passed away on August 26, 2015 at the age of 104. While we mourn the loss of this remarkable woman, I am comforted in knowing that her brave spirit will live through her impactful contributions to this nation. Amelia was a key figure in the voting rights movement in Selma, Alabama and she is often remembered for her historic role as one of the coordinators and marchers on ``Bloody Sunday.'' On that solemn day on the Edmund Pettus Bridge, Amelia was savagely beaten and a photo of her taken shortly after she was attacked became a powerful symbol of the injustices suffered by those fighting on the frontlines of the movement. Yet this fearless revolutionary continued her work as a leader on the frontlines of securing the right to vote for all Americans. She was undeterred by the perils of a racially unjust society that relegated blacks to second-class citizenship. Her story is a testament to her commitment to serving as a conduit for change and a reminder of why we in Alabama lovingly refer to her as the matriarch of the movement. Amelia was born on August 18, 1911 in Savannah, Georgia. Her mother was an activist during the women's suffrage movement. After the passage of the 19th amendment, she and her mother distributed voter registration information to women from the family's horse and buggy in 1920. Her mother's tireless efforts to secure the right to vote for women would have a lasting impact on Amelia. It also paved the way for the young activist to claim her own place in American history. Fueled by that same passion, Amelia began her own service to mankind when she and her husband Samuel Boynton fought for voting rights and property ownership for African-Americans in the poorest rural areas of Alabama. She was later named the only female lieutenant to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. during the civil rights movement. In this role, Amelia traveled alongside Dr. King and often appeared in his stead for various events and gatherings during the movement. Amelia is also best known for her leadership that led to the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Amelia was such an integral part of the process that the contents of the bill were drafted at her kitchen table in Selma. On May 5, 1964, Amelia broke yet another barrier when she became the first woman in the state of Alabama to run for a congressional seat. She garnered 10.7 percent of the vote during a time when very few blacks were registered voters. Her historic run further solidified her impact on the movement for human rights in Alabama. When this extraordinary woman wasn't contributing her time to the causes of her generation, she worked as an educator, a home demonstrations agent with the Department of Agriculture, an insurance agent, an income tax preparer, and a real estate agent. She attended Georgia State Industrial School, which was renamed Savannah State University and Tuskegee Normal, which is now known as Tuskegee University. Without her courageous campaign for the 7th Congressional District, I know that my election to this seat in 2010 would not have been possible. Her sacrifices paved the way for me to walk the halls of Congress and I will carry my love and admiration for her in my heart each and every day. I will always cherish the time we spent together when she honored me as my special guest for the State of the Union on January 20, 2015. I am grateful for the memories of her greeting President Obama that night and I am so blessed to have called her a beloved mentor and friend. As she reminded us in life, there is still much work to be done for this nation to live up to its ideals of equality and justice for all. Let us be inspired by the extraordinary life of Amelia to keep striving and working towards a more perfect union. May we honor her by continuing her life's work. I ask my colleagues to join with me in saluting Mrs. Platts Amelia Boynton Robinson, an Alabama gem and an American treasure. Thank you.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Chair, yesterday, the House voted on H.R. 427, Regulations from the Executive in Need of Scrutiny Act of 2015. I was unavoidably detained, but if I had been present, I would have opposed this legislation. While the bill claims to accomplish well- meaning goals such as increasing ``accountability for and transparency in the federal regulatory process,'' it only threatens the historic separation of legislative and executive powers. By requiring a joint resolution of approval from Congress before any ``major'' rules set forth by a federal agency come into effect, the REINS act attempts to undermine executive power and expand congressional regulatory authority. This partisan bill is a thinly vailed attempt to score political points by attacking the Obama Administration. And as Republican leaders take another ideological swipe at the Obama administration, a number of more pressing issues go unaddressed, especially as we leave for our District Work Period. Second-guessing agency standards and rules that are supposed to be governed by Congressional laws is not only redundant but is reflective of the Republican's relentless pursuit of removing important and necessary regulations. Given that the bill also has a 70-day requirement to approve any new standards, the potential for delays in enacting public safeguards is steep, particularly if bipartisan coalitions can't quickly draft joint resolutions. We have seen efforts to push this legislation through three times previously, and each time it has failed to pass both houses. I urge my fellow Members of Congress to reject this harmful piece of legislation once more.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise in recognition of the upcoming 50th anniversary of the signing of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Our Nation took an important step forward 50 years ago when, on August 6, 1965, President Johnson signed into law this landmark legislation. It was a moment that brave men and women, like our colleague John Lewis, marched for and were willing to die for as they dared to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama. Unfortunately, 2 years ago, the Supreme Court struck down section 4, and preclearance and Federal protections for vulnerable communities went away. When the Supreme Court struck down section 4, it did not say that protections were not needed. Rather, it issued a challenge to us here in this House to come up with a modern day formula. I see that as a challenge for all of us in this great House--to come up with a modern day formula to provide protections for vulnerable communities. On this 50th anniversary of the landmark Voting Rights Act, let us answer this call to action. It is a call worthy of all of our attention. On this recess, let us remark about how wonderful it was that we all came together on March 7, 1965, in order to do what was right. I ask all of you to please consider restoring the Voting Rights Act of 1965. It is important for all Americans.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to urge the immediate reauthorization of the Export-Import Bank. The Ex-Im Bank has become a crucial driver of our economy by offering loans, capital insurance, and other financial services to businesses who wish to invest in American products and grow their businesses. It fills the gap between domestic capital and domestic investment, ensuring that each and every opportunity to expand our economy has the financial backing to do so. Furthermore, the Ex-Im Bank is an exceptional government institution insofar that it both improves our economy and makes money. For these reasons, Ex-Im Bank reauthorization has been relatively uncontroversial in the past. During the 112th Congress, my first term in office, we reauthorized the Ex-Im Bank with a vote that crossed party lines. However, I have witnessed the agreement and goodwill surrounding this issue deteriorate during my tenure. On July 1st, 2015, this burgeoning partisanship brought the Export-Import Bank to a screeching halt. Members of this congressional body refused to renew the charter for the Ex-Im Bank, allowing it to shut down entirely. Since the first day of this month, our obstinacy has cost our nation over fifty million dollars. Every day that we allow this shut down to continue, we are shortchanging our taxpayers another two million dollars. This inaction is irresponsible, short-sighted, and detrimental to our economy. The American people want us to create jobs and help small businesses grow, not play political games. I urge my colleagues to reauthorize the Export-Import Bank immediately.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, during the vote on H.R. 427 I was inescapably detained and away handling important matters related to my District and the State of Alabama. If I had been present, I would have voted ``no'' on final passage.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today, the House voted on H.R. 675, the Veterans' Compensation Cost-of-Living Adjustment Act of 2015, a bipartisan bill that protects veterans' benefits from inflation. I was unavoidably detained; however, if I had been present, I would have voted in favor of this much needed legislation. Veterans and their families have sacrificed greatly for our country, and it is unacceptable that so many military families are struggling every day to make ends meet. These brave individuals should never be faced with the difficult choice of either paying their bills or feeding their families. As the greatest country in the world, we have a moral obligation to fix this situation and provide veterans with the compensation and support they deserve. I believe this bill is a strong first step in the right direction. Today, I applaud my colleagues in Congress for voting in favor of struggling veterans, disabled former service members, and their families by supporting the Veterans' Compensation Cost-of-Living Adjustment Act of 2015. Moreover, I ask my fellow Members of Congress to continue advocating for our veterans by encouraging companies to hire vets while also addressing the systemic problems within the VA healthcare system.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, during the votes on S. 1482, H.R. 1656 and H.R. 2770, I was inescapably detained and away handling important matters related to my District and the State of Alabama. If I had been present, I would have voted ``yes'' on all of the aforementioned bills.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise in recognition of the five-year anniversary of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. This critically important piece of legislation has strengthened oversight of the financial sector, given regulators the tools to end the era of ``too big to fail,'' and has eliminated loopholes that allowed risky and abusive practices to go unnoticed and unregulated. As we mark this five-year anniversary, we must recognize that the ``Great Recession'' of 2008 did not occur naturally as a part of the regular financial cycle, but as a result of the lack of transparency and accountability in the financial sector. During the ``Great Recession'' the American economy lost over 4 million jobs, 13 trillion dollars in household wealth and approximately 5 million homeowners lost their homes to foreclosure. Consequently, Dodd-Frank implemented reforms to prevent the bad actors from continuing to commit the types of deceptive and harmful practices that led to these catastrophic results. Most notably, Dodd- Frank created the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which over the past five years has returned over $10.1 billion dollars to over 17 million consumers that were subjected to unfair treatment. No legislation is perfect, and there is still room for minor tweaks to be made in order to ensure Dodd-Frank achieves its original goal of increased transparency, market efficiency and consumer protection. However, we must continue to defend against Republican attacks to completely dismantle this critically important legislation. The sad reality is that Republican majority has spent countless hours attempting to weaken the financial regulatory system, and to reverse many of the important reforms made by Dodd-Frank. We must continue to protect our recovering economy, promote stability in our financial markets, and ensure that regulators have the tools to protect the American people.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Chair, today, I stand in strong support of the 21st Century Cures Act. This bipartisan bill gives our nation's best and brightest the tools they need to understand--and eventually defeat disease--and reauthorizes both the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). The 21st Century Cures Act has the potential to accelerate the discovery of drugs for life-threatening illnesses; repurpose drugs found ineffective for one condition and test them on another; promote an interoperable health system; enhance telehealth practices; and advance the development of more targeted, personalized treatments. My district, the 7th Congressional District of Alabama, is home to the University of Alabama at Birmingham, the Southern Research Institute, and the University of Alabama. NIH funding is critical to the continuing vitality of these three leading institutions, as well as to the region. The prospect of this act alone provides hope. Hope that cures can be discovered, hope that one day no diagnoses indicate inevitable ailment or death, and hope that one day treatments will yield more reward than risk. Despite the potential of this bill, there are two amendments that threaten that hope and essentially aim to inhibit the health of several Americans. First, the Hyde Amendment has reared its ugly head yet again. It is a harmful and discriminatory bill that prevents women from making their own healthcare decisions. Further, it serves as a stark contradiction to efforts geared toward providing health positive resources for all. Second, the Brat amendment aims to convert the federal funding of the NIH and the FDA from mandatory to discretionary. Such a transaction would stifle the progress both federal agencies have already made and will continue to make. It will singlehandedly reverse the trajectory of medical progress and halt further research efforts. I am particularly supportive of the 21st Century Cures Act because of its inclusion of provisions for the pediatric and rare disease community. This bill will allow Children's of Alabama, ranked among the nation's best children's hospitals for six years in a row, to finally be able to participate in a national pediatric research network and therefore, save more lives. With only 5 percent of rare diseases having an FDA-approved treatment, it would be a gross understatement to say our medical systems have failed to keep pace. Gabe Griffin from Birmingham and Houston Sides from Montgomery are two young Alabama boys who asked me to support the 21st Century Cures Act because it modernizes the FDA and spurs development of pediatric and rare disease treatments. Gabe and Houston have a rare and deadly muscle-wasting disorder called Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy. This disease takes the lives of children as young as 9 or 10. Very few children with this disease will ever reach the age of 25. But the 21st Century Cures Act provides hope for these families. It promotes `precision medicine,' modernizes the clinical trial system, and expands access to investigational drugs. Viruses and diseases will not wait for us to catch up; they will mutate, grow ever more virulent, and continue to impact our public health. We need to leverage our investments to make potentially game- changing strides in treatment. We need 21st century solutions for 21st century threats. An investment in health affects more than our physical well-being, and the 21st Century Cares Act reflects this. H.R. 6 is not only a health bill; it is a jobs bill. Our country has been the leader in both the medical device and biopharmaceutical industry for decades, helping us become the core of global medical innovation. This puts a target on our backs, as China and other countries have attempted to attempt to claim this role and thus, our jobs. U.S. medical device-related employment totals over 2 million jobs, and the U.S. biopharmaceutical industry is responsible for over 4 million U.S. jobs. NIH funding currently supports over 400,000 jobs at research institutions across the country, including jobs for young and upcoming scientists. Without this funding, our jobs are out there for the taking. Without this funding, the thousands of jobs in my district provided by the University of Alabama at Birmingham, the Southern Research Institute, and the University of Alabama are not safe. The policies in this legislation will help us fight off foreign competitors and allow us to continue innovating, so we can all protect medical jobs in our districts and add more. We must get serious about addressing the unmet medical needs of the American people. I urge my colleagues not to deprive the American people of the cures they deserve. Vote against these poison pill amendments because when it comes to the health of our constituents, there is no place or time for partisan politics. I urge my colleagues to oppose the Brat amendment, support the Lee amendment and I urge them to support H.R. 6.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise in support of a long-term surface transportation bill. It's disappointing that Congress once again has failed to propose a long-term solution to invest in our nation's roads, bridges, and rails. The bill being brought to the floor is nothing more than a Band Aid: however, without this temporary fix, the Department of Transportation would be unable to fund new obligations to repair America's crumbling roads and fix our Nation's vast infrastructure problems. The reality is our nation's investment in infrastructure is woefully inadequate. These shortfalls hurt our constituents and damage our entire economy. In Alabama, twenty percent of our major city streets are in poor condition. Driving on deteriorating roads costs motorists approximately $1.4 billion a year. Across our country, an estimated one in three fatal traffic accidents is caused by roads that are in poor or mediocre condition. Moreover, The American Society of Civil Engineers estimates that one out of every nine bridges in the U.S. is structurally deficient. By building the infrastructure of tomorrow, we would create thousands of good-paying construction jobs that help more hard-working Americans earn a living. Investing in our infrastructure would also enhance our economic competitiveness by reducing transit costs and travel delays. We can't continue to kick the can down the road--we must do better by our constituents. There's no reason why Congress cannot pass a long- term plan that would fix our aging infrastructure and boost our nation's economic development.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to address the ongoing debate over the Confederate battle flag and its placement on state and federal government property. As a daughter of Selma, Alabama, I have a great respect and understanding of the deep heritage and tradition that every Southerner holds close to their heart. But as an American, I find it very troubling that some continue to defend a symbol of obvious and demonstrated hatred. From its creation, the flag was a denotation of the intention to segregate and enslave African Americans. While some people genuinely revere the Confederate Battle Flag because of its connection to their ancestors, there can be little doubt that it is cherished by groups and individuals expressing racial hatred. As my colleague and friend John Lewis declared in this Chamber last week, the state troopers wore the flag on their helmets as they beat him and nearly took his life at the foot of the Edmund Pettus Bridge in 1965. It is clear that the flag is overwhelmingly associated with some of the darkest sins of our nation's past. The original intention of the flag saw resurgence in the 1950s as an expression of resistance to the Civil Rights Movement and desegregation. In 1963, Governor George Wallace raised the Confederate Battle Flag over the Alabama State Capitol as a protest to then U.S. Attorney General Robert Kennedy's visit to Alabama to urge desegregation. This very reaction to the rise of civil rights for African-Americans proves its symbolism as one of racial segregation and not one of heritage. But let there be no mistake. The removal of this divisive symbol does not cure our society of all discrimination. Hatred stubbornly lingers on even after these flags are lowered. Removing flags from federally owned property or from a state's capitol grounds is a strong step forward, but it is not a final solution to our society's deeply entrenched structural oppression. Much more needs to be done to combat discrimination in our society and in our public institutions. The United States has always been a beacon of progress and equality, so it stuns me that we continue to be shackled to these discriminatory symbols. The destiny of America is always in the future, not the past. We can learn from the past, both good and ill, but it is to the future that we must always direct our focus and our ambitions. We must forge a path forward, away from the symbols of the darkest times in our nation's history. Racism will end when we confront the hate behind the heritage with unity and reconciliation.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise in support of H.R. 1047, the Housing Assistance Efficiency Act. This bill would remove non-essential administrative boundaries in order to better serve our nation's homeless population. Under the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act, only a state, local government, or public housing agency may administer housing assistance to our nation's homeless. This regulation prevents many non-profit agencies--which often have deep ties to our communities--from assisting the homeless. Like many districts and states, the State of Alabama faces many challenges in addressing the needs of our homeless. We can accomplish this by correcting any unintended legislative consequences and taking action to create the most fast-acting and efficient system of housing assistance possible. The Housing Assistance Efficiency Act addresses these problems by increasing efficiency, eliminating red tape, and expediting the process of providing safe, stable shelter for homeless communities. I congratulate my colleague from California, Congressman Peters, for remaining vigilant and continuing to be a voice for our most vulnerable communities. This is a valuable opportunity to eliminate barriers and offer a faster and more financially responsible approach to assisting the homeless. While we continue our efforts to help the homeless, we must remain mindful of our long-term goals. I urge my colleagues to help pass this legislation and reaffirm our commitment to the alleviation of homelessness in all of our communities.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the 177th Anniversary of Metropolitan African Methodist Episcopal Church in Washington, D.C. For 177 years Metropolitan A.M.E. Church has stood at the forefront of the fight for social justice and equality. Metropolitan A.M.E. Church, often referred to as the National Cathedral of African Methodism, was formed by the unification of Israel Bethel and Union Bethel. The churches united as a reaction to the dissatisfaction among African-Americans over racial segregation at Ebenezer Methodist Episcopal Church. Their decision to stand together as one body in the face of unwarranted racism and to work for the advancement of the black community was both courageous and heroic. On July 6, 1838, the Baltimore Conference of the African Methodist Episcopal Church officially welcomed Union Bethel to the greater community. In 1872, the name was officially changed to Metropolitan A.M.E. when the Baltimore Conference authorized construction of a new church that would be built in ``close proximity'' to the White House and the United States Capitol. The cornerstone for the new church was laid in 1881, and a stained glass window was dedicated to each contributing Annual Conference that invested in the church's construction. Since its founding, Metropolitan A.M.E. Church has played a pivotal role in seeking justice for African-Americans. From leading anti- slavery efforts and harboring runaway slaves to providing AIDS awareness and registering voters, Metropolitan A.M.E. Church has always been on the forefront of transformative change. Metropolitan A.M.E. Church serves as a sanctuary to all, providing not only a place for worship but also a safe haven. For 177 years, Metropolitan A.M.E. Church has met the needs of the community and has influenced the civic, cultural, and intellectual lives of African- Americans. Their walls hold the memories and wisdom of illustrious guests like Frederick Douglass and Eleanor Roosevelt who addressed the most pressing social issues that plagued our growing nation. Metropolitan A.M.E. Church has hosted numerous historic events including the official pre-Inaugural prayer services for President William Jefferson Clinton in 1993 and 1997--thus becoming the first African-American church to ever serve in such a capacity. Likewise, Metropolitan A.M.E. Church hosted the National Memorial Service for Mrs. Rosa Parks, the mother of the modern American Civil Rights movement. Most recently, Metropolitan A.M.E. Church opened its doors to the community in the aftermath of the June 17, 2015, church shooting at Mother Emanuel in Charleston, South Carolina. Hundreds came to Metropolitan A.M.E. Church to honor the nine victims and to seek comfort in the church's warm embrace. Metropolitan A.M.E. Church follows in the rich tradition and mission of its parent denomination, the historic African Methodist Episcopal Church. The African Methodist Episcopal Church was born in protest of slavery and racial discrimination in 1787, after members of the Free Africa Society were forced off their knees as they prayed at St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. It was at this moment that the members of the Free African Society realized that when it came to the American Methodist Church, their shackles had not yet been removed. Richard Allen, Absalom Jones, and other free blacks established the African Methodist Episcopal Church as a refuge from racism--a safe place to worship in spite of the opposition they received as members of St. George's Church. Their journey to establish a new church denomination was not easy, but the seeds they planted soon grew. In the weaning days of the Confederacy, the membership of the African Methodist Episcopal Church grew rapidly, as the Union army permitted church members to recruit newly freed slaves. Metropolitan A.M.E. Church rose out of this rich legacy, and became a powerful agent for change in its own right. Metropolitan A.M.E. Church has played a vital role in our history, standing tall as a cornerstone of its community through the test of time. This tradition continues today, and will continue well into the future. On a personal note, I am pleased to serve as the keynote speaker for the 177th Anniversary Service on July 12, 2015. It is a high honor to have the opportunity to celebrate the 177 years of contributions and exemplary service of Metropolitan A.M.E. Church. It is a privilege to stand in the same pulpit as esteemed guests such as Paul Laurence Dunbar, Mary McLeod Bethune, and Dorothy I. Height. As a life member of the historic Brown Chapel A.M.E. Church in Selma, Alabama, I can truly say that it was the support of my church family and the teachings of African Methodist Episcopal Church ministry that helped me grow into the woman I am today. I ask my colleagues to join me in recognition of the 177th Anniversary of Metropolitan A.M.E. Church on this distinguished occasion. May the glory of Metropolitan A.M.E. Church continue to grow and prosper for years to come.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Chair, today I rise in strong opposition to senseless Republican attempts to allow Confederate flags to be displayed and sold in national parks and cemeteries. The Confederate flag throughout history has been a symbol of extreme hatred, deliberate malice, and continued segregation. Any attempt by Congress to uphold and profit from such an image is completely reprehensible. Recently, states across the country have done the right thing and removed the Confederate flag from their State Capitol grounds, including my home state of Alabama. In fact, on July 9th South Carolina lawmakers voted to ensure that this contentious symbol is removed from its state capitol grounds. It is unconscionable to think that while South Carolina's legislature was working until the early hours of the morning fighting for the removal of the Confederate flag, my Republican colleagues were attempting to undo efforts by the House to prohibit the Confederate flag from being sold and displayed at our national parks and federal cemeteries. The Confederate flag is a part of America's past and that is where it should stay. Removing the Confederate flag does not detract from America's rich history in any way, but instead is recognition of the fact that this flag represents hatred not heritage, treason not pride. In order for us to come together as a nation, it is necessary to remove the vestiges of the past that connect racism and segregation. The preamble to the Constitution reads ``We the people'', making it evident that America is supposed to be one cohesive nation. As Members of Congress we have the responsibility to ensure that our actions reflect the will of the people. The Confederate flag does nothing but continue to divide this great country. Let's stand behind our nation's purpose, that all men are created equal, by prohibiting the selling and displaying of the Confederate flag at national parks and federal cemeteries. I urge my colleagues to stand with me and reject this amendment.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Chair, today I stand in strong support of the 21st Century Cures Act. This bipartisan bill gives our nation's best and brightest the tools they need to understand--and eventually defeat disease--and reauthorizes both the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). The 21st Century Cures Act has the potential to accelerate the discovery of drugs for life-threatening illnesses; repurpose drugs found ineffective for one condition and test them on another; promote an interoperable health system; enhance telehealth practices; and advance the development of more targeted, personalized treatments. My district, the 7th Congressional District of Alabama, is home to the University of Alabama at Birmingham, the Southern Research Institute, and the University of Alabama. NIH funding is critical to the continuing vitality of these three leading institutions, as well as to the region. The prospect of this act alone provides hope. Hope that cures can be discovered, hope that one day no diagnoses indicate inevitable ailment or death, and hope that one day treatments will yield more reward than risk. Despite the potential of this bill, there are two amendments that threaten that hope and essentially aim to inhibit the health of several Americans. First, the Hyde Amendment has reared its ugly head yet again. It is a harmful and discriminatory bill that prevents women from making their own healthcare decisions. Further, it serves as a stark contradiction to efforts geared toward providing health positive resources for all. Second, the Brat amendment aims to convert the federal funding of the NIH and the FDA from mandatory to discretionary. Such a transaction would stifle the progress both federal agencies have already made and will continue to make. It will singlehandedly reverse the trajectory of medical progress and halt further research efforts. With only 5 percent of rare diseases having an FDA-approved treatment, it would be a gross understatement to say our medical systems have failed to keep pace. Viruses and diseases will not wait for us to catch up; they will mutate, grow ever more virulent, and continue to impact our public health. We need to leverage our investments to make potentially game-changing strides in treatment. We need 21st century solutions for 21st century threats. An investment in health affects more than our physical well-being, and the 21st Century Cares Act reflects this. H.R. 6 is not only a health bill; it is a jobs bill. Our country has been the leader in both the medical device and biopharmaceutical industry for decades, helping us become the core of global medical innovation. This puts a target on our backs, as China and other countries have attempted to attempt to claim this role and thus, our jobs. U.S. medical device-related employment totals over 2 million jobs, and the U.S. biopharmaceutical industry is responsible for over 4 million U.S. jobs. NIH funding currently supports over 400,000 jobs at research institutions across the country, including jobs for young and upcoming scientists. Without this funding, our jobs are out there for the taking. Without this funding, the thousands of jobs in my district provided by the University of Alabama at Birmingham, the Southern Research Institute, and the University of Alabama are not safe. The policies in this legislation will help us fight off foreign competitors and allow us to continue innovating, so we can all protect medical jobs in our districts and add more. We must get serious about addressing the unmet medical needs of the American people. I urge my colleagues not to deprive the American people of the cures they deserve. Vote against these poison pill amendments because when it comes to the health of our constituents, there is no place or time for partisan politics. I urge my colleagues to oppose the Brat and Hyde amendments, and I urge them support H.R. 6.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 426 I would have voted ``no'' on this motion.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to add my voice to this discussion about the Confederate battle flag. As a daughter of the South, a Representative from Alabama, a native of Selma, Alabama, I have to tell you I cannot believe, in 2015, we are talking about whether or not this body would allow on Federal grounds, Federal cemeteries, and Federal national parks the display, the selling of this Confederate battle flag. There is no denying that our Constitution talks about ``We, the people,'' and there is no denying that this Confederate flag is controversial. Some see it as heritage, and most see it as hatred. I can tell you one thing: we, the people, cannot allow on Federal grounds--we all pay taxes and are citizens of this great Nation--and to allow this flag to be sold and to be displayed on Federal land is unacceptable. I really hope that, when I gathered together 100 Members of Congress in Selma for the 50th anniversary of the Selma to Montgomery march, it was not a kumbaya moment in Selma in March; rather, I hope that we will do what we promised this Nation we would do, and that is represent we, the people, by taking down this flag and not displaying it on any grounds.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to express my strong opposition to H.R. 5, the so-called Student Success Act. I am deeply disappointed in the majority for bringing such an economically careless and socially egregious bill to the floor today. If passed, H.R. 5 would take more than $7 million from the highest need schools in my home State of Alabama. It is really an abomination that this body would do this to our constituents and do this to our students. H.R. 5 abandons the Federal Government's historic role in elementary and secondary education. Furthermore, this bill neglects our sacred responsibility to ensure that all children, irrespective of race, class, disability, or socioeconomic class, are given the opportunity to attain a high quality education. Each of us in this body has the opportunity to send our own children to the finest K-12 institutions in this country, but our privilege isn't universal, and we shouldn't legislate as if it is. In the Seventh Congressional District of Alabama, that privilege, the ability to send our children to the private schools or public schools of choice, is nearly nonexistent. More than 70 percent of the public school students in my district receive free or reduced lunch, and they live in families that live below the poverty line. And of the 26 school districts that serve my constituents, only two of them have a poverty rate that is less than 56 percent. The Elementary and Secondary Education Act was first written in recognition of the impact that concentrated poverty has on a school system's ability to adequately support the educational programs needed to serve vulnerable communities. But H.R. 5 would strip the ESEA of the protections for these students by diverting title I funds. This approach is backwards, and our children deserve better. If I were grading this bill, I would definitely give it an F. As a proud product of Selma High School, this is deeply personal to me. Today more than 90 percent of the Selma High School students in my district, from my old high school, receive free and reduced lunch. Under H.R. 5, this school would lose nearly 20 percent of its Federal funding. The greatest opportunity that we can give any child is a quality education. This is why I cannot support this bill, which diverts title I funds from 92 percent of the schools in my district. This would further tilt the playing field against poor kids. These children belong to all of us. Unfortunately, this bill is proof that somewhere along the line we have abandoned the most sacred American principle, that all children--I mean all children--are our children. We cannot deny that a rising tide lifts all boats. The economic and social costs of refusing to accept these facts are steep. When President Johnson signed the Elementary and Secondary Education Act in 1964, he stated, ``As President of the United States, I believe deeply no law I have signed or will ever sign means more to the future of America than this bill.'' President Johnson was right then, and he is right now. To promote our educational progress, we must replace No Child Left Behind with a strong bipartisan bill, one that advances what works and improves upon what does not. Unfortunately, this bill does neither. I urge this body to oppose this reckless bill, H.R. 5. Our children deserve better. Our constituents deserve better. This Nation deserves better.