Terri Sewell

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. At this time, I yield 1 minute to the gentlelady from Ohio (Mrs. Beatty).

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlelady from North Carolina (Ms. Adams).

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fattah).

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New Jersey (Mrs. Watson Coleman).

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlelady from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, first, I want to thank the gentleman from Michigan for yielding us the time. I want to thank him for the opportunity to allow the members of the Congressional Black Caucus to speak out on this important bill. Right now, I have the honor to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland, Steny Hoyer, the honorable minority whip.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlelady from California, Nancy Pelosi, the honorable minority leader.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 431 and yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Michigan for joining me on the floor today to support H.R. 431. I have enjoyed our bipartisan working relationship on the House Financial Services Committee, and I am pleased today to share this debate time with him. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 431, a bill to award a Congressional Gold Medal to the foot soldiers who participated in Bloody Sunday, Turnaround Tuesday, or the final Selma to Montgomery voting rights march in 1965. March 7, 2015, will mark 50 years since the courageous foot soldiers of the voting rights movement first attempted to march from Selma to Montgomery to protest the denial of their voting rights. Led by our colleague John Lewis of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and Reverend Hosea Williams of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, these foot soldiers began the march towards the Alabama State Capitol in Montgomery. They pledged to keep on walking until they secured the freedoms promised to them by the U.S. Constitution. As they crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge, a wall of Alabama State troopers were waiting at the foot of the bridge. News stations from across the country televised the brutality that followed as foot soldiers like Hosea Williams; John Lewis; Amelia Boynton Robinson; Reverend F.D. Reese; Bob Nance of Lowndes County; Albert Turner, Sr., of Perry County; and so many others were attacked on Edmund Pettus Bridge on what has become known as Bloody Sunday. The journey of the foot soldiers we honor today was not an easy one. They were discriminated by Whites and ostracized by Blacks who were afraid to join them, but still, they persevered because they could no longer bear the burdens of second-class citizenship. The president of the Dallas County Voters League, Reverend F.D. Reese, wasn't going to let nobody turn him around, he told me. He said that given the conditions that existed in Selma and the South at that time, he wanted to make sure that things were different. He was willing to do whatever was necessary to ensure that people--no matter their race, color, or creed--would have the right to vote. He said: The Lord gave us determination to keep moving forward. We were determined to let the Lord lead us and direct us so that all people, regardless of their color, would have access to the political process. He went on: We were not at all afraid because we were determined that whatever it took, even if it meant our lives, we were going to move Alabama and the States and this Nation forward. Amelia Boynton Robinson literally felt the blows of injustice as she was beaten on the bridge by Alabama State troopers and left for dead. Amelia's will and dignity suffered no damage, but it made her more resolved than ever to continue the fight for equal voting rights. Two days after Bloody Sunday, over 2,500 foot soldiers, heeding the call from Dr. Martin Luther King, came to Selma to join the marchers. On March 9, 1965, led by Dr. King and Reverend Ralph Abernathy and many clergy from across this Nation, the foot soldiers once again left from the historic Brown Chapel AME Church and walked to the Edmund Pettus Bridge. Dr. King stopped at the top of the bridge while a sea of State troopers stepped aside. On bended knees, Dr. King began to pray as the thousands of marchers joined him. As if moved by the spirit, Dr. King turned around and walked back to the church. Tuesday was not to be the day to complete the 54-mile journey. The second march attempt was known as Turnaround Tuesday. The fight for voting rights was fought both in the streets and in the courtrooms. Attorney Fred Gray helped pave the way for the final Selma to Montgomery march. He was a member of the legal team that represented Hosea Williams, John Lewis, and Amelia Boynton Robinson in Williams v. Wallace. Because of his work and the courage of an Alabama Federal judge, Federal Judge Frank Johnson ruled that the foot soldiers had a First Amendment right to petition the government through peaceful protest and ordered Federal agents to provide full protection to the foot soldiers during the Selma to Montgomery March. Under court order, the U.S. Army, the federalized Alabama National Guard, and countless Federal agencies and marshals escorted more than 8,000 foot soldiers on March 21, 1965, as these brave men and women began their historic 54-mile journey from Selma to the steps of the Alabama State Capitol in Montgomery, Alabama. The extraordinary bravery and sacrifices these foot soldiers displayed in pursuit of a peaceful march from Selma to Montgomery brought national attention to the struggle for equal voting rights and served as a catalyst for Congress to pass the Voting Rights Act of 1965 which President Lyndon Johnson signed into law on August 6, 1965. Mr. Speaker, as Alabama's first Black Congresswoman, I know that the journey that I now take was only made possible because of the courage and bravery of the foot soldiers of the voting rights movement. As a proud native of Selma and the U.S. Representative who now represents Selma and parts of Montgomery, I am the direct beneficiary of their sacrifice. During this 50th commemoration of the voting rights movement and the 50th anniversary of the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, it is befitting that this august body would bestow upon the foot soldiers of the voting rights movement our highest civilian honor, a Congressional Gold Medal, for their valor and determination in relentlessly pursuing the promise of our great Constitution, that all men and women were indeed created equal. I am proud to be joined by my colleague Martha Roby and the entire Alabama congressional delegation--Representatives Aderholt, Rogers, Brooks, Byrne, and Palmer--as original cosponsors of this Congressional Gold Medal bill. I want to thank the more than 300 colleagues who also signed on to the bill and a special thanks to the leadership of both parties-- Speaker Boehner, Majority Leader McCarthy, Minority Leader Pelosi, and Whip Hoyer--for their support in getting this legislation on the floor today. This would not have been possible without the help and support of Chairman Hensarling and Ranking Member Waters of the House Committee on Financial Services. To the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Huizenga), thank you. It is an honor to stand with you today to pay tribute to the foot soldiers of the voting rights movement. I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on H.R. 431, a bill that honors the foot soldiers who participated in Bloody Sunday, Turnaround Tuesday, and the final march from Selma to Montgomery with a Congressional Gold Medal, which is Congress' highest civilian honor. I hope this medal serves as a powerful reminder of the many sacrifices that were made. They say that the price of freedom is never free. Well, the foot soldiers of the voting rights movement paid the ultimate price so that this Nation could live up to the ideals of equality and justice for all. This Nation should never forget those who marched, prayed, and died in the pursuit of civil rights, voting rights, and social change. I urge my colleagues to join us in voting in favor of H.R. 431. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I applaud the CBC for this Special Order hour, and I commend my colleague from New Jersey (Mr. Payne) and my colleague from Illinois (Ms. Kelly) for choosing such a great topic for tonight's Special Order hour. Selma, Lord, Selma. I have the great pleasure of standing before you not only as a Representative who represents the great city of Selma but as a native of Selma, Alabama, and a lifelong member of the historic Brown Chapel AME Church. I know that the journey I now take, the journey that many others who are here today take, was only made possible because of the courage, fortitude, and determination of those brave men and women on that bridge, Bloody Sunday, March 7, 1965. We who have the privilege and honor of taking this journey must ask ourselves: What will we do to extend the legacy? What will we do to protect the legacy? Selma is the soul of America. It is the place where the struggle for civil rights and voting rights began, the epicenter, if you will, of the voting rights movement. It deserves to be more than just a footnote in the history books. It deserves to take up chapters in the history books, the tactical and strategic voices of Martin Luther King and those brave men and women of SCLC and SNCC that had the fortitude and had the intellect to see this as a strategy, to know that they were speaking not only for themselves and their children, but for future generations. Only a true visionary could defeat such opposition with little more than a dream, and Dr. King held so tightly to his that it forced our country to become a more equal and just nation. Some want to forget the painful past. I know many in my district and many in my city would like to forget our painful past, but we cannot turn the pages as if certain chapters were never written; nor can we celebrate how far we have come without first acknowledging where we have been. Bloody Sunday forced America to confront its own inhumanity. Our painful past has ushered in a new day. As I tell my constituents, out of our painful past came the birth of a movement that changed a nation, and from that movement came a human rights movement that changed a world. If we don't write our own history, others will tell it for us, and they may not be so kind, they may not tell our history the way we would tell our history. My father grew up in Selma, as did I, and the Selma of my childhood was very, very different than the Selma of my father's childhood. There has been progress. My father went to segregated schools in Selma. My father drank from ``colored only'' fountains in Selma. My father's mother never got the chance to vote, though she tried to register several times. The Selma that I grew up in had an integrated public high school, a public high school that was 55 percent African American and 45 percent White. Yes, across town, there was an all-White private school. I want you to know that the Selma I grew up in, in the seventies and eighties, it produced me as its first Black valedictorian of Selma High School. I know that Selma and the journey that we all take now because of Selma was only made possible because of the bravery of others. As I stood to give my speech as a valedictorian in 1982 at Selma High School, I remember standing up and saying: Maybe one day I could join the likes of a Charlie Rangel, of a John Lewis, in the House of Congress. I said it as a pious, overly confident teenager probably, but I said it with every vigor because I believed in my heart that I could be and do anything. Why? Because the people of that community nurtured me, Black and White, my teachers, my Girl Scout troop leaders, my Sunday school teachers. Yes, I had proud parents who were educators, educated at Alabama State University, and because of their education at this wonderful quality institution of higher learning, I had a chance to go to Princeton--but I had more than that. I had an obligation to give back, to make sure that others had an opportunity to walk through those same doors. It wasn't enough to be the first. In fact, I was most proud 5 years after I graduated from Princeton that April Williams from Selma High School got to go to Princeton. I must have done something right. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 would have never been possible had it not been for the intellect, the mind of these wonderful leaders, some known. All of us know about the contributions of our colleague, John Lewis; all of us know about the contributions of the SCLC, Andy Young, and Martin Luther King. Some unknown, like my sixth grade teacher, Mrs. Richie Jean Jackson, she was featured in the movie ``Selma'' because it was her home, the home that she shared with Dr. Jackson, the first Black dentist in Selma, that housed Martin Luther King and Andrew Young and all those leaders every time they came to Selma because they couldn't stay at the all-White hotel. Mrs. Jackson was my sixth grade teacher. Mrs. Jackson did not live to see the movie ``Selma,'' but I am proud that this body is seeking to provide a Congressional Gold Medal to the foot soldiers of the movement, so that the Richie Jacksons, Mrs. Jacksons of the world, who had the bravery to go and be on that bridge Bloody Sunday or Turnaround Tuesday or the ultimate final march from Selma to Montgomery, that they are acknowledged by this Nation for the sacrifices that they made. In closing, I want to remind my colleagues of my guest at the State of the Union, January 20, 2015. My special guest was the 103-year-old Amelia Boynton. Amelia Boynton was characterized in the movie ``Selma'' as the proud African American woman who told Coretta Scott King: You are prepared. You are the descendants of kings and queens. Your heritage is one and your bloodline is one that survived slave ships. You are prepared. Amelia Boynton is known for her bravery that Bloody Sunday when she was bludgeoned, but she came back 2 days later on Turnaround Tuesday and continued to fight in Selma long after this march from Selma to Montgomery. She honored us with her presence, and as person after person came up to her and kissed her on the cheek and said, ``Miss Boynton, I stand on your shoulders today, thank you,'' Miss Boynton said something very poignant. She said, ``Everybody keeps talking about being on my shoulders. I tell them, Get off my shoulders, do your own work, there is plenty of work to be done.'' I want to remind my colleagues that there is plenty of work for us still to do. I want to honor the legacy of Amelia Boynton, F.D. Reese, John Lewis, and so many; but we cannot honor their legacy without acknowledging that the Voting Rights Act of 1965, major sections of it, have been invalidated. We owe it to that legacy, the legacy and memory of those who fought so valiantly, that this body should once again work together to make sure that Federal protections are there because, as we know, progress is always elusive, all battles become new again, and there is a renewed assault on voting. It may not be counting how many jelly beans are in a jar or how many county judges there are in the State of Alabama; but, nevertheless, we still have modern-day barriers to voting that we must overcome. I hope that we have the courage of our own convictions to see the movie ``Selma'' as a beginning of a national conversation about how we can continue to recommit ourselves to the ideals that were fought on that Bloody Sunday. I know that if we combined our hearts and our minds, both sides of the aisle will see that it is in everyone's best interest that all Americans have the right to vote. I thank my colleagues of the CBC for having this Special Order hour. I invite all of my colleagues from both sides of the aisle to come to Selma, to experience the living history, and I hope that we will all come away from the 50th commemoration of the march from Selma to Montgomery with a renewed vigor to once again provide Federal protection for all Americans to exercise that sacred right to vote.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert my statement in the Record that the House should vote for bigger paychecks and better infrastructure instead of constantly attacking women's access to health care.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise in support of our Nation's continued safety and national security. Recent world events vividly remind us of the importance of supporting and maintaining a strong and robust homeland security policy. Today, we are going to vote on H.R. 240, the Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act, and it provides for critical, important funding to the Department, including vital support for essential law enforcement activities and programs. I had hoped that my Republican colleagues would bring this bill, a clean bill, to the floor; instead, we have more politics as usual. A bill that would actually be signed into law by the President is what this country needs; however, what we have is not that case today. It is unfortunate and extremely upsetting that the Republicans are now threatening to shut down the Department of Homeland Security, endangering the security of our entire country and appeasing the most extreme anti-immigration reform fringes of their party. This is simply politics over country and should not be a part of the debate surrounding our critically important appropriations bills for Homeland Security. The five amendments that the Republicans plan to attach to the bipartisan Homeland Security bill represent some of the most extreme anti-immigration legislation. I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to reject these amendments, reject this partisan gamesmanship that threatens our national security, and call on the majority to vote on and pass the original version of H.R. 240.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Amendment XX: Section 1: ``The terms of the President and the Vice President shall end at noon on the 20th day of January, and the terms of Senators and Representatives at noon on the 3d day of January, of the years in which such terms would have ended if this article had not been ratified; and the terms of their successors shall then begin.''

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today I rise with my colleagues to pay tribute to the indelible mark my colleague and friend Representative Marcia Fudge has had on the Congressional Black Caucus during her time as our chairwoman in the 113th Congress. She has been an outstanding chairwoman to the Congressional Black Caucus and I have been honored to serve under her fine leadership. As the true embodiment of the ``conscience of the Congress,'' Chairwoman Fudge has been a tireless champion for blue-collar workers, food stamp recipients, students, and communities of color. She has also been a staunch advocate for voter protection, job creation, and fair housing. As a dedicated public servant, she has continuously represented the needs of both her constituents and underrepresented Americans across this country. Under Chairwoman Fudge's leadership, 14 members of the Congressional Black Caucus traveled to my district in September 2013 to honor the lives of the four little girls killed in the 1963 bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. She has also traveled to my hometown of Selma on multiple occasions to commemorate the Selma-to-Montgomery March and Bloody Sunday. On a personal note, Chairwoman Fudge has and continues to serve as a great friend and mentor to me. I am inspired by her work ethic, problem solving spirit, and remarkable insight and knowledge. With these qualities and more, she has proven to be invaluable to not only the Congressional Black Caucus, but to the Congress as a whole. Mr. Speaker, Chairwoman Fudge has led the Congressional Black Caucus with great character and an unwavering commitment to ensuring that all Americans are given equal opportunities to reach their full potential. Thank you, Chairwoman Fudge for your service and astute leadership.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I would like to submit an explanation for my absence during legislative business on the evening of Monday, September 8 and Tuesday, September 9. On these two days, I was in my district hosting the United States Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and Housing and Urban Development (HUD) Secretary Julian Castro during their visit to the 7th Congressional District of Alabama. I hosted Secretary Duncan for a stop in Birmingham on his 5th Annual Back-to-School Bus Tour. We met with community leaders, educators, parents, and other education advocates in Alabama to showcase reforms and investments the Department has made in Birmingham and across the State of Alabama. Secretary Castro joined me on his first visit to the 7th District since being sworn in as the HUD Secretary. During their visit, the cabinet secretaries and I participated in a ``My Brother's Keeper'' panel discussion at Phillips Academy which was attended by community leaders, educators, and many bright young students from throughout Birmingham. Considered and passed by the House during my absence was H. Res. 644, a resolution condemning President Obama for the exchange of five Guantanamo Bay prisoners for the release of Sergeant Bowe Bergdahl. I would like to state for the record that I supported President Obama's decision to act swiftly and exercise his constitutional responsibility as Commander-in-Chief to protect the lives of U.S. service members. Furthermore, I agree with the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who unanimously supported the exchange, along with Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel. The United States has a sacred obligation when sending our service men and women onto the field of battle with the assurance that we will honor their sacrifice by leaving no one behind. Army General Martin Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, said the swap was ``likely our last, best opportunity'' to free Sergeant Bergdahl. The timing of this condemnation was also particularly poor. The debate and vote coincided with a meeting in which the President discussed his strategy to confront ISIS with House and Senate leaders at the White House and a day before his address to the nation. At a time when the President needs Congressional support in rallying international support to combat the rising threat of Islamic State militants in Iraq and Syria, I believe the timing of this vote was counter to our national interests. I am disappointed that House Republicans chose such inappropriate timing to conduct their political gamesmanship.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to highlight the urgent need for 24 States to expand Medicaid for the 5.7 million Americans who fall into the Medicaid gap. Among those excluded are 435,000 cashiers, 341,000 cooks, and 253,000 nurses' aides. These hardworking Americans should not have to choose between groceries and medicine or between rent and a doctor's visit. On behalf of all Alabamians, I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to my colleagues, Representatives Butterfield and Johnson, for heading up the State Medicaid Expansion Caucus, of which I am a proud member. It is painfully unsettling that the 24 States not expanding Medicaid are the very States where the concentration of those living in poverty and without health care is the most acute. The 24 States that have rejected Medicaid expansion are home to over half of the Nation's population, but 68 percent of the poor, uninsured, Blacks, and single mothers. These constituents have the highest burden of illness and costs to our entire health care system. The 235,000 Alabamians and 5.7 million Americans who fall in the coverage gap are our most vulnerable citizens. About 60 percent of the Nation's uninsured working poor live in these 24 States. These individuals pay their taxes, they work hard, and they contribute to our community. Our government should support them in return. To not expand Medicaid for these hardworking Americans is reckless disregard for their dramatic needs and their important work that they do in our community. Expanding Medicaid is not only a moral imperative, but an economic imperative as well. There is not a State in the country that will benefit from its refusal to accept Federal dollars provided to them to expand their Medicaid program. Alabamians need jobs, and they need health care. Without raising a cent in taxes, my Governor and State leaders can achieve both job creation and health care coverage by expanding Medicaid. The facts are clear. There is not an economic development investment in Alabama's history that would provide the State with 35,000 new jobs like Medicaid expansion would. Our State leaders cannot be honest with their constituents in arguing that they are interested in economic development while turning down $375 million a quarter. In the State of Alabama, the income ceiling for Medicaid in its current form for a family of three is $3,560 annually. That is less than $10 a day for a family of three. This is the lowest Medicaid income ceiling in the country. So families that earn a mere $15 a day are left behind when it comes to being able to afford access to affordable health care. While I understand the political realities in which we operate and in which my Governor operates, I do not understand the shameful neglect of our most vulnerable constituents, our rural hospitals, and our fragile economy that is presented in our State's refusal to accept Medicaid expansion. Our most sacred responsibility to serve our constituents shall not be examined and instituted through such a dangerous partisan lens. With each day that my State of Alabama delays expansion, more of our constituents are unable to work due to unrelated health conditions. Americans who are both impoverished and sick should not have to wait one more day while our State leaders play political football with this urgent issue. This is why I am so proud to stand with my colleagues in the State Medicaid Expansion Caucus today in sending a clear message to our State leaders that enough is enough. We need to expand Medicaid now for every State in the Union.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to denounce the baseless, misguided, and partisan lawsuit that our Republican colleagues have brought to the floor for a vote today. This lawsuit is just a continuance of the outright disrespect and disdain that the House Republicans have given President Barack Obama since he was elected. While millions of Americans are waiting for Congress to renew emergency unemployment insurance and raise the minimum wage, we are here debating a senseless lawsuit. I am disappointed by the shameful partisan politics that is being played. In contrast, I am proud of the work that we are doing as House Democrats trying to put the American people first with our Make It In America agenda and working to jump-start the middle class. With a long laundry list of things we need to get done, it is time to promote the people's business, not our political parties' business. Enough is enough. With only 2 days left before our 5-week recess, we need to be doing the business of the American people, not the business of our political parties.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to stand with my colleagues in sending a clear message that we will not tolerate the hateful terrorism and deplorable actions of Boko Haram. The denial of respect for human life with which this group operates is deplorable. I am honored to stand with my dear friend and colleague from Florida, Frederica Wilson, and I admire her and honor her for her tenacious pursuit of justice for the 300 Nigerian girls that were captured by Boko Haram 3 months ago. We stand in solidarity with these girls, their families, and every other victim of this hateful group's wrath. As the days turn into weeks, the weeks into months, and the months have now turned into 3 long months, the international outcry has faded. But make no mistake about it, these girls are still captive, and they are still lost, and they are still suffering. Dr. King taught us that ``injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.'' These girls are our daughters. We must continue to galvanize pressure to obtain freedom of the kidnapped girls and remain ever-vigilant. We must bring back our girls.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. I want to thank the gentleman from my home State of Alabama for yielding. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of my colleague's amendment to prohibit funding in the underlying bill from being used to reinstall the Red Mountain sculpture on the plaza of the Hugo Black Federal courthouse in Birmingham, Alabama. Despite the security concerns shared by both the United States marshal and the chief justice, Karen Bowdre, the GSA has planned to reinstall the sculpture. Both Chief Justice Bowdre and Marshal Keely believe that the sculpture is nonessential and will pose a serious security risk if reinstalled. Chief Justice Bowdre noted, in correspondence to GSA, that the location of the statue will be roughly 10 to 12 feet from the only public entrance door, which is completely made of glass and, further, that the monument would create a fatal funnel where someone could hide behind the statue and possibly not be seen and cause a security risk. Federal law clearly states that the United States marshals have the final authority regarding the security requirements for the judicial branch of the Federal Government. The Administrative Office of the United States Court has also agreed with the chief justice and the U.S. marshal that the final authority over these matters should lie with the U.S. marshal. If the marshal and the chief justice believe that putting the sculpture back could threaten the safety of our court, then GSA should follow the law and not put the monument back up. Unfortunately, GSA is ignoring the concerns of the court and has plans to reinstall the statue. Now, while I am a steadfast supporter of the arts, I also believe that the safety of our courts and the citizens must come first. This amendment simply reinforces that GSA must follow the law by prohibiting the reinstallation of the sculpture at the Birmingham, Alabama, Federal courthouse. I want to thank my friend, Congressman Spencer Bachus from Alabama, for introducing this bipartisan amendment and urge my colleagues to join me in support of it.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I stand in support of the Fiscal Year 2014 Intelligence Authorization Act. The annual authorization act is the most substantial oversight mechanism Congress has over the intelligence community. Most of the work within the intelligence community and our work on the Intelligence Committee happen behind closed doors and, therefore, far from the television cameras. Let me assure you, though, just because C-SPAN is not in the room when we have our regular meetings and hearings does not mean there is a lack of opinion, discussion, and debate. There is rigorous back and forth about the necessity and the necessary number of core contractors within the intelligence community, how to best exploit and preserve the documents from the Osama bin Laden raid, and the appropriate ways to respond to unauthorized public disclosure of covert actions. We ask hard questions in this committee of our witnesses. We read and study legal authorities for U.S. engagement around the world and ensure that the intelligence professionals tasked with protecting America not only have the tools they need to do their jobs, but are held accountable for their actions. Director Clapper said recently that ``at the heart of our work is our people.'' This bill makes some important changes in the workforce of the intelligence community. It requires the Director of National Intelligence to ensure that contractors have in place security measures consistent with the DNI standards for intelligence community networks. It requires the DNI to ensure insider threat capabilities of the IC apply to contractors. The bill also requires the DNI to submit a strategic plan for improving the process of reinvestigation, so those individuals who have security clearance are interviewed on a routine basis, to ensure they continue to uphold the standards and requirements necessary to access classified information. On a final note about the workforce of the intelligence community, Director Clapper continued, ``A diverse workforce is critical to the mission success.'' He is right. The threats America faces are complex, ranging from proliferation of nuclear weapons to terrorism, to Russian plans and intentions. We need people who understand all cultures and backgrounds and who can use their unique experience for creative solutions. The IC has made some progress on diversity. Minority representation in the largest intelligence agencies increased to 24 percent in 2013; yet there is still work to be done. Recently, the CIA released an unclassified report on women in leadership and found that women in the CIA who sought greater responsibility were hindered by organizational and societal challenges. Indeed, throughout the major intelligence agencies, female hiring has remained below 40 percent for the fourth consecutive year. Women made up 51 percent of the general population in 2013, but only 39 percent of the workforce in the IC community. In addition, the percentage of female managers was only 35.5 percent. CIA is reviewing the situation of its minority and women officers, and I commend that initiative, and I strongly urge other agencies within the IC to do the same. This bill and the IC's efforts are good steps in the right direction. However, we have to stay in stride and look for efforts to create a more inclusive, equitable, and diverse workforce. Going forward, I hope to look at the status of women and minority workers throughout the IC and how to increase their management ranks. Our workforce is our greatest asset and our greatest strength. There are many parts of this bill which cannot be discussed on the floor. The United States keeps secrets for a reason. However, let me say that the intelligence professionals at each of the 16 IC agencies go to work every day to do their jobs, keep America number one, and to protect the homeland. I want to commend Chairman Rogers and Ranking Member Ruppersberger for their leadership on the Intel Committee. It was a committee assignment that I was not sure I wanted to accept at first, but I know how important our national security is. I want to thank your staff, Mr. Chairman, and the ranking member's staff for helping new members come up to speed. Indeed, what we do here is so critically important. The Fiscal Year 2014 Intelligence Authorization is a good bill. I urge my colleagues to support it.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to remember the life and legacy of Birmingham Fire and Rescue Chief Ivor J. Brooks who passed away on Wednesday May 28. As we mourn his untimely passing, I am comforted in knowing that his legacy of exemplary public service will bring peace to those affected by this tremendous loss to the State of Alabama. Chief Brooks was sworn into the Birmingham Fire and Rescue Service Department on May 3, 1982. His illustrious career as a first responder would span more than 30 years. Throughout his tenure, he distinguished himself as a servant leader who worked his way up the ranks of the department. He was appointed the 20th fire chief of the city of Birmingham on November 14, 2007 after 26 years on the job. This nationally recognized first responder was trained at the National Fire Academy in Maryland and the U.S. Department of Justice Weapons of Mass Destruction Training Facility of Incident Commanders. He also attended the Alabama Fire College, completed the Personnel Standards Commission, and the Fire Chief's Executive Development Program. Prior to being named fire chief, he served as Incident Commander for the State of Alabama. During his time at the helm of Alabama's largest fire department, city leaders often commended Chief Brooks for his dedication to building and maintaining a fire department that Birmingham residents could be proud of. His responsible and practical leadership resulted in the revitalization and construction of various new firehouses throughout the city. I have fond memories of working closely with Chief Brooks to secure funding opportunities for improvement projects. He understood that the success of the 700 men and women he ably led was dependent upon securing resources and opportunities to support them in performing their duties. Throughout his impactful lifetime, Chief Brooks also received numerous awards for his leadership and innovation in the field. But despite his celebrated career, his greatest achievement was his family and his dedication to his faith. Before his death, Chief Brooks served as a trustee on the board of the historic Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham. He was married to Joyce E. Brooks and was the father of four children; Ivon, Nyyah, Ivor, Jr. and Matthew and one grandchild, August Rayne Howell. On behalf of a grateful nation and state, we salute this American treasure who was committed to protecting and serving the community that he loved. As we seek comfort in the aftermath of his untimely passing, we will forever remember Chief Brooks as an energetic and personable leader that was committed to obtaining the best results for his department. We salute Chief Brooks and pray for his family and his colleagues as we mourn the loss of this American hero. We honor his life and we thank him for his noble contributions to mankind. I ask my colleagues to join me in mourning the passing of Birmingham Fire and Rescue Chief Ivor J. Brooks.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to honor one of America's most prolific and self-taught artists, Mr. Thornton Dial of Bessemer, Alabama. Today at the age of 86, Thornton Dial has lived, worked, and created art in Alabama for his entire life. From childhood, Dial was creating symbolically dense pieces of art by using castaway objects, anything he could find in his environment: pieces of wire, scrap metal, bones, tree roots. He used his environment to define his environment. Dial's work provides a forceful and compelling narrative of the most insidious challenges and remarkable triumphs of African American history in the Deep South. His work contains layers of rich history and reflects on race and class struggles that he witnessed in the Deep South. Dial rose to prominence in the 1990s while in his sixties through his large-scale assemblages, paintings that were made of scrap metal, pipes, very interesting visual interpretation of the history and politics that he saw around him. Dial is described as having been one of the most amazing art biographies in art history. He is described as being a very quiet man, a listener who dressed impeccably. What he lacked in terms of formal education he more than made up for in his highly visual and historic vocabulary. Dial's created brilliance is truly illuminating and inspiring. Dial has stayed in Alabama in the heart of the Seventh Congressional District to live and work his entire life. He was born in 1928 in Sumter County, Alabama. He was one of 12 children. And in childhood, he built his own toys because, as he said: We didn't have much. Thornton began full-time farming at the age of 5. In his early teens, he was sent to live with his aunt in Bessemer, Alabama, where he attended Sloss Mining Camp. His peers made fun of him for his large size and for being ``country.'' His teachers told him that he would never amount to much. I want you to know that we in the Seventh Congressional District are extremely proud of Thornton Dial because we know that he really interpreted what he saw around him in the Deep South. He interpreted it in a very creative way, and only now is he gaining such preeminence for that form of art. Dial never really made a living as an artist. He worked for over 30 years at the Pullman Standard factory. Yes, he made boxcars for a living. ``People have fought for freedom all over the world,'' he said. ``I try to show that struggle. It is a war to be fought. We are trying to win it.'' In his time off from the Pullman factory, Dial would escape to his garage or backyard and create masterpieces out of whatever he could find. Out of fear that people would laugh at his art, he would bury his work. Later, he would dig it up and deconstruct it and reuse materials for new masterpieces. Dial began to dedicate himself to his artwork in 1981. He founded Dial Metal Patterns, a garden furniture business, with his sons in 1983, after the Pullman Factory closed. Dial's handmade designs were discovered by Lonnie Holley, a neighboring Black artist, in 1987. Holley brought Bill Arnett, an artist himself and a collector of African American art, from Atlanta to see Dial's work. Arnett helped him to get national attention about his art. The two finally, working together, agreed on a price for his first sculpture. Initially, Dial offered Arnett the piece for $20, and Arnett refused the low price. He said to Mr. Dial that this piece deserves more than $20. They agreed on $200. This was the first transaction that Mr. Dial had as an artist. Dial's work has been the subject of exhibitions across this country. At the New Museum of contemporary art and the American Folk Art Museum in New York. His work can be found in more than 15 public collections, including those of, among others, the High Museum of Art in Atlanta and the Museum of Fine Arts in Houston. Many, many people now collect his art. An art form that was considered outside art now is considered world-class art. With no formal training and education, Dial's powerful artwork stands out in the world of highly degreed artists. Dial continues to create art today, and this weekend he will be honored by his hometown of Bessemer, Alabama. He will be honored as a great American hero and a great American artist. I ask my colleagues to join me in honoring this great, wonderful Alabama treasure, Thornton Dial.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, this week, as we honor the living, breathing legacy of Brown vs. Board of Education, we must acknowledge our role in combatting the resurgence of segregation in our nation's public schools. I know my personal journey was paved in the shadow of this landmark decision. As of a proud product of Selma High School and its first black valedictorian, I know firsthand what is possible when provided a quality education. I graduated from Princeton, Harvard, and Oxford on the backs of so many trailblazers who went before me. I stand on the shoulders of so many who were denied access to great public schools in the name of institutionalized segregation. So it is incredibly discouraging to know that our nation's schools today are more segregated than they were in 1968 or any time since. I am appalled that there are children growing up today in the 7th Congressional District and across this country who are less likely to be afforded a quality education than I was. As old battles become new again, we must recommit to knocking down every barrier that stands in the way of school integration. To tackle this growing trend in our schools, we must attack residential racial segregation, as it is harder to integrate our schools while communities where children live are equally as segregated. Black and white, poor and non-poor children are more isolated from each other than any other group in the U.S. population. Housing and school policy are inextricably intertwined. Nowhere is this resurgence more evident than in the 7th Congressional District of Alabama at Central High School in Tuscaloosa. Just a decade ago, Central High School was one of the South's signature integration success stories with a dropout rate less than half of Alabama's average. In 2000, a desegregation mandate was lifted from Tuscaloosa City Schools. And after a series of zoning changes, Central High School is now 99 percent black with a 66 percent graduation rate. And just blocks away, more affluent students are zoned for Northridge High School with an 81 percent graduation rate, higher test scores and more funding. Today, nearly one in three black students in Tuscaloosa attends a school that looks as if our schools had never been integrated. And black children in the South attend majority-black schools at levels unseen in forty years. In addition, students across the 7th District are disproportionately injured by racially discriminatory property tax restrictions that impede the ability to raise state and local revenues adequately to fund public education. This separation of our children across school districts, municipal boundaries and property tax lines is immoral and is a threat to the ideals of equality that underscore our democracy. The trends are clear, as judges across the south have lifted federal desegregation court orders, school districts have retracted the progress made by Brown v. Board of Education, moving back towards the debilitating state of segregation: Less than a third of schools serving high concentrations of minority students offer calculus, black students who spend 5 years in desegregated schools earn 25 percent more than those who don't. African American and latino students are taught by a teacher with 3 years of experience or less almost twice as often as their peers and the odds that any given teacher will have significant experience, full licensure or a master's degree all declines as a school's black population increases. We cannot ignore the residential isolation of our nation's most disadvantaged children and the opportunity gaps they endure as a result. Integrated schools and communities enable low-income students to enjoy the same AP courses as their middle-class peers, and better access to quality teachers and adequate resources. And to achieve school integration, we will need to make more concerted efforts to integrate our neighborhoods by prioritizing affordable housing in communities with good schools. How we address zoning policies and demographic changes will determine our future. Today, we cannot honestly expect our low-income, minority children to succeed in life when they are zoned for schools that are sub-standard, under-resourced and underfunded. These educational and housing inequities have a devastating impact on our students and our communities, and ultimately, our nation's ability to compete globally. As we enjoy the benefits of Brown vs. Board of Education, we must work together to ensure that no one growing up in America is denied a quality education because of the school they are zoned to attend, the color of their skin or the amount of money they have. It is our job to do no less! So sixty years after Brown v. Board of Education, we must honor the legacies of Vivian Moore, James Hood, Ruby Bridges and James Meredith by launching an assault on modern-day constructions of segregation in our schools and communities.

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama

Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to the life and legacy of veteran newscaster Norman Lumpkin, who passed away on Tuesday, May 6. While we mourn the passing of this pioneer, I am comforted in knowing that his legacy will live on through the barriers he broke for Black journalists in the State of Alabama. I join with his family, friends, and former colleagues in remembering Norman Lumpkin for his numerous contributions to the industry. Norman launched his longstanding media career by working for radio stations in Montgomery, Alabama, and Indianapolis, Indiana. However, Norman would rise to prominence when he was hired in 1969 by WSFA in Montgomery, Alabama. He was the station's first Black reporter and also the first Black reporter hired in the Montgomery media market. Historian Richard Bailey defined Norman's prolific career in 3 words: ``forceful, thorough, and believable.'' Bailey further noted that Norman personified Black broadcasting. He coined the phrase, ``If you don't want to hear it on this station, don't let it happen.'' The phrase represented not only his thirst for truth but his commitment to accurate reporting. Norman was guided by these principles when he was assigned to cover the reelection bid of then-segregationist Governor George Wallace in 1970. During the race, Norman admitted that fellow reporters would give him misinformation to embarrass him in efforts to discredit his journalistic integrity. But this passionate advocate for truth was not deterred. In fact, Governor Wallace personally made sure that Norman was kept abreast of new developments and campaign events. Through his extraordinary coverage of Governor Wallace, Norman not only earned credibility but a lasting respect from those in the industry. His perseverance proved that he was poised to become one of the best investigative journalists in the State of Alabama. Norman Lumpkin also made history off-camera. He was the first Black president of the Alabama AP Broadcasters Association and was inducted into the National Academy of Television and Arts' prestigious Silver Circle in 2007. He eventually left WSFA in 1999 and became news director at Montgomery's ABC affiliate before serving as public relations director for the Alabama Highway Department, where he eventually retired. Today, I honor Norman Lumpkin for serving as an impeccable role model and source of inspiration for generations of Black journalists who now follow in his footsteps. Those that had the pleasure of watching him were indeed inspired by his mere presence. He was to many a perfect illustration of what was possible in his field. As he courageously broke barriers, he gave African Americans a voice in a State that was still struggling for racial equality. On behalf of a grateful Nation and State, we salute this American hero and Alabama treasure. Saying thanks to Norman Lumpkin somehow seems woefully inadequate, but on behalf of the countless journalists and media professionals that you have inspired, we honor your legacy and your place in Alabama history. I ask my colleagues to join me in mourning the passing of a great veteran journalist, Norman Lumpkin.