Kyrsten Sinema

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. Mr. President, I stand here today, closing out my time in Congress, and I am reminded of the gravity of this place, the storied history of the Senate, one in which we are all honored to contribute, and the guardrails that serve as the foundation of this body and our democracy. Those guardrails--the Constitution, our oath of office, the rules of the Senate, and the norms of collegiality, integrity, and respect--these are the pillars that have ensured our democracy could endure. They exist for a reason: to cultivate relationships so we can move history forward, to temper the excesses of greed, and to curb the hunger for power. As our country has become more and more divided and as our politics has devolved into a constant series of all-or-nothing battles, we find ourselves bumping into these guardrails with more frequency. In recent history, both parties have wrestled with the importance of norms and rules, and both parties have viewed these norms and rules as outdated, constraining, or simply obstacles to their short-term victories. Many now blame these guardrails for blocking critical progress instead of recognizing that it is us--our actions, our words, our incivility, and ultimately our unwillingness to compromise--that prevent reasonable solutions from advancing. When holding political power and feeling the hunger and pressure for an immediate partisan win, it is easy to view the legislative filibuster as a weapon of obstruction. It is tempting to prefer elimination of the filibuster to compromise. It certainly feels faster, easier, and more satisfying--at least in the short term, that is--but there are dangers to choosing short-term victories over the hard and necessary work of building consensus. To give in to the temptation of the short-term victory means giving in to the chaos caused by the constant ricocheting of laws or it means you labor under an illusion that by eliminating the filibuster, you will maintain political power forever, effectively ending our two-party system. That is a fallacy, and worse, it is scary. One-party rule is not democracy; that is autocracy. That is not the system our forefathers envisioned, and it is not what our country deserves. The beauty of America is in the push and the pull. Our democracy ensures that no one person, no one party, has too much control. The checks and balances built into our government protect us all. When we work together, listen, compromise, and forge moderate movements forward, we are doing exactly what our forefathers intended: We are crafting solutions with broad support to protect against those wild ricochets of policy changes and the whiplash that could be caused by the overreach of a temporary partisan majority. Over the past 6 years, I have had the honor of serving with lawmakers on both sides of the aisle who chose to do the hard work and who took the time to build relationships and build that consensus. Together, we accomplished real results for the constituents we serve across this great country. I am so grateful for the colleagues who took those risks with me. Not many are willing to step out of their comfort zones and risk political capital for the sake of a deal that may not pay off immediately, but to those who did, thank you. And to their staff, thank you for your dedication and your service and for answering random calls from a Senator, even though it was a little unorthodox, when I was just looking to get a deal done and solve a problem or two. Beginning with my good friend and our former colleague Senator Rob Portman and the other Members of our bipartisan group of 10, including the wonder women of the Senate--Senators Susan Collins, Lisa Murkowski, Jeanne Shaheen--and our guys--Senators Mitt Romney, Jon Tester, Bill Cassidy, Mark Warner, and Joe Manchin--we painstakingly crafted a historic infrastructure law, delivering Americans better broadband, new roads and bridges, cleaner air and water, and more job opportunities. Later, working with Senators Mitt Romney, Tammy Baldwin, Susan Collins, and Thom Tillis, we passed the Respect for Marriage Act, giving Americans of all backgrounds peace of mind, protecting marriage and religious freedoms. Teaming up with Senator Todd Young, we saved the Chips and Science law spearheaded by Senators John Cornyn, Maria Cantwell, and Roger Wicker. We saved it from partisan collapse, and now America and Arizona can lead the way in semiconductor manufacturing, and our country is safer and more secure. Bringing Senators John Cornyn, Chris Murphy, and Thom Tillis together to tackle the intractable issue of gun violence, we not only saved lives; we improved our country's mental health care. As everyone involved in each of those deals knows, the results weren't easy. It was a product of months of hard conversations, many tough decisions, many tradeoffs, and constant back-and-forths that pushed us toward those solutions and that progress. While those are the highlights, we have also witnessed what happens here in this Chamber when we give in to the temptation of taking the easy way out and abandoning those guardrails. In 2013, judicial nominees weren't confirmed at a fast enough pace for the majority, so one party lowered the 60-vote threshold to a simple majority. And while one political party started it, the other finished it, and now all Federal judges, including Supreme Court nominees, are confirmed with just 51 votes. Just 9 short years after that, half the country was shocked and disappointed when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. But it was no surprise at all. It was a foreseeable, predictable result of eliminating the Senate standard that requires broad bipartisan support for judicial nominees. No longer is the majority party required to nominate mainstream judges who earn support from across the global spectrum. Now it is just a race to get your guys into the spots while you have power. Yet some wonder why public trust in our judiciary is at an alltime low. Even still, with the consequences of those shortsighted decisions clear for all to see, the clamor to similarly destroy the Senate's process of passing legislation persists. Surely I am not the only one to see the absurdity in all of this. The political winds have now shifted, and yet the filibuster endures to ensure that the tyranny of the majority does not overrule the rights of the minority, regardless of who sits in the seat of power. Now, as we approach the 119th Congress, Republicans will control the Presidency, the Senate, and the House. Sadly, I am already hearing rumors of a hunger to subvert these norms--indeed, to use reconciliation as a tool to circumvent the filibuster. But the end result of that shortsighted action would be the same. As history has shown, abusing or eliminating one tool for short-term gain means the other party will do the same when it regains political power. It is a devolution, and I can't think of anything more dangerous to our dear democracy than the unwillingness to question our own preconceived ideas, to examine our own biases, or to learn from those who think differently from ourselves. What I have tried to demonstrate in these 6 years is that you don't have to burn down the rules and the norms to achieve what you want. You can just do the hard work. You can build relationships. You can choose to focus on consensus, not division. You can be an independent thinker and put your State, your constituents, and your country ahead of party leaders and activists--because you can get it done. Over my time in the Senate, I have partnered with more than a few unlikely allies--from the very most progressive to the very most conservative--to break through gridlock and find some solutions. While I can't detail each and every one of those unique relationships here today, I will highlight a few: My infamous Barbenheimer partner, Mike Lee--I know we are a bit of an odd couple, but we have gotten a lot done together. My dear friend James Lankford, whom I had the honor of sharing the Border Subcommittee with throughout my last 6 years in the Senate and with whom I spent many, many hours working on a solution that, while it isn't law today, perhaps parts will become law one day. Senator Rand Paul. Cynthia Lummis. The list goes on and on. And at the very, very dear risk of damaging their careers: Chris Murphy, Brian Schatz, Patty Murray. I hope I haven't ruined your careers. (Laughter.) It has been an honor to work with so many incredible people in the U.S. Senate over these last 6 years. One thing I learned early on in my very first days--actually, Senator Jim Risch taught me this--is that we don't have to agree on everything; we just have to agree on some things. It is not worth getting angry about the things with which you disagree; it is better to focus on those areas where you can agree. So over these last 6 years, I have been grateful to embrace the diversity of opinions in this body, to find solutions that reflect the complexity of our country and our democracy, and to deliver meaningful, measurable results: to bridge divides between Tribes and Federal stakeholders to designate land around the Grand Canyon; to secure historic resources, strengthening western water, safeguarding Arizona families, and making sure that all of us throughout this country can grow and thrive for generations to come. We have worked together and cleared the way for historic settlements, land transfer deals, water deals, providing economic certainty, all by listening to one another-- not to debate or to rebut but to understand. It is this very marketplace of the diversity of ideas that makes our country great, the knowledge that with dialogue and competition, we are driven to be more thoughtful and more creative. That is why, despite the challenges facing our country, I remain hopeful. America is still the freest, most creative and innovative place in the world. We are the birthplace of emerging technologies in medicine, artificial intelligence, energy, and robotics, all revolutionizing our global economy. And the opportunities created by American ingenuity are limitless. We must not let our politics hold us back, for America is still the shining city on the hill, and it is up to each of us to protect it and to strengthen it. We cannot afford to let political differences stand in the way of what tomorrow may bring. We must hold firm to those guardrails, our shared commitment to the principles that our forefathers built this great country upon, and the ability and the willingness to see the decency in each other, our fellow citizens. We must choose the better angels of our nature. Speaking of the better angels, over the past 12 years, I have had the honor of working with some incredible people in both the House and the Senate. I don't mean the Senators and Members of Congress I served alongside, although that has been an incredible privilege. I have the deepest respect and gratitude for my current and former colleagues. But I speak now of our staff. From the minority and majority floor staff to the cloakrooms, the Sergeant at Arms, the cafeteria workers, the Parliamentarians, the police officers, the elevator operators, the Architect of the Capitol employees, who never, ever fail to give a kind word in the basement of this building--you all are the unsung heroes of the Capitol. You are here long before we arrive each day. You are here long after we head home for the night. So thank you. To my own staff, many of whom are here today, from my very first days in the House to my very last days here in the Senate, thank you. You are the backbone of everything that we have delivered for Arizona and for this country. I am so grateful that all of you chose to serve alongside me and help us deliver real results for my beloved State and our country. I could not be more proud of what we accomplished. As I leave this floor after 6 years in the Senate, I cannot help but continue to think of President Abraham Lincoln's words as he closed his first inaugural address. He called for unity in a deeply divided country, and his words ring true today: I am loathe to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. Thank you. I yield the floor. (Applause, Senators rising.)

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. Mr. President, today I wish to congratulate Stephen Roe Lewis, Governor of the Gila River Indian Community in Arizona, for being named one of TIME Magazine's 100 most influential climate leaders in 2024. Governor Lewis is the longest serving Governor of the Gila River Indian Community, presiding over its reservation with a land area of 583.749 square miles and a 2020 census population of over 14,000 Tribal citizens. Spearheading his vision of a ``blue-green economy'' that prioritizes conserving water and producing renewable energy, with the ultimate goal of becoming a net-zero Tribe, Governor Lewis is doing something that has never been achieved before in the Western Hemisphere: turning canals into solar-power systems. Governor Lewis is a solutions-focused leader, whose tireless work is a testament to the strength of the people of the Gila River Indian Community. I have had the privilege of working with Governor Lewis for many years--and I am grateful for his strong partnership in delivering results on behalf of the Arizonans we serve. While writing and negotiating the bipartisan infrastructure law, I worked closely with Governor Lewis to secure never-before-seen water and transportation infrastructure investments in communities across Arizona. Thanks to Governor Lewis' partnership, I was proud to lead into law the Blackwater Trading Post Land Transfer Act, increasing land rights and economic opportunities for the Gila River Indian Community. Both Governor Lewis and I understand that Arizona's water future requires working together to meet the drought challenge. As a trusted member of my Water Advisory Council, Governor Lewis is an advocate for the Community's interests and needs and fights for the well-being of our entire State. Governor Lewis takes innovative approaches to conserve and replace supplies from the Colorado River by working collaboratively with others in Arizona and in the Basin. In 2022, during one of my Water Advisory Council meetings, Governor Lewis announced that the Community would be able to offer 250,000-acre-feet of water a year, totaling 750,000 over 3 years, for conservation and to increase the assured water supplies of Arizona municipalities--a decision that takes real leadership. Arizona's water crisis requires leaders who are willing and committed to working around the clock to deliver solutions. Time and time again, Governor Lewis has demonstrated a deep commitment to strengthening our water future in the face of historic drought. I am confident that, with leaders like Governor Lewis at the table, we will continue delivering lasting solutions and giving Arizonans peace of mind that our water supply is safe and secure for generations to come. Governor Lewis is a valuable voice, not just for Tribal sovereignty and his community, but for Arizona and the entire Southwest. He is a cheerful warrior who knows how to get things done--and I am proud to call him my friend.

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. Mr. President, I stand here today, yet again, as the border crisis continues to devastate my State. On February 7, I stood here, angry that rank partisanship tanked the single most important piece of border security and immigration legislation produced in decades. As we all remember, last October, I joined with Senators James Lankford of Oklahoma and Chris Murphy of Connecticut to craft this legislation. We worked every single day for over 4 months, navigating difficult policy positions, working carefully to get it right. After months of tireless negotiations, we delivered a strong product. We produced a bill many thought impossible. We ended catch-and-release. We added more detention beds. We increased deportation flights. We quickly decided asylum claims, and we put Border Patrol back in the field where they belong--securing the border, not stuck inside processing paperwork. Yet, less than 24 hours after we released the bill, my Republican colleagues blocked it, despite the fact that this is the most restrictive migrant legislation in decades. My Democratic colleagues blamed Republican political theater for blocking action. So did I. They were right. I spoke here on the Senate floor twice in defense of our legislation. It turns out that my Republican colleagues were all talk and no action. Today, though, my Democratic colleagues have chosen more political theater instead of real efforts to solve this crisis. All talk and no actions goes both ways. Today, the Senate will hold a show vote whose sole purpose is to point the finger back at the other party--yet another cynical political game. These games demonstrate exactly why Americans have lost faith in their elected leaders: a Congress bickering and fighting for power instead of solving problems and making progress--any kind of progress-- for regular people. Today's vote is not an attempt to solve the problem or provide relief to Arizona border communities. Today's vote is to send a message. But Arizona doesn't need your message. Arizona needs your help. Arizona needs action. These games of tit for tat, caving to the political messaging game, force both parties further to the fringes and further away from real solutions. Today, the Senate is proving what many Americans already think about Congress: that Senators come here for political games, not to deliver results. Today's vote won't deliver lasting results for Americans, but the impact of today's vote is actually worse than simply being a useless message, because this vote does send an important message, but it is a message to us as lawmakers. I have often asked my colleagues in the interest of our Nation to step out of partisan boxes and work with me to find real solutions to real problems. We have done it time and time again. This time it didn't work. Nearly 4 months later, I am still deeply disappointed that we didn't solve the border crisis for my State and for our country. But to use this failure as a political punching bag only punishes those who were courageous enough to do the hard work of finding compromise in the first place. So who will be courageous next time? Who will stand up and do the hard work? Who will take the risks? Who will say: Yes, I will help solve this big challenge our country faces. Why would anyone? We don't leave today with a political victory. No one wins. No one gets the higher grounds. Instead, we are saying to each other: Don't step out. Don't try to solve big problems. Stay in your partisan corner. Yell some more. Blame the other side. Today, yet again, the Senate has chosen politics, but my State is still suffering. As I said on the floor back on February 7, if you want to spin the border crisis for your own political agendas, go right ahead. If you want to continue to use the southern border as a backdrop for your political campaign, that is fine; good luck to you. But I have a very clear message for anyone using the southern border for staged political events: Don't come to Arizona for your political theater. Do not bring it to my State. In Arizona, we are serious. We don't have time for your political games. There are big challenges facing the Senate and our country, and evidently this is not a Senate interested in solving those challenges. Americans deserve better. I yield the floor.

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. Mr. President, I think it is probably useful to take a couple of moments and do a quick refresher on how Senate process and procedure work. So, in the U.S. Senate, when a bill is introduced and when it comes to the floor, we have to do what is called a motion to proceed. The motion to invoke cloture on the motion to proceed is a 60-vote threshold in the U.S. Senate. The 60-vote threshold, of course, is the filibuster. Now, folks in this body might remember how deeply I care about the filibuster, because it requires comity; it requires compromise; and it requires individuals of different parties to work together to solve problems. Often, it has been an object of contention in this body, but I support the filibuster because I believe it requires us to work together to solve problems, hear everyone's ideas, and incorporate them as we move forward on legislation. Of course, before you can actually amend a piece of legislation on the Senate floor, you first must pass the motion to invoke cloture. We held that vote yesterday at 1:59 p.m. I have got the copy of the rollcall vote right here in front of me. Unfortunately, there were only 49 Senators who voted yes to move forward on yesterday's package. There were 50 Senators who voted no to move forward on the package. Of course, what the motion to invoke cloture was, was on the shell of the bill. The substitute that would be filed is this bill right here. This bill is 370 pages long. Most of this legislation is the border bill, which we spent over 4 months negotiating in a bipartisan way. I was very grateful that Senator Graham's team and Senator Graham himself were integral parts of that conversation. So this bill is subject to debate and subject to amendment but only-- only--after a motion to invoke cloture is passed, which requires 60 votes. Now, my good friend from South Carolina indicated that he would like to offer some amendments. Some of the ideas that he was discussing are ideas that I very much support. I would look forward to debating and possibly even supporting one or more of his amendments. But, alas, we are unable to consider those amendments because, yesterday, the Senate chose to vote no on the motion to invoke cloture to move forward on this legislation. Therefore, we are not able to amend or debate this bill. The Senate later moved forward with a piece of legislation very similar to this, but it was missing the entire border section. So we are now in a period of waiting until our next vote to invoke another cloture in which, potentially, if unanimous consent occurs in this body, we could consider additional amendments. However, it could be more difficult to consider some of those border-related amendments since the package now does not include any of the border language that we carefully negotiated over the last 4\1/2\ months. So, to Members of the Senate and the folks who are listening, just to be clear, it seems clear to me--and I think to everyone in the U.S. Senate--that had we passed this motion to invoke cloture yesterday with 60-plus votes, we would be currently debating, offering, and voting on amendments to the border provisions of the bill that was drafted, and each of those amendments would have been germane, which means they would have been voted at a 51-vote threshold--a simple majority--to move forward. Alas, because this body chose not to invoke cloture, we have moved on to a different piece of legislation, one that does not include the border components. So, while there may be amendments offered at some point over the next several days, it will be a very different debate than the amendments that would be offered before. I know that my friend from South Carolina is currently drafting an amendment, which I appreciate. The amendment that he is drafting for current discussion would have to incorporate the entirety of the border bill package, with some minor changes to the language that we drafted and voted on yesterday, in order to consider his amendment. So I would suggest that, perhaps, if we had wanted to have a robust debate and an openness to an open amendment process, the time to have done that would have been yesterday at 1:59 p.m. I yield the floor.

Ms. SINEMA. Thank you. Senator, are you aware that the only way to offer an amendment on a bill being considered in the U.S. Senate is to first pass the motion to invoke cloture on the motion to proceed--that being the vote we took yesterday at 1:59 p.m.?

Ms. SINEMA. Will the Senator yield for a question?

Ms. SINEMA. Would the Senator yield for a question?

Ms. SINEMA. And it is also my understanding that it was authored by leadership and the three sponsors of the border bill, which your team gratefully helped us create, that we would have an open-amendment process. So would you help me understand why you voted against the motion to proceed before we were able to offer any amendments?

Ms. SINEMA. Thank you. Now, Senator, I know that you have been here quite a bit longer than me, but it is my understanding that in order to get to the portion of the bill where we offer amendments on the floor, we first have to pass the motion to proceed.

Ms. SINEMA. Would the Senator yield for a question?

Ms. SINEMA. Would the Senator yield for a question?

Ms. SINEMA. Would the Senator yield to a question?

Ms. SINEMA. Would the Senator yield to my question?

Ms. SINEMA. Senator, would you yield to a question?

Ms. SINEMA. Senator Graham--

Ms. SINEMA. OK. Thank you. Thank you. Senator, I was just listening to your speech, and you mentioned that you thought the bill that we had drafted was a good start but not enough. I am wondering if you would remind us how you voted yesterday on the motion to proceed to the bill that had the border package that we worked on together?

Ms. SINEMA. Would the Senator yield to a question?

Ms. SINEMA. Would the Senator yield to a question?

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. I stand here today as the border crisis is devastating my State. Just last week, Nogales officers seized 2.1 million fentanyl pills at a port of entry. Just last week, Border Patrol agents recovered in the Tucson desert enough fentanyl to kill 340,000 Americans. Just last week, nearly 14,000 migrants crossed into Arizona--many of them are military-aged men coming from all across the globe. Our broken border system is a national security crisis. Last September, when my Republican colleagues demanded, with a clear and unified voice, that border security must be included in Congress's national security package, I wholeheartedly agreed. Finally, it seemed, we had the opportunity to solve the nightmare my State has lived for over 40 years. So I got to work. My Republican colleagues chose Senator James Lankford, my partner on the Homeland Security Border Management Subcommittee. We have worked together for over 5 years on strong border policy. Senator Lankford has joined me at the Arizona border to see the crisis firsthand. Senator Lankford is an incredibly smart, earnest, conservative lawmaker. I know he was chosen by his conference because of his expertise and knowledge of border security policy and his reputation as a serious conservative lawmaker who cares deeply about getting policy right. As we started the negotiation, Senator Lankford laid out four policy pillars the Republican conference needed to secure the border. No. 1, asylum. Raise the asylum standard and close the loopholes so cartels and economic migrants can no longer exploit the system. No. 2, safe third country. Ensure that people who have lived safely in another country don't backlog our system because they do not qualify for asylum. No. 3, close the border. Create a title 42-like authority to shut down the border when our system is backlogged and overwhelmed. No. 4, parole. Stop the administration from giving migrants at the border a free pass into our country. Over the course of nearly 5 months, we worked every single day navigating the intricate and difficult policy decisions to meet these four pillars. And when we hit bumps, I reminded everyone at the table about what was happening on the ground at my border--what real life looks like in Arizona--because I knew that those four key pillars were necessary to secure the border and solve the crisis. That is why, just yesterday when endorsing our bill, Yuma Mayor Doug Nicholls said: Thank you . . . for incorporating many of the specific issues that border leaders have asked to be addressed. So together with Senators Lankford and Murphy and our incredibly talented staffs, including my staff director on the Border Management Subcommittee, Anthony Papian, who is here today, we worked through weekends and through holidays to get these policies right. Senator Murphy, Senator Lankford, and I--we all negotiated in good faith. We delivered. We produced a bill many thought impossible. Our bill overhauls the broken system. It stops the misuse of parole, and it closes the border during surges, ensuring the quick detention and deportation of migrants who don't have a legal right to be here. We end catch-and-release. We add more detention beds. We increase deportation flights. We quickly decide asylum claims. We put Border Patrol back in the desert catching the bad guys and the drugs. That is why the National Border Patrol Council endorses our bill, not H.R. 2. We produced a bill that finally, after decades of all talk and no action, secures the border and solves the border crisis. Our bill was ready for prime time. We were ready to bring the bill to the floor, open it up for debate and amendments--you know, how the Senate is supposed to work--and then pass the bill. But less than 24 hours after we released the bill, my Republican colleagues changed their minds. Turns out they want all talk and no action. It turns out border security is not actually a risk to our national security; it is just a talking point for the election. After all of their cable news appearances, after all those campaign photo ops in the desert, after all those trips to the border, this crisis isn't actually much of a crisis after all. Sunday morning, there was a real crisis at the border. Monday morning, that crisis magically disappeared. Well, guess what, guys. The crisis is real. It is real in Arizona. On Sunday, the day we released our bill, over 6,000 migrants crossed the border. On Monday, the day this body decided the border crisis was no longer a crisis, over 6,500 migrants crossed the border. And yesterday, the day the Republican conference Members said that we are not going to pass a border bill, the day my colleagues said no, nearly 7,000 migrants crossed the border. The border emergency authority in our border bill would have shut the border down, literally, every single day this year. Now, I have been sharing the facts of our bill to anyone who would listen. I have refuted the lie that says our bill allows 5,000 migrants to enter the country every day. In fact, our bill stops those migrants from coming into the country every day. Meanwhile, by killing our bill, we have no title 42-like authority to shut down the border. So, 5,000, 6,000, 7,000, 10,000, or even 14,000 migrants can cross into our country every single day. Make no mistake--a vote against this bill is a vote for the status quo. It is a vote for continued chaos at our border. Our current system lets migrants into the country with nothing but a piece of paper--a notice to appear for a court day years into the future and no accountability structure to ensure they actually show up. In Arizona, this broken system is commonly called catch-and-release. It has been happening for years. Our bill ends catch-and-release. But when this bill fails, catch-and- release will continue every single day. Some people say the President has all the authority he needs to secure the border. Then, tell me why Arizona has lived the nightmare of our border crisis for over 40 years and through the past five administrations--Republican and Democratic? Before COVID, the last administration tried to shut down the border. The courts stopped it. After COVID, the courts struck down title 42. It is clear: We need a law. I have heard from some that the only solution is the House Republican bill, H.R. 2. To them, I'd point out that our bill, unlike H.R. 2, actually includes penalties for those who try to cross the border when it is shut down, creating a 1-year bar for anyone who tries to cross twice. H.R. 2? No consequences. H.R. 2 continues the current flawed policy that allows migrants to get work permits without any asylum interview. Our bill ends that. That is why the conservative Wall Street Journal Editorial Board called our bill the most restrictive migrant legislation in decades. We make sure only those actually fleeing violence and persecution can stay here and work, after they pass a new, faster, tougher screening. And if someone doesn't finish the asylum process, their work permit gets taken away. H.R. 2? Silent. H.R. 2 doesn't even fund new detention beds, guys. H.R. 2--another example of all talk and no action. So if you want to spin the border crisis for your own political agendas, go right ahead. If you want to continue to use the southern border as a backdrop for your political campaign, that is fine. Good luck to you. But I have a very clear message for anyone using the southern border for staged political events: Don't come to Arizona. Take your political theater to Texas. Do not bring it to my State, because in Arizona, we are serious. We don't have time for your political games. We are not interested in you posing for the cameras. In Arizona, we are busy. Just ask Cochise County ranchers David and Tina Thompson. They live in the reality of our broken border every time that migrants attempt to break into their home. Ask Bisbee City Council member Leslie Johns, who had to open the doors of the town's city council building and clear out the chambers for migrants to sleep on the floor after they were released into a tiny town with no shelter and just one bus stop. Or ask Yuma farmer John Boelts who does his best to manage his farm despite the lettuce crops constantly trampled by migrants crossing his produce fields. Or ask Bernadette Nez, the manager of Why Not Travel convenience store in Why, AZ, who lost thousands of dollars every day before Christmas while the Lukeville port of entry was closed. Or ask Sierra Vista Mayor Clea McCaa, who lays in bed at night scared that his teenage daughter could die in one of the daily, deadly high- speed chases of teenagers smuggling drugs and people from the border up to Phoenix and, next, into your State. Or ask Bisbee Mayor Ken Budge, who is pleading with each and every one of you to understand how your political games hurt border towns like his. As he said yesterday: I am saddened after all these months, now some Senators have second thoughts about this from both parties . . . . . . I would like to ask any of them to reverse their roles and trade places with me. How they would like to live in my home as a helicopter circled my home at 6:30 in the morning for about an hour, as was the case today. This is life in my border State. This is Arizona. Earlier this week, it was noted that while facts on the border haven't changed, the politics in the country have changed. I guess that is it. The politics changed. Three weeks ago, everyone wanted to solve the border crisis. Yesterday, no one did. For 4 months, we were stymied on action to support our allies and stand up to Putin's illegal war. For 4 months, we have been unable to move forward--unable to defend democracy overseas because of the urgent need to secure our border. And then, suddenly, in the last 48 hours, the border no longer matters. Some in this Chamber say: Let's just drop it. Hey, let's wait for the election. Let's sort this out in the next Congress. Let's move on. Arizona can't move on. You here can decide this crisis is over, but the crisis is still real in my State. And it will be tomorrow and the next day and the next day. I usually end my speeches by calling on the better angels of our nature. When we work together, we can solve problems. We did that here, and you decided no. You decided you don't even want to debate it. You don't want to amend it. You don't want to tackle the problem. Partisanship won. The Senate has failed Arizona. Shameful. I yield the floor.

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. Madam President, I join the senior Senator from Texas in support of our commonsense bill today that ensures the administration follows the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act as we wrote it. When we wrote this law last year, this was historic legislation to reduce community violence, improve mental health services, and save lives. When we wrote this bill, we were clear in our intent. We wanted to make our schools safer places to learn, our communities safer places to live, and our mental and behavioral healthcare system among the strongest in the world, and we did that with broad bipartisan support. Our law prohibits the use of new Federal funding for weapons for school staff, but our law very specifically does not prohibit the use of funds for archery classes, hunting safety classes, or any other extracurricular activities of the sort. What is at issue here is a misinterpretation of this section of our law by the White House, and it is a symptom of a larger issue: the alarming tendency of this administration to ignore the will and intent of Congress when carrying out the very laws that we pass. Time after time, Congress has come together to pass historic legislation with bipartisan support just to see the current White House interpret provisions--repeated provisions of repeated pieces of legislation--not in line with congressional intent. We pass the laws; that is our job. The administration is supposed to follow and implement those laws; that is their job. But this administration routinely fails to do its job correctly. This creates distrust; it delays meaningful solutions for our constituents; and it wastes taxpayer money. Enough is enough. We shouldn't have to be here today. We shouldn't have to pass a bill today telling the administration to do its job and follow the law, but here we are. So, once again, Congress will come together in a bipartisan, bicameral way to pass a bill. We will hold the administration accountable, ensure the accurate interpretation and implementation of our Bipartisan Safer Communities law, and we will allow students in Arizona and all across the country to continue enjoying school-based hunting and archery programs, just as our law intended. I yield the floor.

Ms. SINEMA

Ms. SINEMA. We yield back all time.