Tina Smith

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Melody Tan and Sarah Alexander--fellows in my office--be granted floor privileges for the remainder of the 117th Congress.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. I thank Senator Baldwin for her thoughtful remarks. Mr. President, I rise today in support of the Women's Health Protection Act, and I urge my colleagues to join us in standing up for fundamental rights to freedom, autonomy, and self-determination. Make no mistake: That is what this vote is about--who has the power; who has the freedom to decide when your own health, livelihood, and life are on the line. There is nothing more American than the values of freedom and individual autonomy; yet the U.S. Supreme Court is about to declare that women in this country are not guaranteed the freedom to make their own private decisions about abortion. Justice Alito, Mitch McConnell, Senate Republicans, and radical Republican State legislators around the country believe that they should have the power--that they know better than American women, whose lives and stories they will never know. To that, I say: How dare they? When I worked at Planned Parenthood, I saw firsthand the capacity of women to make good decisions about their health, their bodies, and their lives. To suggest otherwise is insulting to the dignity of women as full, adult human beings and as equal citizens of this Nation, but that is where we are. Justice Alito's draft opinion is a wake-up call and a call to action. Reading his opinion was like a gut punch, but it was not a surprise, and it didn't just happen. This is the result of a decades' long campaign by Republicans and their dark money donors to put anti-choice Justices on the Supreme Court, to overturn Roe, and to strip women of their constitutional rights. This is why this vote is so important. For the first time in my living memory, the Supreme Court is about to take away a fundamental constitutional right, and it is important that Americans see who is on their side and who is responsible for this. Extremist Republicans have been working for this goal for decades; yet, now that this moment is almost here, they keep trying to change the subject. In fact, they want to talk about anything but, including when they spread misleading information about what the Women's Health Protection Act would really do, which is to put the protections of Roe into statute. So why are Republicans running from this issue after having campaigned on it for years? Well, it is because Americans don't want to overturn Roe, and anti- choice Republicans know this. They know that they are on the wrong side of history and on the wrong side of public opinion and of over half the American electorate. That is why this vote is so important. We will not let them dodge their responsibility for this outrageous attack on women's freedom. Now, some Republicans are saying that this is all a bit of a tempest in a teapot. They say: Don't worry. All the Supreme Court is about to do is to hand power back for the States to decide on abortion. Colleagues, do not believe this. The American people deserve to know where this goes next. Today, we are fighting on the Senate floor to preserve in law the basic protections of Roe v. Wade, but extremist Republicans have been clear. Their end goal is to secure a nationwide ban on abortion. As Senator McConnell said this weekend: It is not a secret that the Senate Republican caucus is opposed to reproductive rights and that, if Senate Republicans win the majority, a nationwide ban is ``worthy of debate.'' That is the post-Roe future if Republicans are in charge. Even though a majority of Americans in all States believes that abortion should be legal, Republicans have been clear that a nationwide ban is their goal. At the same time, Republican State legislators are brazenly moving forward. They are moving forward with extremist policies that go way beyond depriving women of their essential freedoms--they punish and criminalize women. Take, for example, a Missouri mother of two, facing a high-risk pregnancy, who travels to Illinois for an abortion because she is worried about being there for her existing children. Missouri Republicans want her to be labeled as a felon when she returns homes. Take a woman in Louisiana who has an abortion after her IUD failed and she had an unexpected pregnancy. Louisiana Republicans want her convicted of homicide. Take the Texas woman, who hoped and prayed for years for a baby, only to have her doctor find a fatal fetal anomaly at 22 weeks. Texas Republicans want her to carry that pregnancy for another 18 weeks, no matter the risk to her life and no matter the trauma she faces as people congratulate her on her upcoming baby when she knows she will never know that child. So I say again, how dare these Republicans think that they know better than the women who live these stories. This is the post-Roe world that Republicans want, and we won't stand for it. If you think this struggle doesn't affect you or someone you care about, think again. One in four American women will have an abortion--women who are Democrats, Republicans, Independents, women from all places and all religious faiths. For these women, abortion isn't about politics; it is about healthcare. Most of them never expected to be part of this statistic, but life doesn't always go as we plan. Every day, women deal with situations they never imagined, and they deserve the freedom and the autonomy to decide for themselves what to do and what is best for them. With this vote to pass the Women's Health Protection Act, we are showing whom we stand with and what we believe--the fundamental freedom of people to make the best decisions for their health, their families, and their futures. Thank you. I yield the floor.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be discharged from further consideration of S. 4160 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 625, submitted earlier today.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I understand that there is a bill at the desk, and I ask for its first reading.

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I now ask for a second reading, and in order to place the bill on the calendar under the provisions of rule XIV, I object to my own request.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session for a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 624, submitted earlier today.

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 10 a.m. on Tuesday, May 10; that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and morning business be closed; that upon the conclusion of morning business, the Senate proceed to executive session to resume consideration of the Phillips nomination postcloture; further, that the confirmation vote on the Phillips nomination occur at 11:45 a.m. and that the Senate recess following the cloture vote on the Berhe nomination until 2:15 p.m.; that if cloture is invoked on the Berhe nomination, all postcloture time be considered expired at 2:30 p.m.; finally, that if any nominations are confirmed during Tuesday's session, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Madam President, I rise in support of the Women's Health Protection Act. I am here today because I believe, as do most in this country, that people should have the freedom to receive the reproductive healthcare they need, including abortion. The Women's Health Protection Act would protect that freedom. Now, I am the only Senator in this body who has ever worked for Planned Parenthood. I learned firsthand in that job that, if people don't control their reproductive lives, they don't control anything in their lives. Working at Planned Parenthood in Minnesota was an honor, and I had the opportunity to hear the stories of patients, each with individual, unique, personal reasons for receiving an abortion. This is still the case for the patients who visit all of these clinics today. Here is one story about a woman named Liz from Edina, MN. At Liz's 18th-week ultrasound appointment, Liz's doctor told her that her pregnancy was incompatible with life. She would either miscarry or the baby would die moments after birth. Because of this diagnosis, Liz decided to have an abortion. It was an agonizing experience for her, but she was able to make the decision on her own terms. Another story I want to share today comes from a patient from Minneapolis. At the age of 20, they were in an abusive relationship and found themselves 7 weeks pregnant. They went to Planned Parenthood for their abortion, and that abortion helped them to break from their affiliation with their abuser. They eventually got back on their feet, and they could pursue their dream of going to law school and starting a marketing firm and having a family with somebody who they loved. These are the stories of people facing one of the most important decisions we humans will ever make: whether to become a parent. They were able to make these decisions freely and for themselves. We should all have this freedom. We should all be able to make these decisions for ourselves, free from politicians and judges looking over our shoulders and deciding for us. A majority of Americans agree with this. They agree that abortion should be legal, and they understand that reproductive healthcare, including abortion, is healthcare. Yet, today, the reproductive rights of women in this country are at their greatest risk since Roe v. Wade was decided decades ago, and it is no mystery as to how we got here. What is happening today is the culmination of a nearly 40-year effort by conservatives in the Republican Party to radically remake the courts. It is 2022, and that moment is here. The Supreme Court seems poised to overturn Roe, and if that happens, half the States in this country will ban abortion entirely--half the States. In anticipation of this moment, rightwing Republican State legislatures have been working to pass laws that will gut women's healthcare and severely restrict our freedom. What this means is that women's freedom and autonomy over our own bodies--our right to reproductive healthcare, the healthcare that we need--will basically depend on who we are and where we live. Make no mistake. Abortion care will always--it will always--be available to women who have money. It will be poor women and women of color who will lose this right. This is why the Women's Health Protection Act is so important. We need to listen to the voices of the majority of Americans who agree: Women deserve the freedom and the dignity to make their own decisions about their own bodies and their own lives. But the reality is, we can no longer rely on the courts to protect this right. That is why we need to pass the Women's Health Protection Act. In a few minutes, we will vote on this bill, which would protect the right to abortion in every State. It would advance racial justice. It would limit the structural barriers to accessing abortion care and protect everybody's freedom to make the best decisions for themselves, for their health, for their families, and for their futures. Colleagues, I urge you to vote to pass the Women's Health Protection Act. I yield the floor.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to Legislative Session for a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the following nominations en bloc: Calendar Nos. 721 and 722; that the Senate vote on the nominations en bloc without intervening action or debate; that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate; that any statements related to the nominations be printed in the Record; and that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the following nomination: Calendar No. 648, Alice P. Albright, of the District of Columbia, to be Chief Executive Officer, Millennium Challenge Corporation; that the Senate vote on the nomination without any intervening action or debate; that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate; that any statements related to the nomination be printed in the Record; and that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it recess until 10 a.m. on Tuesday, February 8; that following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of Proceedings be approved to date; that the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day and morning business be closed; that upon the conclusion of morning business, the Senate proceed to executive session to resume consideration of the Bush nomination; further, at 11:45 a.m. the Senate vote on the confirmation of the Howard and AliKhan nominations and that following the disposition of the AliKhan nomination, the Senate recess until 2:15 p.m. to allow for the weekly caucus meetings; that at 2:30 p.m., the Senate vote on confirmation of the Gutmann and Carty nominations; finally, if any nominations are confirmed during Tuesday's session, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand in recess under the previous order.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Madam Vice President, I rise today with my Democratic colleagues in support of one fundamental idea, the cornerstone of our democracy: that every eligible citizen of this country has the right to vote and have their vote counted. Cut to the chase, and that is what this about. Passing the Freedom to Vote Act and the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act would mean saying yes to basic, commonsense standards for free and fair elections; safeguarding our constitutional right to choose our own representatives; and going after dark money in our politics. Failing to pass these bills means we will continue to allow Republican State legislatures to undermine our democracy by suppressing some people's access to their constitutional right to vote, based on who they are, where they live, and whether they are likely to vote Republican. Today on the Senate floor, not a single Republican Senator is willing to join us Democrats in support of the Freedom to Vote Act and these commonsense standards for free and fair elections. This is a tragedy. I have been listening to their arguments, and to be honest, they just don't hold water. Republicans argue that the Freedom to Vote Act is a ``Federal takeover of elections,'' or a power grab. This is ridiculous. The Freedom to Vote Act preserves States' constitutional right to prescribe the ``times, places, and manner of holding elections,'' while ensuring that elections must meet basic standards that allow Americans to exercise their right to vote and to have their votes counted, free from discrimination. Congress shares the constitutional responsibility for preserving our free and fair elections; article I, section 4, says that, ``Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations.'' Furthermore, the 15th, 19th, and 26th Amendments require that we ensure that the right of our citizens to vote shall not be denied or abridged on account of race, color, sex, or age. These State laws that Republican legislatures are passing are clearly discriminatory to young voters, Black and Latino voters, and Native voters. Countless studies have shown that these folks are more likely than White voters to be affected by voter purges, polling place closures, the restriction of early voting, and strict photo ID requirements. This isn't an accident or a coincidence. It is the point. Our job, our constitutional responsibility, is to protect against discrimination just like this. Passing this bill isn't Federal overreach; it is our job. Now, Republicans also argue that their voter suppression techniques aren't actually oppressive or discriminatory; they are designed to root out voter fraud. This is not only factually inaccurate--there is no evidence of widespread voter fraud--it is offensive. In Ohio, voters in Democratic-leaning neighborhoods were purged from the voter rolls at twice the rate as in Republican neighborhoods. In Georgia, a 2018 voter roll purge removed over 50,000 voters. Over 80 percent of them were people of color. Other States, like Texas, have instituted draconian voter ID laws that disproportionately burden Black and Latino voters. This is a real problem, not a fake problem. Colleagues, our voting laws reflect what we believe about who should have a voice in this country. They tell us who we are. When Republican State legislatures limit voting hours, close polling places in Black neighborhoods, and restrict early and absentee voting, they seek to silence some voices: young people, voters of color, and voters in poor neighborhoods. When Republicans narrow the window when people can vote, they make it harder for some folks to exercise their right to vote--people with multiple jobs or irregular schedules, people with childcare or transportation challenges, seniors, people with disabilities, and anyone who can't afford to wait in an hours-long line at their polling place. We cannot ignore--or pretend not to see--the line connecting these discriminatory State laws and the dark history of Jim Crow, our country's legacy of denying some people, as my colleague Reverend Warnock says, their constitutional rights. If we want to make more voices heard, we know what to do. My home State of Minnesota consistently has the highest voter turnout in the Nation. This happens because we have strong voting laws that empower people to make their voices heard while keeping our elections safe and secure. We have online and same-day voter registration, vote-by-mail and early voting, and voters have the right to take time off of work to vote in all State and Federal elections. We have paper ballots to ensure election integrity. These policies work to expand ballot access and improve voter turnout. The Freedom to Vote Act would implement many of them as minimum national standards. So why are Republicans united in their opposition to this bill? The simplest answer is they believe they can't win if more people's voices are heard and counted. In Georgia in 2020, when Senate Democrats saw voters waiting up to 10 hours to cast their votes and Black voters waiting much longer than White voters, we wrote a bill that would expand access to early voting, vote-by-mail, and make election day a Federal holiday. Republican State legislators in Georgia saw the same thing and passed a law to make it a crime to give food or water to voters waiting in line, remove drop boxes, and restrict voting by mail. For the past several years, Republicans have engaged in a coordinated strategy of voter suppression. According to the Brennan Center, in 2021 alone, 19 States passed over 30 laws restricting voting rights. Today in the Senate, every single Democrat is united in our effort to protect people's right to vote. And today, all 50 Republicans will block passage of this voting rights legislation. We may lose this battle today, which is heartbreaking. It is maddening that a majority of U.S. Senators, representing 41 million more people than our Republican colleagues, cannot pass a bill to make critical election reforms that are supported by strong majorities of Americans, all because of an arcane Senate rule. That is just not right, and it is long past time to fix it. In a democracy, after the debate is done, a majority of the people decide. That is how it works in township meetings, in city halls and county board meetings, in State legislatures, and that is how it should work in the U.S. Senate. But this fight won't be over today. I have faith that, eventually, we will win. I have faith, not because I believe in the inevitability of progress, but because I have faith in the righteousness of this fight, and I have faith in our democracy. Dr. King taught us that progress is not a straight line. The story of change in this country, more often than not, is a story of people practicing their civic faith through defeat, people doing the work despite not having the votes, people who keep putting one foot in front of the other because they believe they will reach their destination, even if they can't quite see the path to get there. I am honored to walk that path with the thousands of organizers, activists, and voters who share that civic faith. I urge my colleagues to vote yes on the Freedom to Vote Act and the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I rise today with my colleagues, and I would like to particularly thank my colleague, the senior Senator from Minnesota, for bringing us together today. I rise today with my colleagues to commemorate the first anniversary of January 6--the attack on our Capitol and the attempted coup to overturn our democracy. You know, I have thought a lot about this day over the last year, and I speak today because I think it is important that we are clear about what happened on January 6, how it connects to what has happened since, and what needs to happen next. So let me be direct. On January 6, there was a violent attack on the U.S. Capitol, led by insurrectionists with the explicit goal to overturn our free and fair elections and the election of Joe Biden. The attack happened because former President Trump and his allies encouraged his supporters to come to Washington. They told them, falsely, that the election had been stolen. He incited them to violence. Then he sat and watched while the Capitol was attacked. These are the facts, and there was no attempt to hide it. It is as plain as that wintery January day. Now, I am sure that all of us in this room have vivid memories of what happened on that day. Moments of crisis leave a deep impression. For us, of course, this violence happened in our workplace while we were doing our jobs. The Capitol, on January 6, was full of Members of Congress, of national political leaders of both parties, and of a Vice President whom the former President had exhorted his angry mob to hunt down. It was also, though, full of journalists, custodians, and cafeteria workers. In this Chamber were our clerks and colleagues and Parliamentarians and the stenographers. They are here, hour after hour, making this place work. You are public servants who were thrown into violent chaos and danger by the former President. As for law enforcement and first responders, let's remember that January 6 was one of the worst days for injuries to law enforcement since 9/11, as a violent mob bludgeoned and crushed and wounded and killed. That is what happened, and no amount of whitewashing is going to change it. It also happened, when we came back into this Chamber to finish our jobs and to certify the people's votes, that some Republicans spoke the truth about the terrible tragedy of that day. Senator McConnell said: The mob was fed lies. They were provoked by the President and other powerful people. Senator Lindsey Graham, sitting right over there, declared in reference to the disgraced former President: Count me out. Enough is enough. So, for a moment, it seemed like we would unify in condemning the political violence incited by a President who had betrayed our fundamental democratic principles, but later that night, Senator Cruz and Senator Hawley and six other Senators voted to overturn our free and fair elections, continuing down this reckless path. Within days, Republican Party leaders and rightwing media outlets began turning away from the facts of January 6. Former President Trump was impeached for his seditious actions, but his hold on the Republican Party was so strong that only seven Republican Senators voted to convict. Republicans, to this day, continue to promote the Big Lie that the election was stolen from Trump. They claim that the people who stormed the Capitol with zip ties and bludgeons were tourists. They have attempted to portray the violent insurgents as martyrs rather than as domestic terrorists. This is why, today, 58 percent of Republicans believe, falsely, that the election was stolen from President Trump. The insurrection and coup attempt on January 6 was, ultimately, unsuccessful, but this fight continues in State legislatures across the country, and they are prevailing. According to the Brennan Center, in 2021, 19 States passed laws restricting Americans' voting rights and giving partisan officials, Republicans, unprecedented control over the certification of election results. Their plan is right out there in plain view. Step 1 is to make it harder for some people to vote. Step 2 is to give partisans at the local level the power to ignore and overturn the people's votes. This is a coordinated strategy connected directly to the events of January 6, and it is the path to overturning our democracy if we allow it. We cannot allow it. Through the January 6 Commission and through the Department of Justice, we must hold accountable those responsible for the crimes of that infamous day, including those at the top. We also need to pass the Freedom to Vote Act, which provides for basic standards for free and fair elections and fulfills the promise of our Nation that, in this democratic Republic, the people decide. Not a single Republican Senator is willing to join us Democrats in this endeavor, and that is a tragedy. Colleagues, I implore you: We cannot let Republicans hide behind Senate rules and block us from taking this commonsense step to protecting our democracy. In a democracy, a majority of the people decides. That is how it works in township meetings and city halls and county board meetings and in State legislatures, and that is how it should work in the U.S. Senate. We Senators have the power to protect our democracy, and we have no excuse not to use that power. On January 6, I woke up early, and I wrote down a few thoughts as I was heading to the Capitol. I had been sworn into office for the third time in 3 years just a few days before. My husband, Archie, had been with me for the swearing in, and he had headed home the day before. As he left, he said: Are you going to be OK? And I said to him: For sure. The U.S. Capitol is one of the safest places in the country. I am going to be fine. Here is what I wrote that morning before I came to the Capitol. I wrote: Today is a remarkable day. This morning, I'm filled with optimism. Georgians turned out in record numbers to elect Reverend [Ralph] Warnock [to the U.S. Senate], pastor of Dr. King's home church. And it looks very likely that Jon Ossoff will be victorious, giving Democrats a majority in the Senate. For me, this means the work that Minnesotans sent me to do in Washington can actually get done. ``We will get through this day,'' I wrote that morning. I truly believe our democracy is resilient and can withstand this desperate coup attempt. But it's a reminder of how hard we [need] to fight for our core principles, that no one is above the law and that . . . a democracy [is when] the people decide. Now, little did I know. But my optimism still holds, and my faith also still holds--my faith that we can be worthy of the promise laid out in our Constitution. ``We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Prosperity''--that is our oath and our promise. Thank you. I yield the floor.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I have 5 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Ms. SMITH

Ms. SMITH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.