Bennie Thompson

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. Florida to become battleground state on racial, gender preferences (By John Pacenti) MIAMI--The California businessman who plans to launch a ballot initiative to abolish state-sponsored racial and gender preferences in Florida attacked Gov. Jeb Bush on Monday as a purveyor of racial politics who is ``siccing his attack dogs on me.'' Ward Connerly, a black conservative Republican who has been successful with similar propositions in California and Washington, said a poll he commissioned found 80 percent of Floridians support his proposal. Lawmakers, though, are a different story. ``Florida doesn't need somebody from California to come here and tell it how to write its Constitution,'' said U.S. Sen. Bob Graham, D-Fla. Connerly said politicians, particularly Republicans, are afraid of offending black voters. He described campaigning in black churches, like Bush did, as playing the ``race card.'' ``That is saying I want your vote on the basis of your skin color, on the basis of your ethnicity,'' he said. Bush met with Connerly in January and later wrote a letter to him saying he felt a ballot initiative targeting affirmative action would be divisive. The governor refused to answer questions on the matter Monday. ``His goal is to build a consensus around issues we should be focusing on-- and those are education, fighting the drug war, protecting the developmentally disabled,'' said Bush's press secretary Nicolle Devenish. ``His focus is not going to be on this political debate right now.'' Connerly said Bush is behind a concerted effort to keep the initiative off the Florida Ballot. ``I can overcome the obstacle of the sitting governor of my party who is siccing his attack dogs on me and his party against a proposition I believe in,'' Connerly said. ``I believe the establishment is wrong, is dead wrong on this issue.'' Connerly, who also made announcements in Jacksonville and Altamonte Springs, said he plans to get one or more initiatives on the November ballot next year or 2002. ``It's like an old car. It's got a lot of mileage on it and it's ready to sputter out any minute,'' Connerly said of affirmative action. ``I think we should give it a graceful retirement and find a way of getting some new wheels that solves some real needs.'' He said that economic-based affirmative action should replace the raced-based preferences that has spilled over into private businesses and caused so much resentment in the workplace. ``We are talking about getting rid of the marginalization that flows from race-based affirmative action,'' Connerly said ``. . . it is all over America.'' Connerly, a member of the University of California Board of Regents, would need to gather 435,073 signatures to put the measure on the Florida ballot. Rev. Jesse Jackson, who was in Miami to talk about AIDS in the black community, said Connerly was ``trying to peddle fear'' and is going to have trouble without Bush's support. ``Gov. Wilson in California cooperated with Ward Connerly,'' said the Rev. Jesse Jackson. ``It seems like Gov. Bush will not. Florida must avoid the mistake made by California.'' Washington Gov. Gary Locke, though, opposed a Connerly- backed measure in 1998 and it passed with 58 percent of the vote.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. Truth Sought in 1910 Mob Killing of Black Man By Todd Bensman The Dallas Morning News (KRT) Dallas--The only memorial to Allen Brooks is a novelty picture postcard--made from a photograph and, for many years in an earlier time popularly mailed from Dallas. In the photograph, snapped 89 years ago, a vast Dallas mob of 10,000, many of them children, stand shoulder to shoulder around Brooks, a black man. He was lynched from a telephone pole in downtown Dallas. The execution is ``one of the great tragedies ever to occur in Dallas,'' said local journalist and historian Darwin Payne. All that remains in the city's memory is an original postcard at the Dallas Public Library and a few old newspaper clippings. Until now, the event in March 1910 has not been publicly viewed as worthy of investigation or academic reflection. But that would change if some scholars and city officials have their way. They say the city of Dallas should commission a study to investigate the incident if only because Brooks' guilt is doubtful and no mob leaders were ever held responsible. The 68-year-old Dallas man was to have stood trial on never- proved charges of molesting a white 3-year-old girl. ``It's not in the nature of Dallas historians to do research on that sort of topic,'' said Bill Farmer, a historian and professor emeritus of theology at Southern Methodist University. ``That's true of Southern regions in general and the tendency to bemoan bad things that happened but then to forget them. And Dallas has a particularly bad case of this. ``But I think there is a readiness now. I think the time is right.'' Kenneth Hamilton, a professor of history at SMU, points to recent efforts to unearth the truth about long-buried cases of killings of blacks, such as massacres in Rosewood, Fla., and Forsyth, Ga., and the Tulsa, Okla., race riots. In Tulsa, a city commission is reconstructing the 1921 melee set off by a rape charge against a black man. Local blacks want reparations. ``We don't have an urban historian on campus who does Dallas history. There's no conspiracy; we just have people whose interests lay elsewhere, and that's not unusual,'' said Dr. Hamilton of SMU, who is black. ``Blacks were not important to Dallas until recently. So if it's important to Dallas, then Dallas can commission someone to do it.'' As the State and Nation cope with the modern-day trial in Jasper, TX, of a white supremacist convicted of dragging a black man to death, historians recall an earlier time of such acts. Small-town Texas contributed to the annals of Southern mob lynchings from post-slavery Reconstruction through the 1920's and 1930's. But few such incidents anywhere were as urban, well- attended or festive as the mob killing of Brooks in downtown Dallas, historians say. The only thing that anyone knows for certain is that Brooks never got his day in a big-city court. According to newspaper accounts, Brooks was found in a barn with Mary Ethel Huvens, a 3-year-old who had been missing. He was accused of molesting her and arrested in late February 1910. Authorities, correctly reading public sentiment, anticipated a lynch-minded mob. They hid Brooks for a week before his scheduled trial. A mob that did form outside the city jail disbanded only after a delegation toured the facility and left satisfied that Brooks was not inside. But according to eyewitness accounts, the vigilantes knew they would find Brooks a week later at his trial in the Dallas County Courthouse. Overwhelming more than 70 peace officers, they broke into Judge Robert Sealey's second-floor courtroom, nabbed Brooks and tied a rope around his neck. The other end was thrown to the crowd below. A struggling Brooks was pushed and pulled through the window. It is thought that he died from the fall. But their fury unassuaged, the crowd dragged his body and hung him up on a telephone pole near an arch erected for an Elks convention. Moments later, witnesses say, people tore his clothing and the rope to shreds for souvenirs. Judge Sealey ordered a grand jury investigation that proved inconclusive after police officers swore they recognized no one in the crowd. The incident, one of the hundreds that occurred all over the South during the period, made headlines and was quickly forgotten. ``There wasn't any public outcry,'' Payne said. ``Man, you're talking about the bloody teens and the bloody `20s. This was home to Klan Chapter Number 66, the largest in the country. Lawyers, judges, fire chiefs, police chiefs, they were all members.'' Historians familiar with the period suggest there are reasons to doubt Brooks' guilt, primarily because many mob hangings of blacks were set off by flimsy, deliberately inflammatory rape allegations. In 1921 in Tulsa, the rape charges that set off the riots were later dropped, the black suspect acquitted. Brooks' case, based on the testimony of a 3-year-old, would hardly have withstood a routine defense in a truly impartial court, experts say. Some odd tidbits have surfaced that cast doubt on the case against Brooks. Payne, the author of ``Big D,'' said he learned during his research for the book a quarter-century ago that Brooks had been among several black men working for a wealthy white family. After an argument, another black man employed as a cook smeared chicken blood on the child's legs and said Brooks raped her. But even a determined effort to get at the truth may prove difficult. County grand jury records dating back to the time were mostly destroyed in a 1950's flood of the basement where they were stored. Neither Dallas police nor the county district attorney's office have records dated to those days. Census, birth and marriage records searches yielded nothing on Huvens, the alleged victim who would be 92 now. It is unknown whether she lived out her life in the area or whether descendants still do. What became of the Brooks family also is uncertain. No student dissertations or theses about the Brooks case have been done. City Council member Al Lipscomb, a student of black history, said he supports a commission that would investigate the Brooks case. ``I think it would be healthy for Dallas. Dallas is big enough to weather that, to face that, to clear the conscience of this city and move on,'' Lipscomb said. ``At least we would say we didn't know about and forgot about it. We can't have anything like that in our past without any hint of an investigation.''

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. [From the New York Times, Feb. 24, 1999] 47 Percent in Poll View Legal System as Unfair to Poor and Minorities (By Linda Greenhouse) Washington--Despite having only a minimal knowledge of the legal system, nearly half of the public thinks it treats minorities and the poor unfairly, a survey conducted for the American Bar Association indicates. In the months before William H. Rehnquist raised his public profile by presiding over the Senate impeachment trial, only 17 percent could identify him as Chief Justice of the United States. More than one-third of those responding held the mistaken belief that in a criminal trial, it is up to the defendant to prove his innocence. But a surprising 96 percent knew that a criminal defendant who is found not guilty can still be sued in a civil trial. The survey report, made public by the bar association today, speculated that widespread knowledge of this ``relatively obscure concept'' might be attributed to the intense coverage of O.J. Simpson's consecutive criminal and civil trials. While most people believe that ``the justice system needs a complete overhaul'' and that ``we would be better off with fewer lawyers,'' the public still agrees by a strong majority, 8 out of 10, that ``in spite of its problems, the American justice system is still the best in the world,'' according to the survey. But of the 1,000 adults polled by telephone in August, 47 percent said they believed that the courts did not ``treat all ethnic and racial groups the same.'' Thirty-nine percent said there was equitable treatment of minorities and 14 percent had no opinion. Also, 90 percent of respondents said affluent people and corporations had an unfair advantage in court. The bar group's president, Philip S. Anderson, who commissioned the survey, said in a statement that while he was cheered by the results showing public confidence in the system, he was disturbed by the indication that substantial numbers of people discerned racial unfairness in the behavior of courts and law-enforcement authorities. ``We are concerned that the current perception of bias will eventually erode confidence in our system of justice,'' Anderson said in remarks prepared for delivery on Wednesday at the National Press Club. The results of the nationwide telephone survey are to be presented and discussed at a bar association symposium here later this week on ``public understanding and perceptions of the American justice system.'' An independent research firm in Chicago, M/A/R/C Research, conducted the survey, which had a margin of sampling error of plus or minus three percentage points. The news media fared badly in public confidence, in fact worse than any other institution. Eight percent of the people had strong confidence in the news media, while 60 percent expressed slight or no confidence. The Supreme Court, by contrast, was at the top of the list, with 50 percent of the people expressing strong confidence in it. Compared with a similar survey conducted in 1978, public confidence in all levels of the judicial system has increased, while confidence in doctors, organized religion, public schools and Congress, as well as the news media, has declined. A majority rejected the statement that ``the courts are just puppets of the political system.'' Anderson, the bar group's president, urged the Supreme Court to enhance public understanding of the law by allowing television cameras into its argument sessions. ``One television camera in the Supreme court will educate more people more effectively in one morning than the traditional methods can reach in one year,'' he said. Some of the survey's results appeared certain to warm the hearts of the American Bar Association's 400,000 members. Of people who had used a lawyer within the past five years, three-quarters were very satisfied or somewhat satisfied with the quality of service, with 53 percent in the ``very satisfied'' category. Most people agreed that ``it would be easy to get a lawyer if I needed one,'' while at the same time expressing the view that ``it costs too much to go to court'' and ``it takes courts too long'' to do their job.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. In Their Own Voices, African Americans Tell the History of Bigotry (By Ovetta Sampson) Colorado Springs, Colo.--History books paint Colorado Springs as a haven of goodness--a beautiful resort town for the healthy and wealthy tucked at the bottom of Pikes Peak. In its early years, the city seemed almost ambivalent about race compared with other places around the country. The city didn't have segregated schools or neighborhoods. Its first police force, formed in 1887, included black officer Horace Shelby. By 1898, Colorado Springs had two weekly newspapers for blacks: The Colorado Springs Sun and The Enterprise. A closer look reveals a piece of Colorado Springs' past that's rarely talked about. It's a piece of history locked in the hearts and minds of many longtime black residents. It shows a Colorado Springs that sanctioned separatism in the city's finest hotels, restaurants and shops. It tells of a Jim Crow existence ushered in by the Ku Klux Klan. To find such history, you have to look beyond the usual books about the city and into the lives of its ordinary black residents. To get the truest sense of the triumphs and tragedies black people endured here, you have to let them have their say, in their own words. * * * Kelly Dolphus Stroud was born in 1907, the third of 11 children in one of Colorado Springs' pioneering families. While the children were still young, their father, Kimbal Stroud, would fill the home with music, playing the French harp or singing. He also told them stories about slavery, biblical adventures and happenings around the world. In an unpublished book, Dolphus recounts how his dad's after-supper musings gave them the head start they needed for school. ``The Stroud children learned a great deal at the feet of their parents and were well advanced beyond their grade levels upon entering Bristol elementary school. This placed them in the enigmatic position of being the brains of their classes because of their knowledge and the butt of all jokes and embarrassments because of the color-phobia of White America.'' Dolphus realized, even in his youth, that being smart didn't exempt blacks from the racist attitudes of others. ``It hurts when one approaches his high school Latin teacher as I did after the first semester of my first year of Latin class to ask why I have been graded `B' when I had passed every test with 100 percent grade, had done every translation without error and had not been absent or tardy to any class,'' Dolphus wrote in a letter to his biographer, Inez Hunt, years after he'd left Colorado Springs. ``Thus, I received this curt answer `I don't give A's to colored kids.' '' Dolphus transferred to another Latin class and ``received an A-plus on every Latin semester report thereafter for the next three years.'' He was good at masking his pain but angry at the way he was treated: ``To be forced to carry a pocket full of rocks at all times for a measure of self-defense against unprovoked attacks,'' he wrote in another letter to Hunt. The letter can be found in John Holley's book ``Invisible People of the Pikes Peak Region.'' ``To be unable to eat food inside any of the numerous restaurants in Colorado Springs and Manitou, to be unable to enter any of the city theaters, and to be harassed by Chief Hugh D. Harper and his police to the point where Negro youngsters were constantly under the threat of being kidnapped from the streets and taken to City Hall and forced to dance and clown for the entertainment of the police, were among the minor irritations one faced daily.'' Still, Dolphus excelled in college, becoming the first black man at Colorado College to earn membership in the prestigious honor society Phi Beta Kappa. After graduation, however, he couldn't get a job teaching at his alma mater where he had done so well. Dolphus thought it was a cruel joke. Although black students here received an equal education long before the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decision desegregating schools, they ran up against the same wall as in Southern cities that separated them from professional jobs. Dolphus ended up working for his father's company hauling everything from ash to trash because he couldn't find a better job. ``Naturally, the experience at Bristol School, Colorado Springs High School and the general atmosphere of the town left emotional * * * scars upon the Negroes of my generation,'' he wrote. Dolphus, like most of his siblings, eventually left Colorado Springs. He taught political science at a black school in Georgia, coached a baseball team and owned his own trucking and storage business in Portland, Ore. He died in 1975 at 68. The heavy cloud of discrimination that floated throughout the city during Dolphus' youth soon became a whirlwind of prejudice, racism and downright terrorism for blacks. In Colorado Springs, old-timers say, the Ku Klux Klan reigned with the backing of the city government. A 1921 Gazette clipping tells how the Klan, formed in July of that year, couldn't be shut down or touched by order of the police chief and district attorney. Other clippings tell of the Klan burning crosses on front lawns and even on Pikes Peak. `The brutality was horrible,'' said 75-year-old Eula Andrews, who vividly remembers the Klan uprisings from when she was a little girl. ``It was so unpleasant. I was frightened, my mother was frightened. The Klan was so strong here.'' Andrews may have felt the sting of hatred more than most. She was the daughter of Charles Banks, one of the city's most vocal crusaders against racism. Bank's suffering was more of a conscious choice. He was born in 1880 to an American Indian mother and English father. With his caramel-colored skin, Banks didn't have to identify himself as black, but because he was raised in a black household, he did. When he signed up with the military, he joined black men who were forced to fight segregated troops. After contracting malaria in the Philippines, the Spanish-American War veteran retired to Colorado Springs, where he used the city as the battleground to fight a civil rights war. Andrews said her father's activism could be traced to a face-to-face meeting Banks had with abolitionist Frederick Douglass, who encouraged him. In Colorado Springs, Banks didn't hesitate to threaten, coerce or cajole the folks of Colorado Springs to go his way. ``I am sending you this communication on behalf of the National Colored Democratic Club of El Paso County protesting against the appointment of Judge Little for assistant district attorney,'' Banks wrote to another El Paso County judge in July 1932. ``There was a time when the colored people of this county put their unmost confidence in him and would have supported him in almost anything he would have asked for. But his attitude toward us during the reign of the Ku Klu (Klan) shattered all confidence beyond a reasonable doubt that he was not our friend. We did everything in our power to ensure your election, and we still have undying confidence in you and believe when you look into this matter further that you will decline to make the appointment of Judge Little.'' Bank's activism generated enemies, including the Klan, which burned a cross in his neighbor's yard thinking it was Banks' yard. His activism also helped him get elected as president of the NAACP, a post he held for five years. As part of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, he was a pistol, packing political clout and a penchant for filing lawsuits against businesses that violated civil rights laws. He sent his children and other relatives to stores, theaters and cafes around town to document the discrimination. Andrews remembers being send one time by her father to Walgreens. She sat down in a booth and ordered coffee. When the waitress served her, she poured salt instead of sugar into her cup. ``I got so angry,'' Andrews said. Her father, through, had given her strict orders not to fight--just pay, leave and document the event. In an undated speech titled ``Will Democracy or Fascism Reign in Colorado?'' Banks took the city's government to task. A five-man committee was appointed by the City Council; they investigated very thoroughly and cleared the police of the brutality charge. Of course, it couldn't be expected that anyone would be appointed to that committee who would make a fair investigation. The committee stated it was not brutality but self-defense when a policeman cruelly beat up a man Well, if self-defense means going into a cell when a man is already behind bars and beating him unconscious, then we will call it self-defense. Of course I realize that sometimes it is necessary for a policeman to use his black jack. But the way they have beaten some of these boys, you would think they had just caught a desperate criminal. . . . The committee also stated the police were sincere and devoted and above average in intelligence. What I want to know (is) who and what are they devoted to besides the chief and the taxpayers' money? Yes, maybe they are above average in intelligence, they have the intelligence to arrest a man, drunk or sober, fine him $25 to $250 for drunkenness, disturbing the peace or whatever else they can think of to get the money . . . They have the intelligence to order Negroes out of theaters and to uphold other public facilities and breaking the civil rights law.'' Banks' fervor didn't sit well with some of the other civil rights leaders in town, and he was called a Communist. Eventually he was ostracized and ousted as NAACP head, but residents say his legacy will be as a freedom fighter in Colorado Springs. He died in 1976. In 1942, Camp Carson came to town, and in one day, the city's black population increased 10 percent. By the time Camp Carson turned into a permanent Army base and became Fort Carson in 1954, the military installation was regularly drawing new residents to the city. Joyce Gilmer came to Colorado Springs by way of a military husband. Her first impressions were outlined in an extensive interview she did in 1994 for the Pioneers Museum's Voices and Visions Oral History project. ``When I first came here, I didn't know any black who worked at a newspaper,'' she said. ``I don't think they had a lot of black professors at Colorado College for sure, and they had a lot fewer black teachers than they have now. They didn't have any black doctor. . . . Now they have several doctors and lawyers and things like that, but not nearly as many as they should have for a town this size.'' It certainly wasn't a climate that looked friendly for Gilmer, who soon became an unemployed, divorced mother of three. Yet, she was driven to survive. She went back to school and became the city's first black woman real estate agent. She was so good she convinced her landlord to put the house she was renting on the market, and it was the first one she sold. She was homeless but successful. The clouds of Colorado Springs' past were there as Gilmer began her ascension into the realm of selling real estate. ``When I first started in real estate working with men, (I was) the only woman and (the only) black woman,'' she said in the oral history interview. ``They don't even expect you to say anything. When I used to do a closing . . . I would sit through the whole closing, I'd make sure I found a mistake at the beginning, and then I would call their attention to the mistake so we'd all have to start over.'' Though Gilmer was never exposed to it personally, she talked about the existence of red-lining, the practice of showing houses only in certain neighborhoods to people of color while steering white people to other neighborhoods. ``You were not allowed to point out a neighborhood that you couldn't go into,'' she said. ``I guess white people knew more about that than I did because they're not going to tell a black person these are areas they don't want you to live in or sell in. . . . But it was beginning to be the topic of conversation at meetings and things like that, that this was not legal and you had better not be caught doing it.'' Her personal triumphs--earning a degree, starting her own business, becoming one of the most successful real estate agents in the city--shows just how much the city has changed. While many old-timers say racism in Colorado Springs is still just below the surface, stories such as Gilmer's point toward fairness. Last year, signs were erected to identify the newly named Martin Luther King Jr. bypass. The NAACP also celebrated its 10th annual Juneteenth festival--a community party celebrating freedom--on the grounds of Colorado College. Also, the city is in its second round of talks as part of a Community Conversation on Race. The transformation is by no means complete, but residents who know this city's history say there have been changes. ``I think this city has made a 180-degree turn,'' said Franklin Macon, grandson of Charles Banks and a Springs native. ``No matter what people say, it's gotten so much better.''

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Mr. William L. Strain, Assistant Director of the Communications Department at the Alabama Cooperative Extension Service. On March 31, Mr. Strain retired from the extension service after 45 years and two months of service. Mr. Strain is a native of Morgan County, Alabama and a graduate of Morgan City Training School in Hartselle, Alabama. He graduated with honors from Tuskegee Institute where he received his Bachelor of Science and Master of Education degrees. He also completed his Master of Science degree in Agricultural Journalism at the University of Wisconsin. In addition to Mr. Strain's academic accomplishments, he served his country as a Second Lieutenant in the United States Air Force. In 1958, Mr. Strain served the people of Alabama as an Assistant Negro County Agent in Butler County. He went on to serve similar positions in Coosa and Tuscaloosa Counties respectively. In 1971, he served as the plaintiff in the civil action landmark court case Strain vs. Philpot, which establish the tone to bring about equal opportunity for Extension minority employees and clients, throughout Alabama and the rest of the nation. Ever since that landmark case, Mr. Strain continued to dedicate his life to improvements in the Extension Service. He served as a member of numerous professional associations and has received many awards for his outstanding leadership in higher education, development of community relations and professional involvement in local, state and national levels. Mr. Speaker, in closing I want to add that I am honored to stand here today and congratulate Mr. Willie Strain. He was a trailblazer in his field and paved the way for many African-Americans.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. Justice Department Announces Arrests in Indiana Church Burnings (By Rex W. Huppke) Indianapolis (AP).--A man charged with seven Indiana church fires may be responsible for up to 50 such arsons across the Midwest and South, including Mississippi. Probable cause affidavits accompanying the formal charges brought against Jay Scott Ballinger paint a picture of a 36- year-old who burned churches at random while traveling with his girlfriend, an exotic dancer. The U.S. Department of Justice announced Tuesday that Ballinger had been arrested and charged with setting seven Indiana church fires dating back to 1994. The Yorktown man was being held in federal custody in Indianapolis while a multi-agency investigation continues. Charged with one count each of arson are Angela Wood, 24, of Atlanta, Ga., and Donald A. Puckett, 37, of Lebanon, Ind. Wood is in federal custody in Macon, Ga., and Puckett is being held in Indianapolis. Wood has admitted to serving as a lookout during some of the other fires Ballinger allegedly set, according to the affidavit, and both Wood and Puckett are believed to have helped Ballinger burn down the Concord Church of Christ in Lebanon, Ind., in 1994. U.S. Attorney Judith A. Stewart would not give information on a motive for the arsons. She said that because the charges are part of a federal criminal complaint she couldn't comment on the investigation until formal charges were brought before a grand jury. All three arrested are white and most of the church burnings in Indiana have involved rural churches with predominately white congregations. ``When someone sets fire to a house of worship, they are not just setting fire to a building, but to an entire community,'' said Bill Lann Lee, assistant attorney general for the Justice Department's civil rights division. The arrests stemmed from the work of the National Church Arson Task Force, established in 1996 after a series of fires at black churches in the South. An affidavit from a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agent says that searches of Ballinger's central Indiana residence turned up a gasoline container and satanic books and writings. Also found were credit card statements showing purchases made in Indiana and other states on or about the dates of church fires in those areas. The affidavit says Ballinger admitted to setting ``a total of approximately thirty to fifty'' church fires in Indiana and other states. Jerry Singer, a special agent with the ATF, said the fires involve 11 states, including Indiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, Mississippi, Georgia and Alabama, all of which were mentioned in the affidavits. Singer would not identify the other four states involved. He said that in his 21 years with the ATF, this is the largest serial arson case he's seen. The affidavit details the events that led to Ballinger's arrest: On Feb. 6, 1999, a church in Brookville, Ohio, was burned. Three days later, a detective from the Ball State University Police Department in Muncie overheard an emergency radio call for medical assistance at the Ballinger residence in Yorktown, a few miles west of Muncie. The officer recognized the last name from a previous church arson investigation. He went to Ball Memorial Hospital in Muncie and interviewed Ballinger's father, who said his son was badly burned when he came home early in the morning on Feb. 7. The officer notified federal investigators of the incident at the hospital. During interviews with law enforcement officials Feb. 19-21, Ballinger admitted to the various arsons. Ballinger had at least one prior offense--a 1993 arrest on charges of contributing to the delinquency of a minor. According to court records, he was arrested near Daleville for allowing two teen-agers to consume alcohol in his car. A warrant was issued for his arrest in Delaware County in 1994 after he failed to show up at a court hearing on those charges. One of the affidavits in the church arson case said that Puckett admitted that he, Ballinger and Wood set fire to the Concord Church of Christ in Lebanon, Ind., in January 1994. According to the affidavit, Ballinger and Wood met at Puckett's home, mixed several flammable liquids together then left to find a church to burn. They picked the Concord Church of Christ at random. Wood allegedly wrote satanic symbols on the porch, Puckett sprayed the flammable mixture and Ballinger lit the fire. The church was destroyed.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, In my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. [From the New York Times, Feb. 24, 1999] Man Sentenced to 20 Years in Louisiana Hate Crime Gretna, La.--A white man convicted of a hate crime for trying to torch two cars belonging to black motorists has been sentenced to the maximum of 20 years in prison. Prosecutors said it was the first trial involving Louisiana's hate crime law. Frank Palermo, 32, was convicted in December of two counts of a hate crime and of dousing the vehicles with gasoline. He was sentenced Monday by State District Judge Walter Rothschild, who told Palermo, ``You were out to get these people because of their race.'' One of the cars had a small child in it. The cars didn't burn because it was raining at the time of the incident last September. Authorities said, Palermo and his younger brother, Patrick, encountered the blacks working on a stalled car along an expressway in Harvey, a New Orleans suburb. Witnesses testified the Palermos became involved in a shouting match with one driver, and then fistfights broke out. Racial slurs were used, authorities said. Frank Palermo got a baseball bat and broke windows in one car, then grabbed a gas can and poured fuel on it and another car that had a crying child strapped inside, witnesses said. They said the brothers tried to ignite the gas but the rain kept it from burning, and the brothers then fled. The younger brother received the minimum sentence of three years in prison. He had been acquitted of the hate crime count but convicted of helping put gasoline on the cars. The hate crime law, passed in 1997, allows a judge to add up to five extra years to a felony sentence if it is found that the actions stemmed from hatred because of race, age, gender, sexual orientation, national origin or membership in an organization.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. Prosecutor: Black Man's Murder Intended to Draw Attention to New Hate Group (By Michael Graczyk) Jasper, TX (AP).--The heinous dragging death of a black man last year was part of a plan to draw attention to a new white supremacist group being organized by his accused white killer, John William King, prosecutors say. ``I do believe he was trying to form his own personal hate group in Jasper, Texas,'' Jasper County District Attorney Guy James Gray said Tuesday after the first full day of testimony. ``I believe we'll be able to establish that this killing was to promote his own personal agenda.'' King, 24, an unemployed laborer and ex-convict, faces life in prison or death by injection if convicted of the June 7 murder of James Byrd Jr. The 49-year-old East Texas man was chained to the back of a pickup truck and dragged for three miles before his body, minus a head, neck and arm, was left dumped on a road across from a black church and cemetery. Gray, who said DNA evidence would be introduced today, has said he hopes to wrap up his side of the case by the end of the week. Two other men, Lawrence Russell Brewer, 31, and Shawn Allen Berry, 23, are to be tried later on the same charges. In his opening statement Tuesday to the jury of 11 whites and one black, Gray said physical evidence, racist tattoos all over King's body and letters written by King would tie him to Byrd's murder. Correspondence seized by authorities from King's Jasper apartment the day after Byrd's death and entered into evidence late Tuesday included 22 pages of handwritten by- laws and a code of ethics for what King called the ``Confederate Knights of America Texas Rebel Soldiers.'' ``Dear Student,'' King wrote. ``Welcome to the Aryan Institute for Higher Learning . . . Welcome to the dream.'' In one of the documents, he labels himself ``Captain'' of the organization. In another, where he signs himself as ``President,'' he describes his group as working for the ``struggle of our white race'' and complained of ``thousands of organizations working for the interest of minorities.'' ``How many groups stand up for the cultural values and ideals of the white majority?'' he asked. ``We of the Confederate Knights of America are unapologetically committed to the interest, ideas and cultural value of the White Aryan race.'' Prosecutors said other physical evidence includes a lighter engraved with Knight's prison nickname ``Possum'' and a Klu Klux Klan symbol of interlocking three K's found along the bloody route. Byrd's blood also was found on King's shoes, Gray said. Tattoos over more than 65 percent of his body include a black man hanging from a tree, nazi swastikas and a Woody Woodpecker cartoon character wearing a Klan robe and hood. Defense attorney Haden ``Sonny'' Cribbs, who declined an immediate opening statment, objected to the introduction of the written material and photos of King's tattoos, saying such items were protected by the Constitution as freedom of expression. State District Judge Joe Bob Golden overruled the objections. Prosecutors began testimony by laying out the crime scene, with Sheriff Billy Rowles telling how he first thought he had a routine hit-and-run accident. But he said he was puzzled by the lack of parallel tire tracks that should have followed the trail of blood typically left by someone dragged under a vehicle. When investigators found the lighter, ``That's when we started having some bad thoughts,'' the sheriff added. ``I knew somebody had been murdered because he had been black.'' Other items from the crime scene included tools with the name ``Berry'' scratched into the surface. Authorities knew Berry was a mechanic and arrested him on outstanding traffic warrants. When he gave an affidavit that included information identifying King as having the nickname ``Possum,'' ``I know this country boy's in trouble,'' Rowles testified. In love letters he sent from prison to Michele Chapman, a Jasper woman described by King as ``my precious Aryan Princess,'' King used obscenities and vulgarities when referring to blacks and Mexicans. He bragged about what he said was $3,000 worth of tattoo work he received for free all over his body from an inmate tattoo artist. ``White is right!!!'' he wrote in one letter, signing it off: ``. . . Take care and stay white and beautiful.'' Prosecutors also showed jurors photographs of Byrd's remains and introduced into evidence tattered remnants of Byrd's clothing. Several members of Byrd's family began sobbing as the clothing was revealed.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to stand before you today to honor an institution of higher learning that is currently enjoying its 50th year of academic excellence. Coahoma Community College, nestled in Clarksdale, Mississippi, was established on June 8, 1949, by the Board of Trustees of Coahoma County agricultural High School. Back then, they got together to discuss adding a freshman year of college to the high school as provided by a special act of the state legislature. At the same time, they changed the name of the school to Coahoma Junior College and Agricultural High School which now stands as Coahoma Community College. Coahoma Community College started out as a college where African- American students could pursue their dreams of obtaining a college education when no other opportunities were available to them. Today, they strive to meet the dreams of every student, adult and businessperson who has a desire to improve his or her place in life. Mr. Speaker, in closing, I want to add that Coahoma Community College is just that . . . a college for the community. It has definitely come a long way since 1949. With the additions of the Skill/Tech Industrial Training Center and other programs, Coahoma works with businesses and industrial plants offering start-up training, employee and skills enhancement training and health and safety training. Through its academic, vo-tech and skill/tech classes, the college offers a variety of non-credit courses designed to enhance the quality of life in the community as well as increase a person's skills in lifelong learning. From a college that gave blacks an opportunity to attain a college education to providing the community with diverse centers for learning, Coahoma Community College continues to fulfill its original mission of providing opportunities for advancement for the people it serves.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. Trooper Faces Probe Over Outburst Eugene, OR (AP)--A state police trooper accused of shouting racial slurs and obscenities during an incident in Eugene is facing a criminal charge. Joseph Michael Jansen, 28, assigned to the Madras patrol office, was in town for a wedding when he allegedly caused the 2 a.m. ruckus Jan. 24. Jansen, who is charged with disorderly conduct, is on ``modified duty status'' while police investigate, state police spokesman Lt. Gregg Hastings said. ``That type of behavior, whether on duty or off duty, is very serious and it's taken very seriously,'' Hastings said. Jansen and another man were on the first floor of the Valley River Inn yelling racial slurs about blacks and Mexicans, according to a Eugene police report. Jansen gave his badge and state police identification to the officers, who didn't immediately believe he was a trooper because of his behavior. Officers said they tried to calm him down, noting that hotel guests were waking up to see what was happening. They said Jansen appeared to be extremely intoxicated and continued to yell and swear, telling one officer to ``shut up'' when she asked him to quiet down. As officers put him in a patrol car, they said, they warned him that the car had a recording device, but he continued to yell. Jansen posted $510 bail five hours later and was released. Hastings said Jensen in on paid leave, ``duty-stationed at home,'' meaning he has to be available to perform paperwork- type duties during normal work hours. Jansen, who was hired Jan. 1, 1997, could be fired, Hastings said. However, a decision isn't expected until the disorderly conduct charge is dealt with in court.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I stand here today to pay tribute in memory of Mr. Robert ``Peterbo'' Bankhead, who recently passed. He was not only a County Supervisor in my district, the 2nd Congressional District, but also a personal and dear friend to me. It is very hard to effectively portray in a short amount of time to you the true heart, spirit, and countless deeds of Mr. Robert ``Peterbo'' Bankhead. Mr. Robert ``Peterbo'' Bankhead was born on August 30, 1999. He attended Humphreys County High School in Belzoni, Mississippi where he was a member of the first class to graduate from Humphreys County High School. He graduated from Mississippi Valley State University with a Bachelor of Science degree in Criminal Justice in 1977. Additionally, he graduated from MATC (Milwaukee Area Technical College) with a degree in the Culinary Arts. He opened Peterbo's Restaurant in 1974 in Isola, Mississippi where it remains today. During the life of Robert Bankhead, he received several social and community awards for his countless hours, and dedication. He was life-time member of Mississippi Valley State Alumni, the Mississippi Restaurant's Association, and served as Beat 1 Supervisor for Humphrey County for two consecutive terms. Robert will always be remembered as a person willing to go the extra mile. In closing, Mr. Speaker I would like to say that Robert has made a tremendous contribution to the future of America. His work was pivotal and instrumental in the overall success of my 1996 and 1998 campaign. My prayers go out to his family and his contributions will be remembered in Mississippi, specifically the 2nd Congressional District for years to come.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. [From the Virginian-Pilot] Confederate Group Battles for Its Flag (By Linda McNatt) In May 1997, two members of the Sons of Confederate Veterans confronted Ku Klux Klansmen in front of the Pensacola, Fla., judicial building. Sworn to conduct themselves as Southern gentlemen, the SCV members asked the hooded Klansmen to put down what they believe is their Confederate battle flag. ``There were 20 of them, maybe,'' said Robert A. Young, who belongs to the Sons of Confederate Veterans. ``This group of fellas came over from Louisiana. They were dressed up like ghosts. We didn't want the connection, and we told 'em so.'' The peaceful confrontation made national news. The Klansmen didn't back down, but the SCV had made its point. It wasn't the first time that the Sons of Confederate Veterans have defended the bright red flag with its blue cross and white stars. And it's not likely to be the last. The flag, the SCV says, symbolizes the bravery of their ancestors who followed it through the smoke of battle. But the same flag has been used by the Klan and other hate groups. For some African Americans, the Confederate flag represents terrorism, prejudice and hate. That's why the Virginia General Assembly two weeks ago said ``no flag'' when it voted to allow the group, which has 6,000 Virginia members, to have a special state license plate. The Sons of Confederate Veterans aren't happy. Members have said they might try to re-introduce the flag image. Bills have been changed before, they say, although they won't say how they plan to do it. Or--if the Senate fails to consider anything but the blank plate with the name of the organization on it--the SCV may take the issue to court. They're ready for a gentlemanly battle, they say. The Sons of Confederate Veterans was organized in 1896 as an offshoot of the United Confederate Veterans. Today, the mission of the group is to ``preserve the history and the legacy'' of the ``citizen soldiers'' who fought for the Confederacy in the War Between the States, from 1861 to 1865. Proof of kinship to a Confederate soldier is required. The SCV allows blacks to join; in fact, they say, race has never been a question on their membership application. And they do claim black members, although no one at the national headquarters--an antebellum mansion in Columbia, Tenn.--can say how many of their 27,000 members worldwide are black. Neither can Patrick J. Griffin III, SCV national commander and chief, of Darnestown, Md. ``We do not have a block on our application that asks for race,'' Griffin said. ``I've never seen anything in this organization that questions race or religion. You either have an honorable Confederate ancestor or you don't.'' The SCV, with 700 camps in 36 states, Europe and South America, accepts members as young as 12. ``We're trying to preserve an accurate view of Southern American history, to make sure the names of our ancestors are not sullied,'' Griffin said. The group dedicates itself to preservation, to marking confederate soldiers' graves, to historical re-enactments. It holds regular meetings to discuss the military and political history of the Civil War. It publishes a bimonthly magazine, and it hands out two scholarships and a medical research grant each year. Executive director Maitland Westbrook III said that the SCV is not ``statistically oriented,'' so he can't say how many African Americans have benefited from SCV scholarships. The organization has five full-time employees at national headquarters. None of them, currently, are black, Westbrook said, although the SCV has employed blacks in the past. The SCV also spends a lot of time defending its heritage-- including its symbol--the Confederate battle flag. Collin Pulley Jr. of Courtland is national chief of heritage defense. In the last several months, he's complained about ``anti-Southern'' TV shows and objected to a rap CD that depicts a burning Confederate flag on its cover.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I represent Mississippi's Second Congressional District. Based on per capita income, the Second District is the 430th poorest Congressional District in the nation. Let me say that again. Out of the 435 Congressional Districts, the District I represent ranks 430 based on per capita income. I know this Mr. Speaker because the Census Bureau extrapolated these statistics based on the data they compiled during the 1990 Census. Economic, social, health, employment, housing, and other types of information crucial to knowing who populates not only our nation but our Congressional Districts can be derived from the enumeration of Americans taken every ten years. The census is important . . . extremely important. As Members of Congress, I think we can all probably agree on that statement. However, upon closer examination, the delicate balance we have managed to maintain beings to crumble. While Democrats admittedly want to count the urban and rural poor, minorities, legal immigrants and children, Republicans have publicly stated that an accurate accounting of all Americans will jeopardize their ability to hold on to a majority in Congress. I argue that the Republicans have their priorities mixed up. Counting Americans is what we are supposed to be doing here, not protecting our political majority in Congress. What they apparently fail to realize is the impact an inaccurate Census count has had on the population of poor, rural and urban Congressional Districts, including the one I represent. In 1990, nearly 14,700 of my constituents were not counted, ironically placing my District near the top of the list at number 75 out of many Congressional Districts that experienced undercounts. Most of the people who were not counted in my District were poor people, African Americans, Latinos, immigrants and children living in the city of Jackson, Bolivar County, Madison County, Warren County, and Washington County. I am going to take a unique approach to this issue. I am going to admit the reason unabashedly I want all of the people in Mississippi's Second Congressional District counted is to increase the amount of federal funding received by the State of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, allow me to give you some additional statistics. Of the fifty states, Mississippi ranks first in the percent of births to unwed mothers, first in food stamp recipients, first in infant mortality rates, last in state health rankings, fifth in percent of non-elderly population without health insurance, 41st in average 8th grade math proficiency scores, 36th in average 8th grade reading proficiency scores, and 50th in per capita personal income. Once again, Mr. Speaker, I would like to remind you that I represent the poorest Congressional District in the second poorest state in the nation. In some places in my District federal funds are the life's blood of economic hope. Usually, the county tax base cannot cover the many needs of the area's residents. The federal government has stepped in on numerous occasions and filled the financial gaps that would have otherwise increased our state's infant mortality rate, prevented the basic educational needs of our children from being met, and prevented Mississippians from building the vital infrastructure needed to support businesses and to provide jobs. When any segment of our population goes uncounted, it jeopardizes our chances to receive invaluable federal funding. Some of the programs that rely on population-related data to allocate funds include: 1890 Land Grant Colleges, Water and Waste Water Disposal Systems for Rural Communities, Community Development Block Grants, Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, Summers Jobs, Education Block Grants, Head Start, and many others that have specifically benefited the District I represent. The use of current statistical methods is the only way to insure Mississippi receives the most accurate count possible. It is the only way to guarantee that our respective constituents receive their fair share of federal dollars.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I will not waste time denouncing the CCC. This organization has already been exposed as the racist, hate-mongering, bigoted group that we all know it to be. H. Res. 121 was brought before this body today as an attempt to ``whitewash'' real, meaningful legislation that will condemn a specific group for specific acts. It is not the altruistic piece of legislation Members on the other side of the aisle want you to think it is. To the contrary, it is a prime example that the CCC has been successful in achieving its goal of infiltrating the United States Congress. All of a sudden, the reasons given by Republicans for their 1994 denunciation of Kalhid Mohammed don't apply to this legislation. Even today, the Republicans have said it is acceptable to condemn the members of a Russian organization for making anti-Semitic statements, but they won't allow the House to take the same action against an American group that has attacked blacks, Latinos, immigrants, homosexuals, and Jews. Republican actions warrant a specific question, ``What is the problem with denouncing the blatantly racist actions of an American group that has its roots planted in the cesspool of racial separatism and white supremacy?'' Maybe the answer to this question lies in statements made by Gordon Baum, the national CEO of the CCC. I think it explains why Republicans, especially Southern Republicans, refuse to distance themselves from this group: When Jim Nicholson, RNC Chairman, asked Republicans to distance themselves from the group, Baum said, ``He doesn't know what he is talking about.'' Baum said that Nicholson is alienating key GOP voters: ``The Wallace- Reagan Democrats are the ones who made the Republicans have enough votes to win. Without the Wallace-Reagan Democrats, the Republicans aren't going to have near the voting strength.'' Baum contended Nicholson and other party leaders ``are doing a pretty good job running them [white, working-class voters] off * * * Sometimes it's remarkable how dumb they are. They let the liberal media run their campaigns. They apparently don't even know why these people vote Republicans half the time. Lott recently has renounced the group, and Baum warned that the majority leader could pay a political price in his home State. ``It could be [there will be a backlash]. If he keeps it up, if he keeps distancing himself from everything. A sizable segment knows the truth, that we are very much in tune with the people of Mississippi on most issues.'' Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 121 is deceptive. It is a distraction, and it is doomed for failure. Once the Republicans finish trying to pass this farce of a bill off on the American public, I have a fence they can use the rest of their white wash on. That's about the only thing its good for.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America, I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. Officers Accused of Using Racial Slurs, Breaking Boy's Arm Las Vegas (AP).--Two Las Vegas off-duty police officers are accused of taunting schoolchildren with racial slurs and breaking the arm of a 12-year-old boy while arresting him. The Metropolitan Police Department is investigating, and the mother of Parrish ``Pookie'' Young Jr., shose arm was broken, has contacted an attorney. Police Department spokesman Lt. Rick Alba said Thursday the department began an internal investigation after the Wednesday morning incident through Tammy Lyons, Pookie's mother, has yet to file a compliant with the department's Internal Affairs Bureau. Lyons' aunt, Caroline Lyons, said Pookie was cited for resisting arrest and impeding traffic, both misdemeanors. She said her great-nephew's arm was broken between the elbow and the shoulder. Twelve-year-old Alex Solomon said the incident began when he, Dwayne Childs, 13, and Pookie met to go to school about 7 a.m. Wednesday. After making their morning trek to a doughnut shop, they walked to their school bus stop at Mojave Road and Charleston Boulevard. Alex said their friend, Zaya Thompson, 12, had a can of potato chips, which she tossed to them. The can went into the street, Alex said, and he and pookie chased after it. Then, he said, they started ``play fighting''over it. An unidentified woman stopped her car at that time and told them to stay out of the road because they could get hurt. Just behind her was a Las Vegas police squad car and a white vehicle. An officer in uniform got out of the squad car, and another man, who identified himself as an officer, got out of the white vehicle. The officers scolded the children for running into the street at the school bus stop, but Alex and another student, Candance Reynard, 11, said the officers then started using racial slurs. All the children involved in the incident are black. One of the girls at the bus stop yelled an expletive to the officers. Another girl repeated the derogatory rebuff, and Pookie started laughing. ``I said, `A-hahaha,' '' the 12-year-old said. ``One of the men said, `This ain't no joke. Bring your little ass over her.' '' Pookie said he dropped his school books and walked toward the two. When he was within arm's reach, they grabbed him and slammed him against the police car, he said. ``Pookie walked over to the cop, to the car, and as he was walking over, as soon as he got near them, they took him,'' said Gary Hamilton, 26, who was driving the school bus the children were waiting to board. ``And one cop has his head down, and the other tried to get, I guess, what looked like an arm bar,'' he said, referring to a method of immobilizing someone's arms. Pookie's left arm then ``just gave away,'' Hamilton said. The officers then took Pookie to University Medical Center.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, in my continuing efforts to document and expose racism in America. I submit the following articles into the Congressional Record. Black Doctors' Organization Pulls Convention From Seattle, Considers Baltimore Seattle(AP).--A group representing 20,000 black physicians is withdrawing its 2001 convention from Seattle, citing the state's passage in November of an anti-affirmative action initiative. ``Such legislative enactment (of Initiative 200) is counter to the basic tenets upon which the National Medical Association was founded more than 100 years ago,'' NMA executive director Lorraine Cole said Tuesday in a statement. The association, headquartered in Washington, D.C., will relocate its convention. It listed potential sites as Denver, Miami, Nashville, Orlando, Philadelphia, New York and Baltimore. The convention was scheduled for the Washington State Convention Center July 27-Aug. 2, 2001. Between 8,000 and 10,000 people usually attend, said NMA spokeswoman Tomeka Rawlings. ``It's their loss,'' said John Carlson, of Bellevue, who headed the petition drive to put 1-200 on the ballot. ``Unless their organization was founded on the tenets of racial quotas and preferences, they are seriously misreading Initiative 200 because that's all that prohibits,'' he added. Mayor Paul Schell plans to ask the association to reconsider, spokeswoman Vivian Phillips said. ``He feel it's quite unfortunate,'' Phillips said of the association's action. ``Seattle did not vote in favor of 1- 200. In fact, it was overwhelmingly defeated in Seattle.'' The National Association of Black Journalists said before the election that passage of the initiative might be reason for a minority journalists' group to withdraw its conference, scheduled for Seattle this summer. However, the group UNITY: Journalists of Color voted two days after the Nov. 3 election to keep the convention in Seattle, despite passage of 1-200. The UNITY '99 conference is scheduled July 7-11 at the Washington State Convention Center. The group said in a news release that passage of 1-200 ``cries out for the need to educate the public about affirmative action.'' Besides the NABJ, the UNITY group includes the National Association of Hispanic Journalists, the Native American Journalists Association, and the Asian American Journalists Association. Their memberships total more than 6,000. Initiative 200 was approved by nearly 60 percent of the state's voters, but a majority within the city voted no. It bars state and local governments from giving preferential treatment to women and minorities in contracts, jobs or public higher education.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, racism is a cancer that is ravenously devouring its way through the threads of liberty, unity and equality that hold America together. Unfortunately, the damage being done to our nation has primarily gone unnoticed. Although a dragging death, the sadistic beating of a Marine, and an indefensible, racist comment made by a radio shock jock have left their indelible marks on the American conscience, these incidents have not been enough to facilitate the serious, introspective discussion about race our country so desperately needs. That is why I have decided to submit the following articles exposing racism and racist activities into the Congressional Record. It is my hope that the tacit and conspicuous acceptance of bigotry will not go unnoticed by future generations. By documenting these cases for all the world to see, maybe, it will finally force Americans to take stock of the atrocities that are being perpetrated against our friends and neighbors. It is my intention to drop these articles into the Congressional Record at the end of every week, and I challenge Members and the rest of America to take a long hard look at them. I defy any American who is genuinely concerned about the future of this great nation to look at these articles and to tell me that racism does not exist, or that it is not a problem. The American legacy is a shared legacy. African Americans have served in every war in which America has fought. Blacks and whites have stood side by side in everything from driving the British from American soil to taming the west. Harmony and equality are our destiny. No matter how hard we fight it or try to deny it, one day we will all stand together as ``one nation, under God, indivisible.'' I would like to close with a quotation from George Santayana. ``Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.'' Hopefully, this effort will make it impossible for future Americans to forget our Nation's less than honorable days. Racial Beating Case Judge Receives Death Threat (By Mike Robinson, Associated Press Writer) Chicago (AP)--A judge who sentenced a white youth to prison for an attack on a 13-year-old black boy has received an apparent death threat and now is under round-the-clock police protection. Circuit Judge Daniel Locallo says he won't be intimidated by the threat, which was apparently made last month. ``I'm going to continue to do the job that I was elected to do,'' Locallo said Tuesday in a telephone interview with The Associated Press. He sentenced Frank Caruso, 19, to eight years in prison for the March 1997 beating that left Lenard Clark in a coma. The youngster, who was bicycling in a white neighborhood at the time of the beating, continues to suffer brain damage as a result of the attack. Prosecutors say race was the sole motive. President Clinton condemned the beating in a national address. Caruso was found guilty of aggravated battery after a trial. Two others arrested for the attack were placed on probation under plea bargains. The existence of the death threat was reported Monday night by Channel 7 News in Chicago and in Tuesday's editions of the Chicago Tribune. The FBI said in a statement that ``during January 1999 information was received . . . which indicated that a possible threat had been made against the life of Cook County Circuit Court Judge Daniel Locallo.'' The FBI is continuing to investigate the alleged threat.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, today I pay tribute in memory of a dear friend who recently passed away, Mrs. Lillian West- Adams. Mrs. West-Adams was indeed a friend to me and many people in her community and will be missed by all. Mrs. West-Adams was born December 17, 1940 in Bolton, MS. She was the third of four children. Her education began in the elementary and secondary schools of Hinds County Public School System. She went on to receive a Bachelor of Science Degree in Home Economics from Alcorn College in Lorman, MS. She left Alcorn for Chicago after receiving her degree. It was there where Lillian accepted a teaching position with the Chicago Board of Education. It was also in Chicago where she met and later married Mr. Lonnie E. Adams. This union was blessed with one daughter, Larissa J. Adams. Education and enriching the lives of young people became her lifelong commitment. Mrs. West-Adams will always be remembered as a warm and giving person. Whether it was her family, friends or community, she was willing to go the extra mile. In closing Mr. Speaker, I would like to say that Mrs. Lillian West-Adams made a tremendous contribution to the future of America by imparting knowledge to countless numbers of young people. My prayers go out to her family.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, today I pay tribute to Mr. Robert J. Hawthorne who passed away on February 19, 1999. Mr. Hawthorne was a motivator, educator, and served as a positive role model for many of the youths in his community. Mr. Hawthorne received his early education at Jackson Lanier High School. Upon completion, he entered Tougaloo College, my alma mater, in Tougaloo, MS. Mr. Hawthorne's stay at Tougaloo was temporarily put on hold in order for him to serve his country in the United States Army. After being discharged from the service, he returned to Tougaloo College and received his degree. In the early 1960's, Mr. Hawthorne moved to the Delta where he embarked on a 36-year teaching and coaching career in the Hollandale School District in Hollandale, MS. The highlight of Mr. Hawthorne's career came when he was inducted into the Mississippi Association of Coaches Hall of Fame. Over the 36-year span, Mr. Hawthorne compiled a football record of 154-110-13 including several conference and district championships. In addition to coaching football, Mr. Hawthorne contributed to the boys and girls basketball teams and the boys and girls track teams. The fruits of Mr. Hawthorne's labor of love have resulted in his athletes going on to become doctors, lawyers, teachers, politicians and successful business persons. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Hawthorne was truly an asset to the Second Congressional District of Mississippi. He served as a pillar of strength and hope for young people in the Mississippi Delta. If there ever was an example for a role model, Mr. Hawthorne would certainly fit the bill. He will be surely missed by all.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, it gives me extreme pleasure to stand before you and recognize the accomplishments and success of one of Mississippi's finest basketball coaches, Coach Davey Whitney, men's head basketball coach at Alcorn State University. Coach Whitney was the first coach to lead a team from a historically black college or university (HBCU) to victory in the NCAA and NIT tournaments. Alcorn State University, located in Lorman, Mississippi, was once known as a basketball powerhouse under the guidance of Coach Whitney. During his first stint as head coach, the Braves enjoyed 17 straight winning seasons, nine Southwestern Athletic Conference (SWAC) titles, three National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) tournament appearances and two National Invitational Tournament (NIT) appearances. Then Coach Whitney retired. Three years ago he was called upon to return and revive the winning program. Through hard work by Coach Whitney and his staff, along with the dedication of this young talented ball club, the Braves are currently enjoying their best season since 1986, the last time Alcorn won the SWAC title. Therefore, it is only fitting that in 1999, while Coach Whitney is on the brink of accomplishing that same goal with the very same program, that I take time out to recognize him. At the age of 69, Coach Whitney's goal this time around is to get the basketball program back on its feet and train someone to replace him. Although some may view this as a wise decision, I know that there are many Braves fans out there who are lobbying for him to stay for as long as he wants. Mr. Speaker, Coach Whitney exemplifies college basketball in every way. His track record shows that he has what it takes to be successful and stay successful in college basketball. Keep up the good work Coach and the best of luck to you and your ball club as you continue on your quest for greatness.

Mr. THOMPSON

Mr. THOMPSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak on the behalf of my country and my party. I do not come to this floor easily--indeed, I am disheartened that we are here today debating impeachment while our Armed Forces are engaged in fighting in the Middle East. I am disheartened that a distortion of the legal facts has brought us to this point today. Impeachment of a President according to the Constitution can only occur when that individual is guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors. I strongly feel President Clinton has neither violated the fundamental principles of the Constitution nor is he guilty of a high crime or misdemeanor. He has not threatened the security of our nation and this impeachment is not based on treason, bribery or a threat to our democracy. This impeachment is based on partisan party politics. Let me remind those who support impeacment that the presumption of innocence until proven guilty is central and basic to our system of justice. This impeachment is predicated on perjury which has not been proven. I urge my colleagues to remember the words of Martin Luther King, Jr., who said from his cell in the Birmingham jail--``injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere . . . whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.'' Mr. Livingston's resignation proves the effect of his injustices affecting his status. As in all prior impeachments, the allegations concerned official misconduct not private misbehavior. In all of American history, no official has been impeached for misbehavior unrelated to his offical responsibilities. The Founding Fathers did not intend impeachment or the threat of impeachment to serve as a device for nullifying a duly elected President just because Members of Congress disagree with him. Again, I say the President has not committed a crime or misdemeanor and should not be impeached. In face of this turbulent time for America, Bob Livingston's decision to resign from Congress and relinquish his position as Speaker of the House only demonstrates his personal shame for his own misdeeds. His action does not lend any credence to this procedure against the President. America is a great county. I hope this impeachment, this attempted coup d'etat, does not begin a downward slide to our economy, our image, and our morale. I urge my colleagues to vote against impeachment.

Mr. THOMPSON

Mr. THOMPSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend Ms. Mary Tullis of Rosedale, Mississippi. Ms. Tullis is a shining example for both recipients of public assistance and government policy makers of the ability for hard-working people to escape welfare when provided with the proper community support. No longer requiring public assistance, Ms. Tullis was recently awarded a ``Success Story Award'' by the United States Small Business Administration. She is now serving as a student assistant for the Center for Community Development, which is cosponsored by the SBA and the Small Business Development Center at Delta State, and will be applying for a position as a graduate assistant in the 1999 Spring Semester. Ms. Tullis has been attending Delta State University for the past 3 years and will graduate with a major in Sociology in December. She is on the Dean's List and has been named a Faculty Scholar. Once in graduate school, Ms. Tullis hopes to write her thesis on matters relating to ``Welfare, Women and Education: Attaining and Sustaining Financial Independence.'' Ms. Tullis sets an example not just as a dedicated worker, but also as a superb parent. She is 47 years old, single, and a mother of 11 children ranging from 9 to 32 years old. Five of her children are in college, one is on scholarship at Yale University and another is almost a senior on scholarship at a boarding school in New England. Two of her children have already received degrees, one in Nursing and the other in Law and Economics. In addition to her individual achievements, Ms. Tullis has unselfishly sought to assist other public assistance recipients in following her course. A volunteer for numerous community services, she has recently been selected to be a member of the Americorps Delta Service Corps. Her work in the Delta Service Corps will include educating and promoting community awareness in the values of being a volunteer, and she will also assist in creating the Community Service Projects and Signature Projects to locate resources which can be used for further development. Mr. Speaker, I commend Ms. Tullis for her outstanding achievements, and I would also like to complement Delta State and all the community service organizations which provided her with support in her persistent drive towards independence. Together they are a model of what can be achieved in this nation through community support and individual effort.

Mr. THOMPSON

Mr. THOMPSON. Mr. Speaker, I stand here before you today to pay tribute to a man who has given 40 years of unwavering and committed public service, Mayor Marion Barry, Jr. This year marks the end of an unprecedented public service career which includes four terms as Mayor of Washington, D.C. Born a sharecropper's son in Itta Bena, Mississippi, Marion Barry has truly risen and triumphed over many obstacles in his life. He will take a well-deserved rest this year from an astonishing public service record. However, he will always be remembered as a mover, shaker and innovator in the hearts of the people of Washington, D.C. Mayor Barry's launch into public service was spirited by his long term commitment to the civil rights movement. In 1960, Mayor Barry and a group of concerned students from throughout the United States formed the Student Non-Violent Coordination Committee (SNCC) in order to take a moral stand against the forces of prejudice and segregation in the south. SNCC chose Marion as its first national chairman, and he moved to the District of Columbia in 1965 as their director and the rest is history. In 1971, Mayor Barry was elected to the D.C. Board of Education and served as Board President for three years. In 1974, he was elected to hold an at-large-city council seat on the city's first elected council after more than a century of non representations. As a member of the council, he chaired the Committee on Finance and Revenue which gave him a deep understanding for the first needs of his city. In 1978, against two strong opponents and with unshakable enthusiasm, he was elected Mayor of the District of Columbia, a seat to which he was elected Mayor of the District of Columbia, a seat to which he was overwhelmingly returned twice more throughout the 1980's. As Mayor of Washington, D.C., he was an imaginative and visionary leader who accomplished many things. Among them was the institution of a jobs program for city youth which became a nationwide model and lead to the founding of the Mayor Barry, Jr. Youth Leadership Institute. He also developed housing for low to moderate income families, established day care centers for government employees with children, and encouraged the advancement of business throughout the city. Mr. Speaker, there is a series of planned events across Washington, D.C. to pay tribute to Mayor Barry, the Mayor, the Man, the Legend. I am proud to be a part of this effort and I wish him the best in his future endeavors.

Mr. THOMPSON

Mr. THOMPSON. Mr. Speaker, as you know, there are a variety of different manners through which eligibility for public assistance programs are limited according to income and resources. Unfortunately, these complex procedures often produce unwanted effects. I have particular concerns with the manner in which eligibility for public assistance programs is affected by savings accrued through the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC). The legislation I will introduce today, the ``Asset-Building for Working Americans Act,'' will seek to correct these problems. While the Asset-Building for Working Americans Act may undergo some changes before next year, I hope this original draft will stimulate a productive debate and suggestions for possible improvement before its reintroduction in the 106th Congress. Existing income and resource limitations governing eligibility for Supplemental Security Income (SSI), Medicaid, and public housing disregard money saved from EITC payments for two months. At the end of these two months, working families must spend their EITC payment in order to prevent losing their eligibility for these programs. As a result, working families may miss the opportunity to build the savings needed to accrue enough assets to escape poverty permanently. The Asset-Building for Working Americans Act corrects this unfortunate situation by adjusting the resource limitations for SSI, Medicaid, and public housing to disregard savings made through the EITC for 12 months--the same provision governing the eligibility for food stamps at the present time. The bill will also encourage states to define eligibility for Temporary Aid to Needy Families payments in the same manner. Permitting families to save their EITC payments for up to a year and still remain eligible for these public assistance programs would allow low-income working families to live and raise their children in health and safety while saving money for long-term security. In effect, families could save two EITC payments rather than just one--up to $4,304 for a family of three. Once these two annual EITC payments make such a family ineligible for public assistance under the new resource limitations proposed in my bill, the family would have saved the money needed to take good steps towards building a better future, such as starting a small business; getting an education; or making a down payment towards a first home. The Asset-Building for Working Americans Act does not encourage increased government handouts or dependence. It will instead encourage working Americans to save their EITC payments for the future by assuring them of access to the temporary assistance needed at the present. The Asset-Building for Working Americans Act is a good first step towards encouraging low-income families to look towards tomorrow today, and I encourage my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to work with me in support of it during the next Congress.

Mr. THOMPSON

Mr. THOMPSON. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Berry) who did a lot of work to get this bill to where it is now.