John Thune

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I understand that there are four bills at the desk, and I ask for their first reading en bloc.

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I now ask for a second reading, and I object to my own request, all en bloc.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, today, we mark 4 years since the Supreme Court's Dobbs decision, the landmark Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade and returning the question of abortion to the people and their elected representatives. Roe was, quite simply, terrible constitutional law--a fact that has been acknowledged by legal scholars across the political spectrum--and the Dobbs decision reversed this decades-old error and made it clear that Roe's supposed constitutional right to an abortion simply didn't exist. I am proud to have fought, along with my Republican colleagues, to put Justices on the Supreme Court who focus on interpreting the law and the Constitution, instead of creating new constitutional law out of thin air, as the Justices did in Roe. It is fitting that the Dobbs decision occurs close to our Nation's birthday, July 4, the anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. As we prepare to celebrate the 250th birthday of the declaration--the 250th birthday of our country--the proximity of these two anniversaries has been on my mind. The declaration lays out the fundamental principles underlying our system of government, and no lines are more important than these: We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. ``That among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.'' ``Unalienable rights''--rights given by God, rights that come before government and that government is required to protect. ``All Men are created equal . . . [and] endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights.'' As our country knows, to its sorrow, we haven't always lived up to the principles of the declaration, and the sad truth is that, when it comes to unborn Americans, we are failing to live up to those principles today because, in State after State around this country, it is legal to kill unborn human beings--unborn Americans--in some cases, up until the point of birth--up until the point of birth. These babies--these human beings--will never have a chance to enjoy the rest of their unalienable rights because they are denied their most fundamental right while they are still in their infancy. This is not, of course, something you will hear from my Democrat colleagues when they attempt to defend abortion. You won't hear about the baby whose rights are at stake. In fact, my Democrat colleagues do everything they can to obscure the baby in this debate. They mention women and ``healthcare'' and ``reproductive freedom,'' as if killing an innocent person could ever, ever be something we are free to do. And they never mention the other person in question, which is the unborn human being who was sacrificed in every abortion--probably because they know, at some level, that supporting the killing of an innocent human being is indefensible and completely incompatible with our Nation's creed. And let's be very clear here. When we talk about abortion, we are talking about the killing of a human being. Everyone knows this. Even my Democratic colleagues know this, although they might like to gloss over the fact. You don't even need to have seen a baby kicking her feet and sucking her thumb on an ultrasound to know that she is human because human moms and human dads have other human beings. That is Biology 101. No, the question isn't whether the unborn baby is a human being. The question is whether we value that human being, whether we really believe our American creed. We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all [--all--] Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life. . . . Do we really believe that, or do we believe that it is OK to say that some human beings are more important than others, that some human beings can be sacrificed for others? I would hope history has taught us it is a very dangerous thing to say that some groups of human beings are not worthy of protection. I am proud to be from a State that has extended the full protection of the law to unborn human beings, that has recognized that unborn Americans are also created equal and endowed by their Creator with unalienable rights. I am proud to have supported, sponsored, and cosponsored pro-life legislation here in Congress. The overturning of Roe has opened the door to substantive pro-life legislation, and Republicans in Congress are going to keep up the fight for real protections for unborn Americans. I am very proud that with the Working Families Tax Cut, Congress enacted the first pro-life law in decades. Thanks to Republicans' landmark legislation this year, some of the Nation's largest abortion providers, including Planned Parenthood, were prohibited from receiving Federal Medicaid funding. Organizations that have turned the killing of babies into a business were cut off from this source of taxpayer dollars. The Dobbs decision was a landmark decision because it opened the door for full protection of the unalienable rights of unborn Americans, but there is a lot more work to be done. The Democrat Party fights tooth and nail to ensure that even the most commonsense measures--like measures to protect babies who survive abortions or to ensure that pregnant college students are aware that they have alternatives to abortion--do not make it through Congress. And, currently, mail-order abortion drugs are flooding into States in defiance of the law--thanks to the Biden administration's decision to loosen restrictions on these drugs--despite the fact that they pose a danger to women, as well as obviously to the babies. So as I said, the fight to protect the right to life for all Americans continues, and I and my Republican colleagues will continue to do everything we can here in Congress to support moms and to protect babies. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all--[all]-- men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. May the day soon come when we fully live up to that creed. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to waive the mandatory quorum calls with respect to the Marck, Hendershot, and Jones nominations.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that notwithstanding rule XXII, the cloture motion with respect to Executive Calendar No. 776 ripen following disposition of Calendar No. 432, S.J. Res. 196; further, that if cloture is invoked, all postcloture time be expired at 12 noon on Tuesday, July 14, and the Senate vote on confirmation of the nomination at a time to be determined by the majority leader in consultation with the Democratic leader on Tuesday, July 14; finally, that if the nomination is confirmed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to waive the mandatory quorum call with respect to the Schwartz nomination.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I move to proceed to Calendar No. 436, S. 4784.

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that all postcloture time be expired on the Jones nomination and that the Senate proceed to executive session and vote on confirmation of the nomination at 5:30 p.m. on Monday, July 13; further, that if the nomination is confirmed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it stand adjourned to then convene for pro forma session only, with no business being conducted, on the following dates and times: Thursday, June 25, at 9 a.m.; Monday, June 29, at 3:45 p.m.; Thursday, July 2, at 12:30 p.m.; Monday, July 6, at 9 a.m.; Thursday, July 9, at 4 p.m.; further, that when the Senate adjourns on Thursday, July 9, it stand adjourned until 3 p.m. on Monday, July 13; that following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the morning hour be deemed expired, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, morning business be closed, and the Senate proceed to executive session and resume consideration of the Schwartz nomination, postcloture.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate be in a period of morning business for the purposes of the majority leader to make a motion to proceed to the consideration of Calendar No. 415, S.J. Res. 185, only.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I move to proceed to Calendar No. 415, S.J. Res. 185.

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that all Members of the Republican conference be authorized to sign duly enrolled bills or joint resolutions from June 25 through July 13.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that, notwithstanding the upcoming adjournment of the Senate, the President of the Senate, the President pro tempore, and the majority and minority leaders be authorized to make appointments to commissions, committees, boards, conferences, or interparliamentary conferences authorized by law, by concurrent action of the two Houses, or by order of the Senate.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I understand that there is a bill at the desk due for a second reading.

Mr. THUNE. In order to place the bill on the calendar under provisions of rule XIV, I would object to further proceeding.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now proceed to the en bloc consideration of the following resolutions, which are at the desk: S. Res. 792, S. Res. 793, and S. Res. 794.

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolutions be agreed to, the preambles be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, all en bloc.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 795, which was submitted earlier today.

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I know of no further debate on the resolution.