John Thune

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Madam President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 61.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Madam President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now proceed to the en bloc consideration of the following resolutions, which are at the desk: S. Res. 155, S. Res. 156, and S. Res. 157.

Mr. THUNE. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolutions be agreed to, the preambles be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, all en bloc.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it stand adjourned until 3 p.m. on Monday, April 7; that following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date; the morning hour be deemed expired; the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day; and the Senate be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each; further, that notwithstanding rule XXII, at 5:30 p.m. the Senate vote on the motion to invoke cloture on Executive Calendar No. 56, Elbridge Colby.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Madam President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask that it stand adjourned under the provisions of S. Res. 155.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, as early as today, we expect to take up a budget resolution that will lay the groundwork for delivering on the Republican agenda. This resolution is the first step toward a final bill to make permanent the tax relief we implemented in 2017 and deliver a transformational investment in our border, national and energy security--all accompanied by substantial savings measures and commonsense reforms to our government. And at the prospect of this, Democrats are losing their minds. Their opposition to the 2017 tax relief, of course, is well known. Since the day the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act was passed, and before, Democrats have attempted to mischaracterize--and some would say flatout lie--about this legislation. In fact, the Washington Post Fact Checker has repeatedly issued three- and four-Pinocchio responses to Democrats' claims, which center around the falsehood that the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act was about handouts to corporations and billionaires. The truth, of course, is not only did the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act cut taxes for every income group, but it was working families--working families--not the wealthy, who received the greatest proportional benefit. Let me just repeat that: The truth is that not only did the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act cut tax rates for every income group, but it was working families, and not the wealthy, who received the greatest proportional benefit. Those are the facts. But, of course, the facts have not gotten in the way of Democrats continuing to claim that extending this tax relief is about handouts to billionaires. The Democrats' latest hysteria is centered around the application of budget rules we will use for this week's budget resolution. They claim that using current policy baseline is somehow destroying Senate rules, even though the 1974 Congressional Budget Act, which governs this budget resolution, clearly states that it is the chairman of the Senate Budget Committee who determines the budget baseline used for budget resolutions. The senior Senator from Vermont, who caucuses with the Democrats, confirmed that it is the chairman's role in a 2022 report when he was chairman of the Senate Budget Committee. And, of course, Democrats themselves have previously advocated for the use of a current policy baseline. They basically invented it back in 1977, shortly after the Budget Act was enacted. Chairman Muskie, a Democrat from Maine and chairman of the Budget Committee, used a current policy baseline in his budget resolution because he thought it represented a more realistic benchmark. More recently, President Obama's fiscal year 2013 budget assumed $4.5 trillion of expiring tax cuts would be extended in the Democrat's baseline, matching current policy at the time. Jump forward to the Biden administration's most recent budget, in which Democrats explained that: Adjustments to the . . . baseline are needed to better represent the deficit outlook under current policy and to serve as a more appropriate benchmark against which to measure policy changes. So using the current policy baseline is not some bizarre new gimmick. I should also note, of course, that the Senate Parliamentarian has deemed the Senate budget resolution, which uses the current policy baseline, in order and ready for floor consideration. Democrats' sudden concern for saving money and protecting the character of the Senate is touching. Who would have guessed that the party that was so eager to tear down a fundamental Senate institution, mere months ago, by killing the Senate filibuster would suddenly develop such a passionate interest in defending the character of the Senate? But their hysteria is misplaced. I do understand that Democrats are uncomfortable with the idea of tax relief. When you think that government knows best and when your enthusiasm for new government programs is virtually unlimited, it is no surprise you would prefer to maximize the flow of taxpayer dollars to the government. But Republicans believe, fundamentally, that Americans know best what to do with their money. And so no matter how many times Democrats attempt to distort or outright lie about what we are trying to do here, Republicans intend to deliver a permanent extension of the tax relief that we passed in 2017. Failing to extend this tax relief would result in a $2.6 trillion tax increase on those making less than $400,000 a year, as well as a $600 billion tax increase on small businesses. A typical family of four making $80,000 a year would end up sending an additional $1,700 to the government next year--$1,700. I am quite sure they have better uses for that money than sending it to Uncle Sam. I said ``make this tax relief permanent,'' and I do mean permanent. Senate Republicans are united with the President in viewing a temporary extension as unacceptable. Americans should not have to live in fear of a tax hike every few years. And small businesses, including family farms and ranches, like those in my home State of South Dakota, need certainty about the tax outlook so they can plan for the future. Making the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act permanent will ensure that Americans' take- home pay does not go down, and it will have significant economic benefits. The National Federation of Independent Business reports that making the small business section 199A deduction permanent would result in the creation of an additional 1.2 million jobs annually, with that number climbing as the law goes on. And the Tax Foundation reports that long-run gross domestic product would increase by a substantial 1.1 percent. That means more jobs and more opportunities for American workers and, interestingly enough, increasing Federal revenues, to the tune of about $3 trillion, which is the right way--the right way--by growing the economy. When the economy is growing and expanding, people are working, they are making money, they are taking realizations, they are paying taxes. And do you know what? Government revenue goes up, not down, which is exactly what we experienced when we passed the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, 8 years ago now. As I said earlier, it was working families, not the wealthy, who received the greatest proportional benefit from that Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, and it is working families, not the wealthy, who will see the greatest proportional benefit for making this tax relief permanent. We are here to make sure that hard-working Americans have more breathing room, to make sure that our economy is providing them with jobs and opportunities and that they are not facing lower paychecks next year. I was proud to help draft the 2017 tax relief and put more money in American families' pockets, and I look forward to permanently extending it in the near future. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I move to proceed to Calendar No. 38, H. Con. Res. 14.

Mr. THUNE. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, notwithstanding rule XXII, I ask unanimous consent that confirmation of the Sauer and Dhillon nominations be at a time to be determined by the majority leader, in consultation with the Democratic Leader, during Thursday's session of the Senate.

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, just over 2 weeks ago, the Senate passed the HALT Fentanyl Act with bipartisan support. As I said at the time, this bill joins other efforts to combat the fentanyl crisis that is taking so many lives in our country. But now Democrats seem to want to take a step backward in that fight. They want to end the emergency that President Trump declared that addresses the flow of fentanyl across the northern border from Canada. Fentanyl moves in a sophisticated supply chain. Precursor chemicals are shipped from China to North America--landing in Mexico, Canada, and the United States. Those chemicals are then used to produce fentanyl, which is smuggled into the United States across borders or sent through the mail. Now, much of the fentanyl that comes into the United States comes from the southern border from Mexico. And I am glad that President Trump has taken swift action to secure the border with Mexico and address the flow of drugs across that border. But we would be wrong to view this as solely a southern border problem. The reality is that fentanyl production is growing in Canada. One 30-year veteran of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police specializing in transnational crime said: Canada is a significant platform for transnational networks and one of the most concerning threats for synthetic narcotic production and exportation to our allies, including the U.S. Canada's financial intelligence agency has identified about 100 organized crime groups involved in fentanyl production in the country. That is four times--four times--as many as there were in 2022. Canadian law enforcement has raided drug ``super labs''--sophisticated fentanyl production facilities that may have links to the cartels. For now, most fentanyl from Canada enters the United States in small amounts--often through the mail. But as one cartel member told ``60 Minutes'' last month, cartels are already smuggling fentanyl across our northern border. So what will happen if we focus on fentanyl coming across the southern border and from China but fail to address the northern border component of this crisis? Will the cartels simply shift tactics and expand their operations to the north? I think we can be confident the answer to that question is yes. We have already seen some illegal immigrants attempt that shift when faced with stricter security measures at the southern border. And last week, the FBI Director warned the House Intelligence Committee that our enemies will adapt to security measures at the southern border by shifting resources to the northern border. If we are serious about ending the fentanyl crisis in America, we need to address the entirety of the crisis. We are not going to solve the problem by going after just part of it. Ending this emergency declaration will tell the cartels that they should shift their focus to the northern border. So I urge my colleagues to oppose this resolution and ensure that President Trump has the tools that he needs to combat the flow of fentanyl from all directions. This is the second resolution seeking to end an emergency that the Senate has considered in the last few weeks. Last time, it was ending the national energy emergency. Now it is ending an emergency related to fentanyl. The American people recognize that these are legitimate crises and that they warrant an aggressive response. President Trump and Republicans promised that we would unleash American energy and end the lawlessness at our borders, and we intend to keep those promises. I yield the floor.

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that, with respect to S.J. Res. 37, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask that it stand adjourned under the previous order, following the rollcall vote on the motion to proceed to H.J. Res. 24.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I understand the Senate has received H.J. Res. 24 from the House.

Mr. THUNE. I move to proceed to H.J. Res. 24.

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it stand adjourned until 10 a.m. on Thursday, April 3; that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and morning business be closed; that notwithstanding rule XXII, the Senate resume consideration of H.J. Res. 24, that all time be expired on the joint resolution at 11 a.m. and the Senate vote on the passage of the joint resolution; further, that following the disposition of the joint resolution, the Senate proceed to executive session and resume Calendar No. 46 and the Senate execute the order of April 2 in relation to the Sauer nomination; and following the disposition of the Sauer nomination, that the Senate vote on the motion to invoke cloture on Calendar No. 53, Mehmet Oz; further, that notwithstanding rule XXII, it be in order for Senator Sanders to make two motions to discharge S.J. Res. 33 and S.J. Res. 26 and that the Senate vote on the motions to discharge in the order listed, if made, at 2:30 p.m.; further, that following the disposition of the motion to discharge S.J. Res. 26, if cloture is invoked on the Oz nomination, the Senate vote on confirmation of the nomination; and following confirmation, that the Senate execute the order of April 2 in relation to the Dhillon nomination; finally, that if any nominations are confirmed during Thursday's session, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I have nine requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate: committee on commerce, science, and transportation The Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 2, 2025, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. committee on energy and natural resources The Committee on Energy and Natural Resources is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 2, 2025, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing on nominations. committee on environment and public works The Committee on Environment and Public Works is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 2, 2025, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. committee on foreign relations The Committee on Foreign Relations is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 2, 2025, at 10 a.m., to conduct an executive business meeting. committee on the judiciary The Committee on the Judiciary is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 2, 2025, at 10:15 a.m., to conduct a hearing. committee on indian affairs The Committee on Indian Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 2, 2025, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing. committee on small business and entrepreneurship The Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 2, 2025, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a business meeting. committee on small business and entrepreneurship The Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 2, 2025, at 2:30 p.m., to reconvene its business meeting to consider nominations. select committee on intelligence The Select Committee on Intelligence is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, April 2, 2025, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a closed briefing.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, work on the President's nominations continues apace. Last week, we confirmed nine members of the President's administration, including the Secretary of the Navy, an Assistant Attorney General, and Deputy Secretaries of Treasury, State, and Veterans Affairs. The President's Cabinet Secretaries, of course, are all in place. And tonight, we will be voting to invoke cloture on Matthew Whitaker to be the U.S. Permanent Representative to NATO, and I expect to confirm additional nominees this week as well. A huge focus early on in any new Congress, with a newly elected President, is filling out the President's administration. We have also been focused on the agenda the President and Republicans were elected to deliver. In the very near future, we will be taking up a budget resolution to lay the groundwork for legislation to make the 2017 tax relief permanent, secure the border, unleash American energy, and provide for our Nation's defense. And all of that will be accompanied by substantial savings measures. And on the subject of maximizing savings, I just want to be very clear: The House and the Senate are united in aiming to do all we can on this. Sure, the instructions we give to our separate committees, which are responsible for finding those savings, may look a little bit different. But that is not because we don't have a shared commitment to cutting wasteful government spending and saving taxpayer dollars. That is simply a function of Senate rules. In the Senate, if we fail to meet a single savings instruction--even by a dollar--we lose our ability to consider the legislation under reconciliation rules and the simple majority threshold. So we have to be careful not to miss the mark on this and to provide flexibility as we chart our bicameral course. But that won't stop us from maximizing savings. Again, on that point, we are committed. But back to the bill that we will be moving forward. As I said, the budget resolution we will take up will lay the groundwork for legislation to make the 2017 tax cuts permanent. The 2017 tax relief we passed put more money in American families' pockets with the largest proportional share of the tax relief going to the middle class. And if we don't act to extend this relief, American families will be taking home lower paychecks next year. Along with the President, Senate Republicans are committed to ensuring that we not only extend this relief, but that we make it permanent. Americans should not have to worry about their tax relief expiring every few years. In addition to making this relief permanent, the bill will also, as I said, invest in securing our border, unleashing American energy, and defending our Nation. After years of chaos at our southern border under President Biden and after years of deficiencies in our military readiness, it is time for a serious investment in border and national security. As I have said before, if we don't get national security right, Mr. President, the rest is just conversation. It is past time to address the deficiencies in our military readiness and to ensure that the good work President Trump is doing to secure the border and remove criminals from our streets can continue. I am looking forward to taking up our budget resolution in the very near future so that we can deliver permanent tax relief for Americans, provide certainty to the economy, and make a transformational investment in border, energy, and national security. It is going to be a great bill. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 46.

Mr. THUNE

Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.